//-/- 


LIBRAEY 

OF    THE 

Theological    Seminary, 

PRINCETON,    N.  J. 


Case, ^r.^nn^anf^! 

Shelf.      jtjSj....^T.. 
Booh s,     Y [} \._C—rr 


THE 


HISTORY 


OF        THE 


REVOLUTION 


I      N 


SOUTH-CAROLINA. 


VOL.        II. 


THE 


HISTORY 


OF        THE 


REVOLUTION 


O      F 


SOUTH -CAROLINA, 


FROM     A     BRITISH     PROVINCE 


TO    AN    INDEPENDENT    STATE. 

/ 
By    DAVID'RAMSA  Y,    M.    D. 

MEMBER    OF    THE    AMERICAN    CONGRESS. 


IN     TWO     VOL  U  M  E  S. 


V  O  L.         II. 


T     R     E     N     T     O     N: 

PRINTED    BY    ISAAC    COLLINS. 

M.DCOLXXXV. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2011  with  funding  from 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary  Library 


http://www.archive.org/details/historyofrevolut02rams 


TABLE  of  CONTENTS 


OF        THE 


SECOND      VOLUME. 


CHAPTER     EIGHTH. 

Of  the  reduction  of  Savannah,  the  fubfequent  incurfions  into 
South-Carolina  from  Georgia,  and  the  attack  on  Savan- 
nah by  the  French  and  Americans. 

Page 

GEORGIA  invaded  from  Eaft-Florida,  i  —3 

Invaders  repulfed,  3 

Again  invaded  from  New-York,  4 — 6 

Savannah  taken  by  lieutenant-colonel  Campbell,  6 

Treatment  of  American  prifoners  taken  there,        6 — 7 
General  Prevoft  arrives  from  Eaft-Florida,   and 

takes  the  command  in  Savannah,  7 — 8 

States  of  South  and  North-Carolina  prepare  to 

oppofe  the  Britifh  in  Georgia,  8 

Reinforcement    from     North-Carolina    delayed 

near  Charlefton  for  want  of  arms,  8 — 9 

General  Lincoln  appointed  to  command   in  the 

fouthern  ftates,  9 — 10 

Prefident  Lowndes's  proclamation,  ib. 

His  fpeech  to  the  affembly  of  South-Carolina,      10 — 11 
Their  anfwer,  11 — 12 

General  Lincoln  encamps  at  Puryfburg— is  re- 
fa  inforced 


(     vi     ) 

Page 

inforced  by  militia— their  character,  n — 12 

Major  Gardiner  lands  on  Port-Royal  ifland,  ib. 

Is  attacked  and  defeated  by  general  Moultrie,  13 

Britifh  erect  pofts  at  Ebenezer  and  Augufta,  ib. 

Encourage  the  tories  to  an  infurredtion,  14 
The  tories  embody,  and  are  defeated   at  Kettle 
creek  by   col.   Pickins— their  party  difperfed, 

and  their  ring-leaders  executed,  14 — 16 

General  Lincoln  propofes  to  invade  Georgia,  ib. 
General  Afh  crones  the  river  Savannah,  and  is 

furprized  at  Briar  creek,  ib. — 17 

Two  American  gallies  loft  at  Puryfburgh,  ib. 

Exertions  of  the  anembly  of  South-Carolina,  18 — 19 
A  regiment  of  cavalry  raifed— J.  Rutledge,  efq. 

elected  governor— Militia  camp  at  Orangeburgh,  ib. 
General  Lincoln  croffes  into  Georgia,  20 
General  Prevoft  crones  into  South-Carolina,  20 — 21 
General  Moultrie  retreats  to  Charlefton,  22 — 24 
Britifh  appear  before  Charlefton,  24 — 25 
General  Pulafki  arrives  and  engages  the  ad- 
vance of  the  Britifh  on  Charlefton  Neck,  25 — 26 
Major  Benjamin  Huger  killed,  ib. 
Propofition  of  neutrality  made  to  the  Britifh 

when  before  the  lines  of  Charlefton,  27 
Britifh  retreat— furprize  the  guard  at  mr.  Ma- 
thews, on  John's  ifland,  28 — 29 
General  Lincoln  returns  to  South-Carolina,  ib. 
Battle  at  Stono— Britifh  retreat,  29 — 31 
Plunderings  and  devaftations  of  the  Britifh,  32 — 34 
Count  D'Eftaing  arrives,  34 — 35 
Demands  the  furrender  of  Savannah,  36 
Siege  of  Savannah,  37 — 39 
French   and    Americans   aflault   the   lines   of 

Savannah,   and  are  repulfed,  39 — 40 
French  troops  re-embark,  and  leave  the  con- 
tinent, 41 


C      vii      ) 

Page 
Diftrefs  of  the  ftate  of  Georgia,  42 

Captain  French  taken  by  colonel  John  "White,        42 — 43 
Reflections  on  the  campaign  of  1779,  43 — 44 

CHAPTER      NINTH. 

Of  the    reduction   of  Charlefton,   and  the  operations   in  the 
country  during  the  fieve. 


j     j — 7   — - 

ountry  during  the  Jiege. 


45 


General  Clinton's  expedition  againft  Charlef- 

ton, 
Caufes  of  the  backwardnefs  of  the  inhabitants 

to  defend  Charlefton,  45 — 47 
Royal  army  arrives  and  lands  near  Charlef- 
ton, ib. 
Efforts  to  draw  forth  the  militia,  48 
Lieutenant-colonel    Ternant     applies   to    the 

governor  of  the  Havannah  for  aid,  ib. 
Preparations    made    by    the    Britifh   for    the 

fiege  of  Charlefton,  48 — 49 

By  the  Americans  for  its  defence,  49 — 50 

The  Britifh  naval  force  crofs  the  bar,  ib. 

And  pafs  the  fort  on  Sullivan's  ifland,  51 

Charlefton  invefted,  54 — 55 

A  council  of  war  recommend  a  capitulation,  ib. 

Fort  Moultrie  furrenders,  56 

Inhabitants  petition  for  a  furrender,  58 — 59 
Reafons  juftifying  general  Lincoln  for  not 

evacuating  Charlefton,  59 — 60 
Confequences    of  the   protracted   defence   of 

Charlefton,  59 — 60 

Return  of  prifoners,  60 — 61 
Reafons  why  there  were  an  over  proportion 

of  officers,  ib. 

Lift  of  the  killed  and  wounded,  61 — 62 

Explofton 


] 

62- 

Page 
-6i 

63- 

-64 
ib. 

65- 

-66 

67 

ib. 

(   *t*I    ) 

Explofion  of  the  magazine, 

Lieutenant-rolonel  Tarleton  routs  fmall  par- 
ties of  cavalry, 

Attacks  American  cavalry  at  Monk's  Corner, 

Colonel  Anthony- Walton  White  attacked  by 
lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton  at  Santee, 

Plundering  of  the   Britifh, 

Diftreffes  of  the  negro  flaves, 

CHAPTER      TENTH. 


Of  the  navy,  trade,  paper  currency,  army,  militia,  and 
other  mifcellatieous  matters  in  South-Carolina,  chiejly 
prior  to  the  reduction  of  Charlejlon, 

Harbour  of  Charlefton    infefted    by  the  Tamar 

and  Cherokee,  68 

A  coafting  fchooner  armed,   called  the  Defence,  69 

The  Profper,  a  merchant  fhip,  alfo  armed,  and 

other  armed  velTels  fitted  out,  ib, 

A  navy  board  is  appointed,  69 — 70 

The  continental  frigate  Randolph  arrives  in 
Charlefton— fails  on  a  cruize  with  other  vef- 
fels,   and  is  blown  up,  70 — 7  \ 

Schooner  Rattlefnake  attacked  and  bravely  de- 
fended near  Stono,  71 — 72 

Alexander  Gillon  appointed  commodore— fails 
for  Europe  to  purchafe  or  build  three  fri- 
gates, ib- 

Hires  a  frigate  from  the  prince  of  Luxem- 
bourg, 73 

His  crew  fent  on  an  expedition  againft  the 
ifland  of  Jerfey—which  detains  him  for  a 
long  time  from  cruizing,  ib- 

Captures  fundry  prizes,  74 

Conduces 


(  >*  ) 


Page 


Conducts    eighty-two   fail    through    the    Provi- 
dence   channel,   and    affifts   in   reducing   the 
Bahama  iflands  under  the  crown  of  Spain— 
.  arrives  in  Philadelphia,  ib» 

The  frigate  is  there  fitted  out— captain  Joyner 
fails  in  her  on  a  cruize,  and  is  captured— 
the  lofs  to  the  ftate  of  South-Carolina  from 
this  undertaking,  ib. 

Trade  to  the  Weft-Indies  and  to  France  com- 
mences,  and  is  carried  on  by  new  hands,       74 — 75 
Its   advantages  and  extent,  76 

Is    injured  by  embargoes,  76 — 77 

The  paper  currency  retains  its  credit  longer   in 

South-Carolina  than  in  the  northern  ftates,  ib. 

The   advantages  of  it  to  the  inhabitants,  78 — 79 

Amount   of  ftate   emiffions,  80 

The  caufes  of  depreciation,  81 — 82 

The   injuries  refulting   to    the   publick    and   to 

individuals  from  the    depreciation,  83 — 85 

The  emiffions  of  April  1778,  and  of  May  1777, 

called  in— the  confequences   thereof,  '86 — 87 

Planters  raife  the  prices  of  their  produce,  87 — 88 

Efforts  made  by  the  government  to  preferve 
the  credit  of  the  currency— injuftice  of  the 
tender  law,  89 — 90 

Reaions  that  occafioned  it  to  take  place,  91 — 92 

Taxation    not    carried    far    enough    by    the 

planters,  92 — 93 

Britifh  make  a  fcale  of  depreciation,  '  94 — 96 

Paper  money  ceafes   to  circulate,  97 

People  acquiefce    in   the   publick   breach    of 

faith,  ib* 

War  proceeds  with  vigour  without  paper  mo- 
ney, 98 
Specie  is  imported— a  new  fyftem  of  finance 

is 


(   X  ) 


Pag? 


is  adopted— Robert  Morris  is  appointed 
fuperintendent  of  finance — and  renders 
great    fervices    to   the   United   States,  98 — 1 00 

South-Carolina  impofes  three  taxes  before  the 

fall   of  Charlefton,  100 — 10 1 

The  South-Carolina  regular  troops  are  at 
firff.  provincial,  afterwards  made  conti- 
nental, 1 01 — 102 

The  efforts  of  the  legiflature  to  fupport  and 

fill  their  regiments,  102 — 103 

The  efforts  made  by  South-Carolina  to  ob- 
tain effectual  fervices  from  the  militia,        104 — 105 

A  teft-oath  is  impofed,  106 

And  thofe  who  refufed  it   are  fent  off",  107 

CHAPTER     ELEVENTH. 

Of  the  methods  taken  by  the  Britifh  to  keep  pojfeffion  of 
Soiith-Carolinay  and  by  the  Americans  to  recover  it. 
Of  the  battle  of  Ca?ndeny  and  its  cofifequences — hang- 
ing the  revolted  fubjecls — banijhing  the  prifoners,  and 
fequef  ration  of  eflates. 

Britifh   poft  garrifons  over  South-Carolina,  108 

Lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton  attacks  and  de- 
feats lieutenant-colonel  Buford,  109 — no 
Britifh    commiffioners    offer    pardon    to    the 
inhabitants    on   their   fubmiffion   to   royal 
government,  1 1 1 
Inhabitants  generally  fubmit,                               in — 112 
Sir    Henry    Clinton    leaves     Carolina,     and 
lord    Cornwallis  is  appointed  to  command 
the    royal  forces  in  the    fouthern   ftates,                114 
Britifh  commanders  by  proclamation  call  on 
the   inhabitants  to  arm  and  fight  on   the 

fide 


(  *>   > 

Page 
fide  of  Great-Britain,  115 — 116 

Inhabitants  revolt   or  feign  fubmiffion,  116 — 117 

Methods  taken  to  make  the  inhabitants  of 
Charlefton  fubmit  to  the  royal  govern- 
ment, 117 — 123 

Several  refufe  fubmiffion,  ib. 

The  patriotifm  of  the  ladies  of  South-Ca- 
rolina, 123 — 125 

Methods   taken  by  the  Americans  to  revive 

opposition    to   Britifh  government,  125— -127 

Royalifts     embody    in    North-Carolina— fome 

are  defeated— others  join   the  Britifh,  127 — 129 

Colonel  Sumpter   heads  a   party— returns   to 

South-Carolina,  1 29 — 131 

Indignation  of  the  Britifh  againft  the  inha- 
bitants, 131 — 132 

Lord  Rawdon's  letter  to   major  Rugely,  132 — 134 

His  fe verities  to  the  inhabitants  near  Camden,   134 — 135 

Captain  Huck  defeated,  135 — 136 

One  thoufand  four  hundred  continental 
troops  are  fent  to  the  relief  of  the  fou- 
thern  ftates— their  diftreffes,  138 — 139 

The    inhabitants  revolt  from  the  Britifh  and 

join  them— the   reafons  of  their  revolt,  139 — 145 

General    Gates  takes   the    command   of  the 

American  army— is  defeated  near  Camden,    145 — 152 

Colonel  Sumpter  takes  a  Britifh  detachment 
near  Wateree  ferry,  but  is  foon  after  de- 
feated at  Fifhing  Creek,  153 

The  Britifh  exercife  feverities  after  their  vic- 
tory near   Camden,  155 — 157 

Lord  Cornwallis's  letter  to  the  Britifh  com- 
mandant at  Ninety-Six,  ordering  executi- 
ons of  the  citizens,  ib. 

Sundry  inhabitants  are  hanged,  157 — 159 

Devaftations 


(  XII  ) 

Page 
Devaluations  by  the  Britifh,  1^9 — 160 

Lieutenant-governor  Gadfden  and  others  are 

fent  to  St.    Auguftine,  161  — 163 

General    Moultrie   remonftrates   againft  that 

meafure,  164 — 165 

The  diftreffes  of  the  prifoners    fent    to    St. 

Auguftine,  167 — -169 

A    fecond   fet   of   prifoners   are   fent   to  St. 

Auguftine,  ib. 

Lord  Cornwallis  fequefters   eftates,  169 — 170 

Mr.  Cruden  is  appointed  fequeftrator-general 

—his  mode   of  conducting  that  bufinefs,  ib. 

Loyal  inhabitants  congratulate  lord  Cornwal- 
lis on  his  victory,  172 — 173 

CHAPTER      TWELFTH. 

Of  colonel  Fergufon's  defeat.      Lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton's 
defeat.    Of  the  retreat  of  the  American  army  into  Virgi- 
nia.      Of  their  return  to  North-Carolina.       Of  the  bat- 
tle of  Guilford  courthoufe.       Of  lord  Comtvallis's  march 
to    Wilmington.      General   Greene's  purfuit,   and  fttbfe- 
quent    return   to    South-Carolina.       Of  the    reduction    of 
fort  Wat/on.      Of  the  battle  of  HobhirFs  hill  near  Cam- 
den.     Of  the  evacuation  of  Camden.     Of  the  reduction  of 
fort  Matte.      Fort  Granby.      Fort  Corniuallis.      Of  the 
fiege  of  Ninety-Six.      Of  the  retreat  of  the  American  ar- 
my.    Of  the  battle  of  Eutaw.     The  retreat  of  the  Bri- 
tifh army  to  the  vicinity  of  Charleflon^   and  the  dijlrejfes 
of  the  American  army. 

American  affairs  begin  to  profper,  174 — 175 

General  Marion  heads  a  party  in  favour   of 

independence,  I  "6 

Colonel  Fergufon  undertakes  to  train  the  mi- 
litia  for  the  royal  fervice — is  defeated  at 

King's 


(  ™«  ) 

Page 
King's  Mountain,  180 — 18c 

Lieutenant-colonel  Wafhington  takes  colonel 

Rugely,  187 — 188 

General  Sumpter  engages  major  Weyms  and 

lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton,  188 — 189 

Continental  army  moves  to  Charlotte,  ib. 

Major-general  Greene  appointed  to  command 

the  fomhern  continental  army,  ipo 

The   difficulties   in   iublilting   the   American 

army,  190 — 192 

General  Morgan  is  detached  to  Ninety-Six,  193 

Defeats  colonel  Tarleton,  196 — 199 

Britifh  plans  for  the  campaign  of  178 1,  200 — 202 

Lord  Cornwallis  purfues  general  Morgan,  204 

General  Greene  retreats  from  the  Peedee,  205 — 209 
General  Marion  fends  out  detachments  which 

deitroy  Britifh  ftores  near  Monk's  Corner,  ib. 

The   two    divifions   of   the   American   army 

form  a  junction  at  Guilford  courthoufe,  210 

General  Greene  retreats  to  Virginia,  ib. 

Lord  Cornwallis  purfues  the  American  army 

to  the  Dan— returns  and   erects   the   royal 

ftandard  at  Hillfborough,  211 — 213 

Tories  in  North-Carolina  attempt  to  join  the 

Britifh,  but  are  defeated  or  difcouraged,  213 — -215 
Gen.  Greene  returns  to  North-Carolina,  and 

manoeuvres  till  his  reinforcements  arrive,  215 — 218 
Then   engages    lord  Cornwallis   at    Guilford 

courthoufe,  218 — 222 

Lord  Cornwallis  keeps  the  field,  but  foon  re- 
tires to  Wilmington,  222 — 223 
General  Greene  purfues  to  Ramfay's  mill,  223 — 224 
Lord  Cornwallis  marches  to  Virginia,  ib. 
General  Greene  at  the  fame  time  marches  to 

South-Carolina,  225 

c  General 


(       *!V       ) 


Page 


General  Sumpter  takes  a  circuit  through 
South-Carolina,    while    the   main    armies 

were  in  North-Carolina,  226 — 227 

Colonel  Harden  returns  to  the  fouthward  of 
Charlefton— takes  fort  Balfour   at  Pokata- 

ligo,  228 

General  Marion  and   lieutenant-colonel   Lee 

take  fort  Watfon,  229 

Lord  Rawdon  engages  and  defeats    general 

Greene  near  Camden,  230 — 231 

Lord  Rawdon  evacuates  Camden,  232 

Britilh  poft  at  Orangeburgh,   fort  Motte  and 

fort  Granby  are  taken,  233 — 235 

George-Town  is  evacuated  and  foon  after  it  is 

burned,  235 — 236 

Captain  M'Koy  oppofes  the  Britifh  near  Sa- 
vannah river,  237 — 238 

Fort  Cornwallis  at  Augufta  in  Georgia  is  be- 

fieged  and  taken,  239 — 240 

Ninety-Six  is  befieged  and  affaulted,  241 — 244 

Gen.  Greene  is  defeated  and  obliged  to  retreat,  245 

Lord  Rawdon  arrives   with  a   reinforcement 

and  purfues  general  Greene,  246 

Lord  Rawdon  returns  to  Congaree— is  oppofed 
by  general  Greene  and  retreats  to  Orange- 
burgh, 247 

Gen.  Greene  offers  battle  at  Orangeburgh,  and 

foon  after  retires  to  the  high  hills  of  Santee,  248 

Colonel  Cruger  evacuates  Ninety-Six,  retreats 
to  Orangeburgh— and  general  Greene  de- 
taches to  the  low  country,  ib. 

Sundry  ikirmifhes  take  place  at  the  Quarter- 

houfe,   Biggin's  church,  &c.  249 — 250 

Lord  Rawdon  retires  from  Carolina,  ib. 

General    Greene    croffes    the  Wateree   and 

Con- 


(       **      ) 

Page 
Congaree,  251 

Is  joined  by  gen.  Pickens  and  gen.  Marion,  ib. 

Engages  lieutenant-colonel  Stewart  at  the  Eu- 

taw  Springs,  252—255 

Lieutenant-colonel  Maham  takes  eighty  pri- 
foners— General  Greene  moves  into  the  low 
country,  ib. 

The  Britilh  retire  to  the  Quarterhoufe,  256 

Make  excurlions  with  cavalry,  ib. 

Lieutenant-colonel  Thomfon  furprizes  and  de- 
feats militia  near  Santee,  257 

American    foldiers    inactive    become    difcon- 

tented— their  fufferings,   &c.  258 — 260 

CHAPTER    THIRTEENTH. 

Of  the  board  of  police,  and  other  Britifh  efabli/hments.  'The 
animojities  between  whigs  and  tories,  and  the  difirejfes  of 
the  inhabitants.  The  execution  of  colonel  Hayne.  The 
treatment  of  prifoners.  The  violation  of  publick  faith 
with  the  royalifls.  Of  the  ajjijlance  given  to  the  Ame- 
ricans  by  the  French  army  and  navy.  Of  the  operations 
in  Virginia  in  I  7  8 1 ,  and  the  reduction  of  lord  Cornwal- 
lis.  The  re-eflablifhment  of  civil  government.  The 
jfackfonborough  affembly.  Conffcation  of  eflates.  The 
operations  in  Georgia,  and  the  evacuation  of  Savannah. 
Compacls  with  the  Britifh  for  fecurity  of  property.  Fall 
of  lieutenant-colonel  Laurens.  The  evacuation  of  Charltf- 
ton.     Peace. 

The  Britifh  inftitute  a  military  government- 
Form  a  board  of  police— draw  up  a  fcale 
of  depreciation,  and  have  a  retrofpect  to 
paft  payments— the    confequences   thereof,   261 — 263 

Lieut,  col.  Nefbit  Balfour—his  character,  263 — 264 

The 


(     xvi     ) 

Page 

The  provoft— perfons  confined  therein,  264 

Comparifon  between  the  policy  of  the  rulers 
under  the  Britifh  and  American  admini- 
stration, 266 — 269 

Diftindtion  between  whigs  and  tories— Their 
violences  againfl  each  other  and  the  dif- 
treffes of  the  inhabitants,  269 — 272 

Major  William  Cunningham  penetrates  into 
Ninety-Six — kills  captain  Turner — hangs 
col.  Hayes,  and  kills  feveral  in  cold  blood,        272—3 

The   Indians   commence  hoftilities— are  chaf- 

tifed  by  general  Pickens  and  me  for  peace,         273 — 5 

The  diftreffes  of  the  inhabitants— the  gene- 
ral character  of  the  tories,  275 — 7 

Colonel  Hayne  takes  protection— rejoins  his 
countrymen— is  taken  prifoner— brought  to 
Charleston  and  is  executed— his  character— 
the  continental  officers  petition  for  retali- 
ation—general Greene  iffues  a  proclamation 
on  that  Subject,  277 — 286 

American  prifoners  are  confined  in  prifon- 
fhips— general  Moultrie  remonftrates  againft 
this  meafure,  286 — 288 

The  diftreffes  of  the  continental  foldiers  pri- 

foners  of  war,  288 — 9 

Lord  Charles-Greville  Montague  inlifts  them 
in  the  Britifh  fervice— writes  a  letter  to  ge- 
neral Moultrie,  offering  him  the  command 
of  his  regiment— general  Moultrie  anfwers 
his  letter,  289 — 294 

Continental  officers  prifoners  of  Avar  fuffer 
great  hardfhips— are  ordered  to  the  Weft- 
Indies,  294 — 295 

The  citizens  of  the  town  prifoners  of  war 
are  refufed   rations,    and    debarred  from 

working— 


(  XVII         )  f 

Page 

working— confined  to  their  houfes  and  af- 
terwards fent  on  board  prifon-fhips,  295 — 7 

Confufion  of  Britifh  polificks  from  capitulat- 
ing with  thofe  whom  they  efteemed  re- 
bellious fubjecls,  297 — 8 

A  general  exchange  takes  place— families  of 
prifoners  banifhed,  and  in  retaliation  the 
families  of  tories  are  driven  into  Charlefton,  298 — 300 

The  exiled  prifoners  are  not  allowed  to  rent 

their  houfes,  301 

The  war  in  1780  and  1 78 1,  diftreffes  all 
ranks— the  royalifts  deceived  by  the  pro- 
clamations of  fir  Henry  Clinton,  lord  Raw- 
don,  lieutenant-colonel  Balfour  and  gene- 
ral Leflie— their  interefts  are  facrificed  to 
political  neceffity,  302 — 304 

The  meafures  that  brought  round  the  eva- 
cuation of  Charlefton  effected  in  Virginia,  304 

The  ftate  of  American  affairs   in   1776  and 

1780   compared,  ib. 

Lieutenant-colonel  Laurens   fent   to  France, 

and  fucceeds  in  his   negociations,  305 — 306 

The  generofity  of  the  King  of  France,  306 

The   zeal  of  the   French   nobility    to    ferve 

in   America,  ib. 

A  lift  of  their  principal  officers  fent  to  Ame- 
rica, 307 

The  French  troops  are  impatient  of  inacti- 
vity—engage  in  an  expedition  for  the  re- 
lief of  Virginia,  but  fail,  which  encou- 
rages the  Britifh  to  fortify  themfelves  in 
the  Chefapeak,  308 — 9 

The  Britifh  fix  on  Virginia  for  the  theatre 
of  their  operations  in  the  year  1781^-form 
plans  for  extenfive  conquefts— are  opoofed 

by 


->  (       XVIII       ) 

Page 

by  the  marquis    de    la    Fayette— his    cha- 
racter, and  zeal  for   America,  309—312 

Marquis  de  la  Fayette  marches  for  Rich- 
mond and  relieves  it— eludes  lord  Corn- 
wallis— forms  a  junction  with  gen.  Wayne 
and  faves  the  American  ftores  at  Albe- 
marle old  courthoufe,  and  purfues  lord 
Cornwallis.,  3 1 3—3 1 6 

A  plan  is  formed  for  the  reduction  of  the 
Britifh  army  in  Virginia,  which  is  effec- 
tually concealed  by  affecting  to  lay  fiege 
to  New- York,  317 

Britifh   prepare  to  defend  New- York,  318 

General  Wafhington  marches  for  York-Town,  ib- 

The  French  army  march  through  the  mid- 
dle ftates— their  great  regularity  and  har- 
mony with  their  allies,  318 — 319 

Count  de  Graffe  enters  the  Chefapeak  and 
is  joined  by  count  de  Barras— the  difficulty 
of  their  junction,  319 — 320 

The  coincidence  of  the  French  fleets  in  the 
Weft-Indies  and  the  American  continent, 
and  alfo  of  the  French  and  American  armies,  320 — 321 

The  character  of  the  marquis  de  Caflries, 

Lord    Cornwallis  fortifies  himfelf  in  York, 

The  allied  arms  of  France  and  America  be- 
gin a  regular  fiege— carry  two  advanced 
redoubts, 

The  Britifh  make  a   fally, 

Lord  Cornwallis  attempts  to  efcape  into  the 
open  country,  but  fails  and  is  obliged  to 
capitulate,  325 — 326 

The  honours  denied  to  general    Lincoln   are 

refufed  to  lord  Cornwallis,  ib. 

The  reduction  of  lord  Cornwallis  leads  to  peace,  328 

Congrefs 


32; 

t — 2 

ib. 

322- 

—24 

24- 

-325 

(     xix     ) 

Page 

Congrefs    honours   general  Wafhington   and 

the  French  commanders,  328 — 9 

A.   Middleton    moves  in  Congrefs  that   lord 

Cornwallis  mould  not  be   exchanged,  330 — 331 

Governor  Rutledge  hTues  a  proclamation  for 
receiving  into  favour  thofe  who  had  joined 
the  Britifh,  which  is  accepted  by  many— 
their  apologies  for  their  conduct,  332 — 3 

A  legiflature  is  convened  at  Jackfonborough, 

and  addrefTed  by   governor  Rutledge,  333 — 334 

C.  Gadfden,  efq.  is  elected  governor,  and 
declines  acceptance  of  the  office— his  fpeech 
on  that  occasion,  349— —350 

J.   Mathews,   efq.   is   elected  governor,    and 

entrufted  with  ample   powers,  351 

The  legiflature  proceed  to  confifcate  eftates 
of  the  friends  of  Britifh  government — 
their  reafons   for  this  meafure,  351 — 5 

General  Leflie  remonftrates  to  general  Greene 
againft  the  execution  of  the  law  for  con- 
fifcating  eftates— his  anfwer— and  governor 
Mathews's  anfwer  to  the  fame,  355 — 364 

A  detachment  of  the  American  army  com- 
manded by  gen.  Wayne  is  fent  to  Georgia,  365 

The  Britifh  burn  provifions  and  retire  within 
their  lines— the  force  of  the  garrifon  in 
Savannah,  365 — 366 

American  government  re-eftablifhed  at  Ebe- 

nezer,  ib. 

Colonel  Brown  marches  out  to  attack  gene- 
ral Wayne,   but  is  defeated,  366—7 

The    Creek   Indians   attack    general    Wayne 

and  are  defeated,  367 — 368 

Britifh  propofe  a  cefTation  of  hoftilities,  369 

Indulgences    afked  for    and    granted   to  the 

Britifh 


(      xx      ) 

Page 
Britifh  merchants  and  others  in  Savannah,  369 — 370 

Savannah  is  evacuated,  370 

A  treaty  is  concluded  with  the  royaljfts  near 

the  Peedee,  commanded  by  major  Ganey,  371 

Britifh  merchants  in   Charlefton  afk  for   and 

obtain  indigencies,  372 

General  Leflie  afks  for  provifions,  and  offers 
to  pay  for  them,  but  is  repulfed— and 
fends  out  parties  to   collect  rice,  372""~373 

General  Gift  marches  to  Combahee,  373 

Lieut,  col.  Laurens  is  killed— his  character,  374 

An  attack  is  made  on  a   Britifh   detachment 

on  James-Ifland— captain  Wilmot  is  killed,  375 

A  compact  is  entered  into  between  the  Bri- 
tifh and  Americans  for  the  prefervation 
of  property— the  principal  articles  there- 
of—the compact  is  evaded— major  Weyms 
writes  an  apologetical  letter  on  this  fubject, 
which  is  anfwered  by  governor  Mathews,     376 — 383 

Many  negroes  are  carried  off  by  lieutenant- 
colonel  MoncriefF  and  others,  384 

Conjectures    about   the    whole    number   loft 

during  the  war,  ib. 

Charlefton  is  evacuated— preliminary  articles 
of  peace  announced— the  citizens  are  hap- 
py—the army  is  difbanded— the  virtue  of 
the  American  army— continental  officers 
are  married  in  South-Carolina— the  leni- 
ty of  the  government  to  the  royalifts— 
they  are  permitted  to  return,  and  their 
property  to  a  great  amount  is  reftored— 
peace  and  happinefs  take   place,  384-— '387 


THE 


THE 

HISTORY 

OF         THE 

REVOLUTION 

I      N 

SOUTH-CAROLINA. 

CHAPTER   EIGHTH. 

Of  the  reduction  of  Savannah,  the  fubfcquent  in- 
curfions  into  South-Carolina  from  Georgia,  and 
the  attack  on  Savannah  by  the  French  and  Ame- 
ricans. 


T 


f  ■  iHE  campaign  of  feventeen  hundred  and 
feventy-eight  having  paffed  away  with- 
out any  remarkable  military  enterpiize 
in  the  northern  ftates,  and  the  attempts  of  the 
Britifh  commiffioners  to  induce  the  Congrefs 
to  relinquiih  independence,  and  their  alliance 
with  France,  having  proved  abortive,  the  com- 
mander in  chief  of  the  royal  army,  in  New- 
York,  thought  proper  to  turn  his  arms  more  im- 
Vol  II.  B  mediately 


(  2  ) 

mediately  againfl;  the  fouthern  ftates.  To  this 
end  a  plan  of  operation  was  concerted  with  ma- 
jor-general Prevoft,  who  commanded  in  Eaft- 
Florida  ;  and  it  was  intended  that  Georgia  mould 
be  invaded  both  on  the  north  and  fouth  fide  at 
the  fame  time. 

While  preparations  were  making  for  this 
conjunct:  expedition,  two  bodies  of  armed  men, 
compofed  of  regulars  and  refugees,  made  a  very 
fudden  and  rapid  incurfion  into  the  (late  of  Geor- 
gia, from  the  province  of  Eaft-Florida,  One  of 
theie  parties  came  in  boats  through  the  inland 
navigation,  and  the  other  marched  over  land  by 
the  way  of  the  river  Alatamaha.  The  firfl  de- 
manded the  furrender  of  Sunbury ;  but,  on  re- 
ceiving a  fpirited  refufal,  expreffed  by  lieutenant- 
colonel  Mackintofh  in  thefe  laconick  words — 
e  Come  and  take  it,'  they  left  the  place,  and  re- 
tired to  a  neighbouring  ifland.  The  latter  pur- 
fued  their  march  towards  Savannah.  General 
Screven,  with  about  a  hundred  militia,  repeatedly 
fkirmifhed  with  this  party  in  their  advance  through 
the  country.  In  one  of  thefe  engagements  he 
received  a  wound  from  a  mufket  ball,  in  confe- 
quence  of  which  he  fell  from  his  horfe.  After 
he  fell  leveral  of  the  Britim  came  up,  and,  up- 
braiding him  with  the  manner  in  which  captain 
Moore  of  Brown's  rangers  had  been  killed,  dif- 
charged  their  pieces  at  him.  Few  men  were 
more  efteemed  or  beloved  for  their  virtues  in 
private  life  j  few  officers  had  done  more  for  their 

country 


(     3     ) 

country  than  this  gallant  citizen,  who  loft  his 
life  in  confequence  of  the  wounds  received  on 
this  occafion. 

The  invaders  purfued  their  march  till  they 
were  within  three  miles  of  Ogeechee  ferry,  at 
which  place  mr.  Savage,  with  his  own  Haves,  had 
erected  a  breaftwork  to  prevent  their  palling. 
Colonel  Elbert,  with  about  two  hundred  conti- 
nentals, took  poll  in  the  works  erected  by  mr. 
Savage,  and  prepared  to  difpute  the  paifage  of 
the  river.  Thefe  obftacles,  together  with  infor- 
mation that  the  other  party  had  failed  in  their 
expectations  of  reducing  Sunbury,  determined 
them  to  retreat  without  attempting  to  crofs.  On 
their  return,  they  laid  wafte  the  country  for  ma- 
ny miles.,  burnt  St.  John's  church,  a  confidera- 
ble  number  of  dwellinghoufes,  and  all  the  rice 
and  other  grain  within  their  reach,  and  alfo  car- 
ried off  with  them  all  the  negroes,  horfes,  cat- 
tle, and  plate,  that  could  be  removed  either  by 
land  or  water. 

It  is  impofTible  to  tell  whether  this  burning, 
plundering  incurhon,  introductory  to  a  ferious 
plan  of  operations,  advanced  or  impeded  the 
Britifh  defigns.  It  certainly  alarmed  the  fears  of 
fome,  and  made  them  more  averfe  from  perfe- 
vering  in  the  war.  But  on  others  it  produced 
quite  contrary  effects.  Their  revenge  and  indig- 
nation was  roufed,  and  they  were  flimulated  to 
do  and  fuffer  every  thing  rather  than  fubmit  to 
fuch  conquerors.  The 


(     4     ) 

The  citizens  of  Georgia  were  foon  obliged 
to  encounter  a  much  more  formidable  force. 
On  the  twenty-feventh  of  November,  feventeen 
hundred  and  feventy-eight,  lieutenant-colonel 
Campbell,  a  brave  and  able  officer,  with  the 
feventy-firft  regiment,  two  battalions  of  Hef- 
fians,  four  of  provincials,  and  a  detachment  of 
the  royal  artillery,  embarked  from  Sandy-Hook 
for  Georgia,  efcorted  by  a  fmall  fquadron  of 
ihips,  under  the  command  of  commodore  Hyde 
Parker.  The  fleet  arrived  on  the  twenty-third  of 
December  at  the  ifland  of  Tybee,  near  the  mouth 
of  the  river  Savannah,  and  in  a  few  days  after 
the  troops  effected  a  landing.  From  the  landing- 
place  a  narrow  caufeway  of  fix  hundred  yards  in 
length,  with  a  ditch  on  each  fide,  led  through 
a  fuamp.  Captain  Smith,  with  a  fmall  party,  was 
pofted  at  this  caufeway,  to  impede  the  paflage  of 
the  Britifh  ;  but  his  force  was  too  inconfiderable 
to  check  their  progrefs.  They  pufhed  on  with 
filch  vigour  that  the  American  party  was  almofl 
inftantly  difperfed.  The  continental  armv,  on 
which  the  defence  of  Georgia  refted,  had  lately 
returned  from  a  fummer  expedition  againft  Eaft- 
Florida,  in  which  their  numbers  had  fufFered  fo 
<rreat  a  diminution,  that  the  whole  did  not  exceed 
iix  hundred  effective  men.  General  Howe,  who 
commanded  the  Americans,  had  taken  his  fta- 
tion  on  the  main  road  between  the  landing-place 
and  the  town  of  Savannah,  with  the  river  on  his 
left,  and  a  morafs  in  front,  which  extended  be- 
yond his  right  Hank.     The  Britifh   advanced  till 

they 


(     5     ) 

they  were  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the 
American  army,  when  lieutenant-colonel  Camp- 
bell manoeuvred  fo  as  to  cheriih  an  opinion,  that 
he  meant  to  attack  on  the  left.  For  that  purpofe 
he  ordered  the  firil  battalion  of  the  feventy-firfi: 
to  form  on  the  right  of  the  road,  thereby  to  im- 
prefs  a  full  idea  that  he  meant  to  extend  his  front 
in  that  quarter.  At  the  fame  time  a  confiderable 
part  of  the  royal  army  was  detached  to  crofs  the 
fwamp  above,  fo  as  to  get  in  the  rear  of  the 
Americans.  Fortune  had  thrown  a  negro  into 
the  hands  of  lieutenant-colonel  Campbell,  who 
knew  a  private  path  through  the  fwamp,  by  which 
he  promifed  to  lead  the  troops  without  cbferva- 
tion  or  difficulty.  At  length  lieutenant-colonel 
Campbell,  prefuming  that  the  detachment  had 
got  effectually  round  upon  the  rear  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, fuddenly  advanced,  and  general  Howe 
ordered  an  immediate  retreat.  A  few  minutes 
delay  would  have  made  a  retreat  impoffible,  and 
it  was  then  only  practicable  in  the  face  of  that 
part  of  the  Bririfh  army  which  had  eiTected  their 
paffage  through  the  fwamp.  A  fmall  bodv  of 
about  one  hundred  militia,  of  the  ftate  of  Geor- 
gia, had  been  previoufly  polled  in  the  rear  of  the 
barracks  near  the  town  of  Savannah.  This  de- 
tachment made  fome  oppofition  to  the  Britifh, 
as  they  were  iffuing  from  the  fwamp,  but  they 
were  foon  compelled  to  retreat,  and  their  com- 
mander, colonel  Walton,  was  wounded  and  taken 
prifoner. 

The 


(     6     ) 

The  Americans  retreated  with  precipitation, 
and  in  diforder.  The  Britifh  purfued  with  fpirit 
and  rapidity.  No  victory  was  ever  more  com- 
plete. Thirty-eight  officers,  and  four  hundred 
and  fifteen  privates,  forty-eight  pieces  of  cannon, 
twenty-three  mortars,  the  fort  with  its  ammuni- 
tion and  (lores,  the  (hipping  in  the  river,  a  large 
quantity  of  provifions,  with  the  capital  of  Geor- 
gia, were  all  in  the  fpace  of  a  few  hours  in  pof- 
feffion  of  the  conquerors.  The  Britifh  purfued 
the  Americans  through  the  town  of  Savannah. 
In  the  impetuofity  of  the  purfuit,  fome  of  the 
inhabitants  of  that  capital,  who  had  not  been  in 
the  action,  were  bayonetted  in  the  ftreets,  feveral 
were  killed  or  wounded  in  their  flight,  and  a  large 
number,  finding  their  efcape  impracticable  without 
fwimming  a  deep  fwamp,  were  obliged  to  fue  for 
quarters.  The  Americans  faved  three  field-pieces 
out  of  four  ;  but,  in  the  difficult  paffage  of  the 
fwamp,  many  loft  their  arms.  That  part  of  the  army 
which  eicaped  retreated  up  the  river  Savannah  to 
Zubly's  ferry,  and  croffed  over  into  South-Carolina. 

The  private  foldiers  who  were  taken  on  this 
occafion,  having  refolutely  refufed  to  enlift  in  the 
Britifh  fervice,  were  crowded  on  board  prifon- 
fhips.  This  confinement,  and  the  heat  of  the  wea- 
ther in  the  fummer  of  feventeen  hundred  and  fe- 
venty-nine,  proved  fatal  to  fuch  numbers,  that,  for 
a  confiderable  time,  four  or  five  died  every  day. 
The  continental  officers  were  fent  to  Sunbury  on 
parole,  except  the  reverend  Mofes  Allen,  chaplain 

of 


(    7    ) 

of  the  Georgia  brigade,  who  was  denied  that 
privilege.  His  warm  exhortations  in  the  pulpit, 
and  his  animated  exertions  in  the  field,  expofed 
him  to  the  particular  refentment  of  the  Britifh. 
They  fent  him  with  the  private  foldiers  on  board 
the  prifon-fhips.  Wearied  with  a  confinement  of 
feveral  months  in  that  loathfome  place,  and  fee- 
ing no  profpect  of  relief,  he  determined  to  at- 
tempt the  recovery  of  his  liberty  by  throwing 
himfelf  into  the  river,  and  fwimming  towards  an 
adjacent  ifland  ;  but  he  was  drowned  in  the  pe-^ 
rilous  attempt.  Notwithstanding  his  clerical  func- 
tion, he  appeared  among  the  foremofl  in  the  day 
of  battle,  and  on  all  occafions  fought  the  pofl  of 
danger  as  the  poil  of  honour.  The  friends  of 
independence  admired  him  for  his  popular  ta- 
lents— his  courage  and  his  many  virtues. — The 
enemies  of  it  could  accufe  him  of  nothing  more 
than  a  vigorous  exertion  of  all  his  powers  in 
defending  what  he  confcientioufly  believed  to  be 
the  rights  of  his  injured  country. 

Agiieeably  to  infirucYions  general  Prevoft 
had  marched  from  Eaft-Florida  into  the  fouthern 
parts  of  Georgia  about  the  fame  time  that  the 
embarkation  took  place  from  New-York.  The 
King's  troops,  in  traverfing  the  defert  that  fepa- 
rates  Eaft-Florida  from  Georgia,  were  obliged  to 
live  for  feveral  days  on  oyftcrs.  After  encoun- 
tering many  difficulties,  they  heard  the  welcome 
news  of  the  arrival  and  fuccefs  of  lieutenant- 
colonel  Campbell.     Savannah  having  fallen,  the 

fort 


C     8     > 

fort  at  Sunbury  foon  followed  its  example.  Ge- 
neral Prevoft  marched  to  Savannah,  and  took  the 
command  of  the  combined  forces  from  New- 
York  and  St.  Auguftine.  Previous  to  his  ar- 
rival, a  proclamation  had  been  iffued  to  encou- 
rage the  inhabitants  to  come  in,  and  fubmit  to 
the  conquerors,  with  promifes  of  protection  on 
condition,  that,  '  with  their  arms,  they  would 
'  fupport  royal  government.'  Great  numbers 
fubmitted  ;  but  the  determined  republicans  fled 
up  into  the  weftern  parts  of  the  country,  or  into 
the  Hate  of  South-Carolina.  Lieutenant-colonel 
Campbell  a&ed  with  great  policy  in  iecuring  the 
fubmiffion  of  the  inhabitants.  Civil  government 
was  after  fome  time  re-eftablifhed,  and  the  lower 
parts  of  the  ftate  were  in  peace. 

In  proportion  as  the  Britilh  gained  footing  in 
Georgia,  the  neighbouring  ftates  of  South  and 
North-Carolina  became  anxious  for  their  fafety. 
The  continental  regiments  or  North-Carolina  were 
with  the  grand  army  under  general  .Wamington. 
That  ftate,  on  the  firft  intelligence  of  an  intended 
embarkation  from  New-York  for  the  fouthward, 
generoufly  raifed  a  body  of  militia  about  two 
thoufand  in  number  to  ferve  for  five  months — 
put  them  under  the  command  of  the  generals 
Aih  and  Rutherford,  and  lent  them  without  de- 
lay to  the  relief  of  their  fouthern  neighbours. 
Thefe  reinforcements  came  forward  with  fa  much 
difpatch,  that,  had  it  not  been  for  a  delay  of  ten 
days  near  Charleflon  before  they  were  furnifhed 

with 


(     9     ) 

with  arms,  they  would  have  been  in  time  to  have 
joined  general  Howe  prior  to  the  reduction  of 
Savannah.  North-Carolina  was,  at  this  late  pe- 
riod, unable  to  arm  her  own  militia  ;  but  never- 
theless fent  them  on,  expecting  that  they  would 
be  fupplied  by  their  neighbours.  South-Carolina, 
though  better  provided,  was  not  able  to  Furnifh 
arms  for  the  militia  of  both  dates.  While  the 
Britifh  were  in  the  offing,  it  was  uncertain  whe- 
ther South-Carolina  or  Georgia  was  their  object. 
This  induced  prefident  Lowndes  and  his  council 
to  delay  the  diftribution  of  their  fcanty  flock  of 
publick  arms  till  the  defigns  of  the  Rritifh  became 
evident.  The  rapid  movements  of  lieutenant- 
colonel  Campbell  put  him  fo  foon  in  pofTeflion  of 
the  capital  of  Georgia,  that  the  North-Carolina 
militia  made  their  fir  ft  junction  with  the  Ameri- 
can army  after  their  retreat  over  the  river  Savan- 
nah. 

At  the  requeft  of  the  delegates  from  South- 
Carolina,  Congrefs  appointed  major-general  Lin- 
coln, a  native  of  Maffachufetts,  to  take  the  com- 
mand of  all  their  forces  to  the  fouthward.  This 
officer  was  greatly  refpected  for  his  many  amiable 
qualities,  and  was  acknowledged  to  be  one  of 
the  firft  military  characters  in  America.  He 
was  fecond  in  command  in  the  expedition  of 
feventeen  hundred  and  feventy-feven,  when  ge- 
neral Burgoyne  and  his  army  furrendered  to  ge- 
neral Gates.  A  confiderable  fhare  of  the  fuc- 
cefs  of  that  campaign  was  juftly  afcribed  to  his 

Vol.  II.  C  perfeverance 


(      io     ) 

perfeverance  and  abilities.  He  brought  to  the 
fouthward  great  reputation,  and  therq,  though 
under  many  difadvantages,  he  acquired  the  far- 
ther honour  of  checking  the  Britifh  conqueds, 
and  preferving  the  date  for  upwards  of  fifteen 
months  againd  a  fuperior  enemy.  His  plans  were 
well  formed  ;  but  his  little  army,  moltly  confid- 
ing of  militia,  was  not  able  to  contend  with  fu- 
perior numbers,  and  the  difcipline  of  Britifh  re- 
gular troops.  The  continentals  under  his  com- 
mand did  not  exceed  fix  hundred  men,  and  all 
the  reft  of  his  force  was  made  up  of  draughts 
from  the  inhabitants  of  the  country,  changed 
every  fecond  or  third  month. 

Upon  advice  received  of  the  intentions  of  the 
Britifh  to  invade  the  fouthern  dates,  prefident 
Lowndes,  in  order  to  keep  as  great  a  force  as 
pofiible  in  the  country,  laid  on  a  general  embar- 
go, and  prohibited  the  failing  of  veflels  from 
any  port  of  the  date.  This  was  repeated  for  two 
fucceffive  periods  of  thirty  days  each.  By  pro- 
clamation, dated  December  28,  1778,  he  alfo 
ordered  « the  proprietors  of  neat  cattle,  fheep  and 

*  hogs,  on  the  fea-iflands  and  other  parts,  imme- 
t  diately  expofed  to  the  incurfions  of  the  enemy, 
<  to  remove  them  off  the  faid  illands  or  expofed 
'  places,  that  the  Britifli  might  be  prevented  from 

*  obtaining  a  fupply  of  provifions,'  He  alfo  ad- 
dreffed  the  legillature  in  an  animated  fpeech,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  part :  '  Our  inveterate 
6  and  obdurate  enemy,  being  foiled  in  the  north- 

'  ern 


(  II  ) 

ern  States,  and,  by  the  valour  and  good  con- 
duct of  the  inhabitants,  compelled  to  abandon 
their  hopes  of  conquefl  there,  have  turned  their 
arms  more  immediately  againfl  thefe  fouthern 
States,    in   hopes   of  better  fuccefs.     They  are 
now  in   pofTeilion   of  Savannah,  the   capital   of 
Georgia,  from    whence,  if  not    prevented,    an 
eafy  tranfition  may  be  made  into  this  country. 
This  fituation   of  danger,  gentlemen,  calls   for 
your    moll    ferious   consideration.     Our    whole 
force  and  Strength  mould  be  exerted  to  flop  the 
progrefs  of  the  enemy.     Government  ought  to 
be  truSted  with  ample  powers  to  enable  it  to  act 
vigoroufly    and    decisively    in   the  prefent  con- 
juncture.    The  militia-law  requires  an  immedi- 
ate revifal  and  amendment,  to  accommodate  it 
to  our  prefent  circumstances,  and  every  meafure 
that  has  a  tendency  to  counteract  and  defeat  the 
views  and  defigns  of  the  enemy,  mould  be  em- 
braced and  adopted  with  alacrity  and  difpatch.' 
Thefe  Spirited  fentiments  were  re-echoed  by  the 
houfe  of  representatives,  in  an  addrefs  of  which 
the  following  is  a  part :  c  That  our  cruel  and  am- 
'  bitious  enemies  Should  turn  their  arms  againft 
'  thefe  fouthern  Slates  is  a  circumftance  not  un- 
'  expected.     But   this  laSt  nefarious  Struggle  of 
6  our  defponding  foes  will,  we  truSt,  under  the 
6  aSSiStance  of  Divine  Providence,  in  the  end  tend 
'  more  to  Shew  their   impotent   malice  than   the 
'  wifdom  of  their  councils  or  the  valour  of  their 
*  arms  ;   for  that  fame  Spirit  which  once  animated 
'  our  countrymen  to  drive  them  difgraced  from 

'  our 


(  »»  ) 

4  our  coafts,  will  again  be  exerted  to  effect  the 
'  like  happy  confequences.  We  conceive  our- 
'  felves  bound  by  all  the  difference  there  is  be- 
'  twcen  the  horrors  of  flavery,  and  the  bleflings 
'  of  liberty,  to  ufe  every  means  in  our  power,  to 
'  expel  them  from  our  country,  and  for  this  pur- 
'  pofe  to  ftrengthen  the  hands  of  government, 
c  and  to  revife  the  militia-law,  fo  as  to  facilitate 
*  our  operations  againft  them.' 

General  Lincoln  eftablifhed  his  firft  poft  at 
Puryfburgh,  a  fmall  village  on  the  northern  banks 
of  the.  river  Savannah.  A  large  proportion  of 
the  militia  of  the  ftate  of  South-Carolina  was 
draughted,  put  under  the  command  of  colonel 
Richardfon,  and  marched  for  the  American  head- 
quarters. Their  numbers  were  confiderable,  but 
they  had  not  yet  learned  the  implicit  obedience 
neceffary  for  military  operations.  Accuftomed 
to  activity  on  their  farms,  they  could  not  bear 
the  languors  of  an  encampment.  Having  grown 
up  in  habits  of  freedom  and  independence  on 
their  freeholds,  they  reluctantly  fubmitted  to 
martial  discipline.  When  ordered  on  command, 
they  would  fome  times  enquire  '  whither  they 
'  were  going  ?'  and  '  how  long  they  muff  Itay  ?' 

The  royal  army  at  Savannah,  being  reinforced 
by  the  junction  of  the  troops  from  St.  Auguftine, 
the  Britifli  commanders  formed  a  fcheme  of 
extending  a  part  of  their  forces  into  South-Ca- 
rolina.    To  this  end  major  Gardiner,  with  two 

hundred 


(     13     ) 

hundred  men,  was  detached  to  take  poflfeffion 
of  Port-Royal  ifland.  Soon  after  he  landed, 
general  Moultrie,  at  the  head  of  an  equal  num- 
ber of  men,  in  which  there  were  only  nine  re- 
gular foldiers,  attacked  and  drove  him  off  the 
ifland.  This  advantage  was  principally  gained 
by  two  field-pieces  which  were  well  ferved  by  a 
party  of  the  Charlefton  militia  artillery,  under 
the  command  of  the  captains  Heyward  and  Rut- 
ledge.  The  Britifh  loft  almofl  all  their  officers, 
and  feveral  prifoners  were  taken  by  a  fmall  party 
of  Port-Royal  militia,  commanded  by  captain 
Barnwell.  The  Americans  had  eight  men  killed, 
and  twenty-two  wounded,  a  Among  the  former 
lieutenant  Benjamin  Wilkins  was  the  theme  of 
univerfal  lamentation.  His  country  regretted  the 
fall  of  a  worthy  man,  and  an  excellent  officer. 
A  numerous  young  family  fuftained  a  lofs  which 
to  them  was  irreparable. 

This  fuccefs  of  the  Americans  checked  the 
Britifh,  and  for  the  prefent  prevented  their  at- 
tempting any  enterprize  againfl  South-Carolina  j 
but  they  extended  themfelves  over  a  great  part  of 
Georgia,  and  eflablifhed  two  pods,  one  at  Ebe- 
nezer,  and  the  other  at  Auguita.  This  laft  place, 
being  high  up  in  the  country,  was  a  good  pofi- 
tion  for  awing  the  weft  em  inhabitants,  and  a 
convenient  place  of  rendezvous  for  the  friends  of 
royal  government.  The  Britifh  having  eftablimed 
themfelves  in  the  upper  country  of  Georgia,  their 

next 
*  See  note  i. 


(     «4     ) 

next  object  was  to  ftrengthen  themfelves  by  the 
addition  of  the  tories.  To  this  end  emiffaries 
were  employed  to  encourage  them  to  a  general 
infurrection.  They  were  allured  that  if  they 
would  crofs  the  Savannah  river,  and  add  their 
force  to  that  of  the  King's  army  in  Augufta,  they 
would  have  fuch  a  decided  fuperiority  as  would 
effectually  crufh  the  rebellion,  and  make  a  fpeedy 
return  to  their  homes  practicable  on  their  own 
terms.  Several  hundreds  of  them  accordingly  em- 
bodied, and  marched  along  the  weftern  frontiers 
of  South-Carolina.  Among  thofe  men,  thus  col- 
lected, under  the  fpecious  denomination  of  loyal- 
ids,  were  great  numbers  of  the  mod  infamous 
characters.  Their  general  complexion  was  that 
of  a  plundering  banditti,  more  folicitous  for  booty 
than  for  the  honour  and  interefl;  of  their  royal 
mailer.  As  they'  marched  through  the  fettle- 
ments,  they  appropriated  to  their  own  ufe  every 
kind  of  property  that  they  could  carry  off.  Co- 
lonel Pickins,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  their 
progrefs  and  rapine,  collected  the  whig  militia  of 
the  diflrict  of  Ninety-Six,  and  placed  captain 
Anderfon  at  the  Cherokee  Ford,  on  Savannah 
river,  to  impede  their  eroding,  whilft  he  went 
to  attack  a  fort  in  Georgia,  in  which  were  col- 
lected fome  tories  and  Britifh.  Unable  to  fucceed 
in  this  enterprize  without  letting  fire  to  the  fort, 
which  his  humanity  would  not  permit  him  to  do, 
he  retreated  and  marched  with  all  fpeed  to  the 
croffing-place  on  the  river.  Here,  to  his  great 
mortification,   he   found   that  captain    Anderfon 

had 


(     «5    ) 

had  been  obliged  to  retreat,  and  that  the  tories 
had  made  good  their  palTage.  Colonel  Pickins, 
with  about  three  hundred  men,  immediately  fol- 
lowed and  came  up  with  them  near  Kettle  creek, 
where  an  action  took  place  which  lafted  three 
quarters  of  an  hour.  At  length  the  tories  gave 
way,  and  were  totally  routed.  Colonel  Pickins 
had  nine  men  killed,  and  feveral  wounded.  The 
royalifts  had  about  forty  killed,  in  which  number 
was  their  leader  colonel  Boyd,  who  had  been 
fecretly  employed  by  Britifh  authority  to  collect 
and  head  thefe  infurgents.  By  this  action  the 
Britifh  were  totally  difconcerted.  The  tories  were 
difperfed  all  over  the  country.  Some  ran  to  North- 
Carolina,  fome  wandered  not  knowing  whither. 
Many  went  to  their  homes,  and  cad  themfelves 
on  the  mercy  of  the  new  government.  Soon 
after  this  defeat  and  difperfion  lieutenant-colonel 
Campbell  retreated  from  Augufta  towards  Savan- 
nah, and,  for  the  remainder  of  that  feafon,  the 
whole  upper  country  of  both  South-Carolina  and 
Georgia  enjoyed  domeftick  fecurity. 

The  infurgents  on  this  occafion  were  the  fub- 
jects  of  the  ftate  of  South-Carolina,  and  owed 
obedience  to  its  laws.  They  were  therefore  tried 
in  a  regular  manner,  by  a  jury,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  courts  of  juflice,  appointed  by  the 
republican  government.  Seventy  of  them  were 
condemned  to  die  by  the  laws  of  the  (late,  enact- 
ed hnce  the  abolition  of  royal  government ;  but 
the  fentence  of  the  court  was  executed  only  on 

five 


(     >6     ) 

five  of  their  principals,  and  all  the  reft  were  par- 
doned. 

This  fecond  unfuccefsful  infurreclion  clamped 
the  fpirit  of  the  tories.  Their  plans  were  ill  laid, 
and  worfe  executed.  They  had  no  men  of  abi- 
lity capable  of  g;ving  union  to  their  force.  They 
were  difappointed  in  all  their  expectations  of  aid 
from  the  royal  army,  and  had  the  mortification 
to  fee  a  few  of  their  ringleaders  executed  for 
treafon  and  rebellion  againit  the  flate. 

As  the  Britiih  extended  their  polls  up  the  ri- 
ver Savannah  on  the  fouth  fide,  general  Lincoln 
fixed  encampments  at  Black  Swamp,  and  nearly 
oppofite  to  Augufta  on  the  north  fide.  From 
thefe  pods  he  formed  a  plan  of  crofling  the  river 
at  Augufta  and  at  Zubly's  ferry  in  two  divifions, 
with  the  view  of  limiting  the  Britlfh  to  the  fea 
coaft  of  Georgia.  In  the  execution  of  this  de- 
figii  general  Am,  with  fifteen  hundred  North- 
Carolina  militia,  and  the  remainder  of  the  Geor- 
gia continentals,  crofied  the  Savannah  river  on 
the  28th  of  February  1779,  and  immediately 
marched  down  the  country  as  far  as  Briar  creek. 
At  this  place,  on  the  fourth  day  after  his  crotfing 
the  Savannah,  he  was  furprized  at  three  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon  by  lieutenant-colonel  Prevofl. 
This  detachment  of  the  royal  army,  having  crofi- 
ed Briar  creek,  fifteen  miles  above  general  Afa's 
encampment,  came  unexpectedly  on  his  rear. 
The  American  militia  completely  furprized,  were 

thrown 


C     >7     ) 

thrown  into  confufion,  and  fled  at  the  fTrff.  fire. 
Several  were  killed,  and  a  confulerable  number 
taken.  None  had  any  chance  of  efcaping  but  by 
croffing  the  river,  in  attempting  which  man}* 
were  drowned  ;  of  thofe  who  got  over  fafe,  a 
great  part  returned  home,  and  never  more  re- 
joined the  American  camp.  The  few  continen- 
tals, about  fixty,  under  colonel  Elbert,  fought 
with  the  greater!:  bravery  ;  but  the  furvivors  ot 
them,  with  their  gallant  leader,  were  at  Iafl  com 
pelled  to  furrender  themfelves  prifoners  of  war. 
Of  this  divifion  of  the  army,  the  whole  that  re- 
mained and  rejoined  the  American  camp,  did  not 
exceed  four  hundred  and  fifty  men.  This  event 
deprived  general  Lincoln  of  one  fourth  of  his 
numbers,  and  opened  a  communication  between 
the  Britifh,  the  Indians,  and  the  tories  of  South 
and  North-Carolina.  In  a  few  days  after,  viz. 
on  March  21,  1779,  the  Congrefs  and  Lee,  two 
American  gallics,  were  loft  in  the  river  Savannah, 
in  an  attempt  on  a  Britifh  galley.  In  going  down 
the  river  from  Puryfburgh,  on  this  bufmefs,  the 
Congrefs  galley  ran  afhore  within  gun-mot  of  the 
enemy,  and  the  Lee,  after  a  gallant  refiftance, 
unfupported  by  her  comrade,  was  abandoned. 

Unexperienced  in  the  art  of  war,  the  Ame- 
ricans were  frequently  fubject  to  thofe  reverfcs  of 
fortune  which  ufually  attend  young  foldiers.  Un- 
acquainted with  military  ftratagems,  deficient  in 
difcipline,  and  not  thoroughly  broken  to  habits 
of  implicit  obedience,  they  were  often  furprized, 

Vol.  IL  D  and 


(     i8     ) 

and  had  to  learn,  by  repeated  misfortunes,  the 
neceffity  of  fubordination,  and  the  advantages  of 
difcipline.  Their  numbers  in  the  field,  to  thofe 
who  are  acquainted  with  European  wars,  muft 
appear  inconfiderable  ;  but  fuch  is  the  difference 
of  the  ftate  of  fociety  and  of  the  population  in 
the  old  and  new  world,  that,  in  America,  a  few 
hundreds  decided  objects  of  equal  magnitude 
with  thofe  which  in  European  ftates  would  have 
called  into  the  field  many  thoufands.  The  prize 
contended  for  was  nothing  lefs  than  the  fove- 
reignty  of  three  millions  of  people,  and  five  hun- 
dred millions  of  acres  of  land  ;  b  and  yet,  from 
the  remote  fuuation  of  the  invading  power,  and 
the  thin  population  of  the  invaded  flates,  this 
momentous  quefhion  was  materially  affected  by 
the  confequences  of  battles  in  which  only  a  few 
hundreds  engaged. 

The  feries  of  difafters  which  had  followed  the 
American  arms,  fmce  the  landing  of  the  Britifh 
in  Georgia,  occafioned,  among  the  inhabitants  of 
South-Carolina,  many  well-founded  apprehenfions 
for  their  future  fafety.  The  affembly  of  the  flate, 
defirous  of  making  a  vigorous  oppofition  to  the 
cxtenfion  of  the  Britifh  conquefts,  paffed  a  very 
fevere  militia-law.  Hitherto  the  penalties  for  dif- 
obedience  of  orders  were  inconfiderable,  but  as 
the  defence  of  the  country,  in  a  great  meafure, 
depended  on  the  exertions  of  its  inhabitants, 
much  heavier  fines  were  impofed  on  thofe   who 

cither 
"  See  note  u. 


(     19     ) 

cither  neglecled  to  turn  out,  or  who  miibehaved 
or  difobeyed  orders.  Every  effort  was  made  to 
flrengthen  the  continental  army.  Additional 
bounties,  and  greater  emoluments  were  promifed 
as  inducements  to  encourage  the  recruiting-fer- 
vice.  The  extent  and  variety  of  military  opera- 
tions in  the  open  country  pointed  out  the  advan- 
tages of  cavalry  ;  a  regiment  of  dragoons  was 
therefore  ordered  to  be  railed,  in  which  the 
following  appointments  took  place  : 

Daniel  Horry,  colonel, 
Hezekiah  Maham,  major. 
John  Canterier,       ~) 
John  Hampton,        j 
Benjamin  Screven,  i  j 

Richard  Gough, 
Thomas  Giles, 
Ifaac  Dubofe, 

In  this  time  of  general  alarm  John  Rutledge, 
efquire,  by  the  aim  oft  unanimous  voice  of  his 
countrymen,  was  called  to  the  chair  of  govern- 
ment. To  him  and  his  council  was  delegated, 
by  the  legislature,  power  t  to  do  every  thing  that 
1  appeared  to  him  and  them  neceffary  for  the 
1  publick  good.'  In  execution  of  this  truft  he 
aflembled  a  body  of  militia.  This  corps,  kept 
in  conusant  readinefs  to  march  whitherfoever  pub- 
lick  fervice  might  require,  was  Rationed  near  the 
centre  of  the  ilate  at  Orangeburgh.  From  this 
militia  camp  colonel  Simmons  was  detached  with  a 

thoufand 


(  2°  ) 

thoufand  men  to  reinforce  general  Moultrie  at 
Black-Swamp.  The  original  plan  of  penetrating 
into  Georgia  was  refumed.  With  this  intention 
general  Lincoln  marched  with  the  main  army  up 
the  Savannah  river,  that  he  might  give  confi- 
dence to  the  country,  and  lead  into  Georgia  a 
body  of  militia  encamped  in  South-Carolina,  un- 
der the  command  of  general  Williamfon.  A 
fmall  force  was  left  at  Black-Swamp  and  Pu- 
ryfburgh for  the  purpofe  of  defending  Carolina, 
while  offenfive  operations  were  about  to  be  com- 
menced in  Georgia.  General  Prevofl  availed 
himfelf  of  the  critical  time  when  the  American 
army  was  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  up  the 
Savannah  river,  and  crofled  over  into  Carolina 
from  Abercorn  to  Puryfburgh,  with  two  thou- 
fand four  hundred  men.  In  addition  to  this 
number  of  regular  troops,  a  considerable  body 
of  Indians,  whofe  friendihip  the  Britiih  had  pre- 
vioufly  fecured,  were  affociated  with  the  royal 
army  on  this  expedition.  Lieutenant-colonel 
Mackintofh,  who  commanded  a  few  continentals 
at  Puryfburgh,  not  being  able  to  oppofe  this 
force,  made  a  timely  retreat.  It  was  part  of  ge- 
neral Prevoft's  plan  to  attack  general  Moultrie  at 
Black-Swamp,  to  effect  which  he  made  a  forced 
march  the  firft  night  after  he  landed  on  the  Ca- 
rolina fide,  but  he  was  about  three  hours  too 
late.  General  Moultrie  had  changed  his  quar- 
ters, and  being  joined  by  colonel  Mackimofh's 
party,  took  poll  at  Tulifinny  bridge,  in  order  to 
prevent  the  incurfion  of  the  Britifh  into  the  (rate, 

and 


(  ft*  ) 

and  to  keep  between  them  and  its  defencelefs 
capital,  General  Lincoln,  on  receiving  informa- 
tion of  tbefe  movements,  detached  colonel  Harris, 
with  three  hundred  of  his  bed  light  troops,  for 
Charlefton  ;  but  croffed  the  river  Savannah  near 
Augufta  with  the  main  army,  and  marched  for 
three  days  down  the  country  towards  the  capital 
of  Georgia.  He  was  induced  to  purfue  his  origi- 
nal intention  from  an  idea,  that  general  Prevoft 
meant  nothing  more  than  to  divert  him  from  his 
intended  operations  in  Georgia,  by  a  feint  of 
attempting  the  capital  of  South-Carolina,  and 
becaufe  his  marching  down  on  the  fouth  fide  of 
the  river  Savannah,  would  occafion  very  little 
additional  delay  in  repairing  to  the  defence  of 
Charleflon.  General  Prevoft  proceeded  in  his 
march  by  the  main  road,  near  the  fea  coafl,  with- 
out oppofition,  as  far  as  Coofawhatchie  bridge. 
Lieutenant-colonel  John  Laurens,  with  eighteen 
continentals  and  a  much  larger  number  of  militia, 
was  detached  from  general  Moultrie's  camp,  to 
difpute  this  difficult  pafs.  That  gallant  officer 
perfevered  in  this  hazardous  attempt,  till  he  was 
wounded,  and  had  loft  one  half  of  his  conti- 
nentals. The  Britifh  fired  in  fecurity  under  the 
cover  of  houfes  on  the  oppofite  bank,  and  had 
the  advantage  of  a  field-piece.  On  this,  the  firft 
time  of  their  being  in  danger,  the  American  mi- 
litia could  not  be  perfuaded  to  ftand  their  ground. 
A  retreat  took  place,  and  was  conducted  by  cap- 
tain Shubrick,  over  a  long  caufeway,  in  the  face 
of  a  fuperior  foe. 

As 


(     M     ) 

As  the  Britifh  army  advanced  into  the  country 
they  committed  many  outrages  and  depredations. 
The  day  before  the  fkirmiih  juft  mentioned  they 
burnt  all  the  buildings  on  major  Butler's  planta- 
tion at  the  Eutaws.  The  day  after  they  burned 
the  Epifcopal  church,  in  prince  William's  parifh, 
and  general  Bull's  houfe  at  Sheldon. 

The  pofition  of  general  Moultrie  at  Tulifinny 
was  by  no  means  a  fafe  one,  for  the  Britifh  might 
eafily  have  croffed  above  him,  and  got  in  his  rear. 
A   general   retreat  of  his    whole  force   towards 
Charlefton  was  therefore  thought  advifable.    This 
was  conducted  with  great  propriety,  though  un- 
der many  difadvantages.     General  Moultrie  had 
no  cavalry  to  check  the  advancing  foe,  and,  in- 
ftead  of  receiving  reinforcements  from  the  inha- 
bitants as  he  marched  through  the  country,  many 
of  the  militia  left  him,  and  went  home.     Their 
families  and  property  lay  directly  in  the  route  of 
the  invading  army.     Several,  after  providing  for 
their  wives  and  children,  rejoined  general  Moul- 
trie in  Charlefton  ;  but  the  greater  number  fought 
fecurity  by  flaying  on  their  plantations.     The  re- 
treating Americans  deftroyed  all  the   bridges  in 
their  rear,  but  there  was  fcarce  any  other  inter- 
ruption thrown  in  the  way  of  the  Britifli  in  their 
march  through  the  country.     The  abfence  of  the 
main  army  under  general  Lincoln,  the  retreat  of 
general  Moultrie,  the  plundering  and  devaftations 
of  the  invaders,  and  above  all  the  dread  of  the 
royal  auxiliaries,  the  Indian  favages,  whofe  con- 
usant 


(     *3     ) 

ftant  practice  is  to  murder  women  and  children, 
diffufed  a  general  panick  among  the  inhabitants, 
and  induced  many  of  them  to  apply  to  the  Bri- 
tifh  for  their  protection.  New-made  converts  to 
the  royal  ftandard  endeavoured  to  ingratiate 
themfelves  with  their  protectors  by  reprefenting 
the  capital  as  an  eafy  conquefl.  This  flattering 
profpect  induced  general  Prevoft,  contrary  to  his 
original  intention,  to  purfue  his  march.  Govern- 
or Rutledge,  with  the  militia  lately  encamped  at 
Orangeburgh,  had  fet  out  to  join  general  Moul- 
trie at  Tulifinny  bridge  ;  but,  on  the  fecond  day 
of  their  march,  advice  was  received  of  general 
Moultrie's  retreat,  and  that  general  Prevoft  was 
pufhing  towards  Charleflon.  This  intelligence 
determined  the  governor  to  march  with  all  the 
force  under  his  command  to  the  defence  of  the 
capital. 

"When  general  Prevoft  croffed  the  Savannah 
river,  Charleflon  Neck  was  almoft  wholly  de- 
fencelefs.  An  invafion  on  the  land-fide,  by  an 
army  marching  through  the  countrv,  was  an 
event  fo  unexpected,  that  no  proper  provifion 
had  been  made  againft  it.  If  the  Britifh  had 
continued  their  march  with  the  fame  rapidity 
with  which  it  was  begun,  and  attempted  to  take 
the  town  by  a  coup-de-main,  they  would  proba- 
bly have  fucceeded  ;  but  they  halted  two  or  three 
days  when  they  had  advanced  more  than  half 
the  diftance.  In  this  fhort  interval  lieutenant-go- 
vernor  Bee  and  the  gentlemen  of  the   council 

made 


(       *4      ) 

made  the  greatefl:  exertions  to  fortify  the  town 
on  the  land-fide.  All  the  houfes  in  the  fuburbs 
were  burnt.  Lines  and  an  abbatis  were  in  a  few 
days  carried  from  Afhley  to  Cooper  rivers.  Can- 
non were  mounted  at  proper  intervals  acrofs  the 
whole  extent  of  Charlefton  Neck.  Thefe  works 
were  planned  with  great  judgment,  and  executed 
with  uncommon  difpatch  by  lieutenant-colonel 
De-Cambray.  His  exertions  procured  him  the 
thanks  of  the  affembly.  He  was  alfo  honoured 
with  a  medal  ftruck  on  the  occafion,  expreflive 
of  the  high  eftimation  in  which  his  fervices  were 
held  by  a  grateful  country.  The  militia  in  the 
vicinity  were  fummoned  to  the  defence  of  Charlef- 
ton. They  generally  obeyed  as  far  as  was  prac- 
ticable on  fo  fhort  notice.  Publick  affairs  now 
appeared  in  a  very  critical  fituation.  General 
Lincoln  was  marching  unmolefted  towards  the 
capital  of  Georgia,  apparently  evacuated  for  his 
reception,  while  general  Prevoft  was  advancing 
with  as  little  interruption  to  the  capital  of  South- 
Carolina.  General  Moultrie's  retreating  army, 
governor  Rutledge's  militia  from  Orangeburgh, 
and  colonel  Harris's  detached  light  corps,  which 
marched  nearly  forty  miles  a  day  for  four  days 
fucceflively,  all  reached  Charlefton  on  the  9th 
and  10th  of  May.  The  arrival  of  fuch  feafonable 
reinforcements  gave  hopes  of  a  fuccefsful  defence. 

On  the  1  ith  nine  hundred  of  the  Britifh  army, 
their  main  body  and  baggage  being  left  on  the 
fouth  fide  of  Afhley  river,  croffed  the  ferry,  and 

in 


(     *5     ) 

in  a  few  hours  they  appeared  before  the  town. 
On  the  fame  day  that  they  marched  down  Charles- 
ton Neck,  the  infantry  of  an  American  legion- 
ary corps  croffed  Cooper  river,  and  landed  in  the 
town.  This  was  commanded  by  brigadier-gene- 
ral count  Pulaiki,  a  Polander  of  high  birth. 
This  illuftrious  officer  had  been  concerned  in  a 
bold  enterprize.  in  favour  of  liberty  in  his  native 
country.  He  with  a  few  men  had  carried  off 
king  Staniflaus  from  the  middle  of  his  capi- 
tal, though  furrounded  by  a  numerous  body  of 
guards  and  a  Ruffian  army.  The  king,  after  be- 
ing a  prifoner  for  fome  time,  found  means  to 
efcape,  and  foon  afterwards  declared  Pulafki  an 
out-law.  Nothing  could  be  more  congenial  to 
the  fentiments  of  this  generous  friend  of  the 
rights  of  mankind  than  to  employ  his  arms  in 
fupport  of  the  American  dates.  Influenced  by 
thefe  fentiments,  he  offered  his  fervice  to  Con- 
grefs,  and  was  honoured  by  that  body  with  the 
rank  of  a  brigadier-general.  At  this  period  of 
the  war  he  had  been  detached  from  the  northern 
American  army  to  the  aid  of  the  fouthern  Hates, 
and  opportunely  arrived  when  his  fervices  were 
moft  wanted.  The  men  under  his  command  had 
fcarcely  arrived  two  hours,  when  he  led  eighty 
of  them  out  of  the  lines  of  Charlefton,  and  Ra- 
tioned them  in  a  valley  behind  a  fmall  breafhvork, 
with  the  view  of  drawing  the  Britiili  into  an  am- 
bufcade.  General  Pulafki  advanced  a  mile  be- 
yond his  infantry,  and  joined  a  fmall  party  of 
regular  horle,  and  mounted  militia  volunteers, 
Vol.  II.  E  and 


(     26     ) 

and  with  that  force  engaged  the  Britifh  cavalry 
for  a  fhort  time,  and  then  retreated  to  his  infan- 
try. They,  from  an  eagernefs  to  engage,  had 
quitted  their  works,  and  advanced  to  an  emi- 
nence in  front  of  their  firft  flation.  The  ad- 
vantage of  the  intended  ambufcade  was  by  this 
means  loft,  and  they  had  to  engage  a  fuperior 
number  on  equal  ground,  The  Britifli  foot  foon 
came  up,  and  compelled  the  Americans  to  re- 
treat into  the  town.  General  Pulafki  had  feveral 
fuccefsful  perfonal  rencounters  with  individuals 
of  the  Britifli  cavalry,  and  on  all  occafions  dif- 
covered  the  greateft  intrepidity.  The  gallant 
example  of  this  diftinguifhed  partizan,  courting 
danger  on  every  occafion,  had  a  confiderable  in- 
fluence in  difpelling  the  general  panick,  and  in 
introducing  military  fentiments  into  the  minds  of 
men  who  had  heretofore  been  peaceable  citizens. 

Major  Benjamin  Huger,  a  diftinguiflied  officer, 
and  a  gentleman  of  the  moft  honourable  and  li- 
beral fentiments,  was,  while  commanding  a  party 
without  the  lines,  killed  in  the  night  of  the  i  ith, 
through  miftake,  by  his  countrymen. 

Fort  Johnfbn,  on  James  ifland,  was  blown 
up  with  the  view  of  ftrengthening  the  garrifon 
in  the  town,  by  the  addition  of  the  party  ftati- 
oned  on  the  ifland,  and  of  preventing  the  ..Bri- 
tifli from  getting  poffefiion  of  it. 

As  the  royal  army  was  unfurnifhed  for  a  fiege, 

and 


(    »jr    ) 

and  had  nothing  to  depend  on  but  the  chance  of 
a  fudden  affault,  this  was  confidently  expected. 
That  it  might  not  he  done  by  furprize,  tar-bar- 
rels were  lighted  up  in  front  of  the  works.  The 
defence  of  the  town  refted  on  the  exertions  of 
three  thoufand  three  hundred  men,  the  greater 
part  of  whom  were  militia  wholly  unacquainted 
with  military  operations.  The  Britifh  at  Afhley 
ferry,  and  before  the  lines,  were  about  two 
thoufand  four  hundred  men,  but  were  without 
cannon  or  fhipping. 

It  was  prefumed  by  the  garrifon  that  general 
Lincoln,  with  the  army  under  his  command,  was 
in  clofe  purfuit  of  general  Prevoft,  but  his  pre- 
cife  fituation  was  unknown  to  every  perfon  within 
the  lines.  To  gain  time  in  fuch  circumftances 
was  a  matter  of  great  confequence.  A  whole 
day  was  therefore  fpent  in  fending  or  receiving 
flags.  Commiffioners  from  the  garrifon  of  Charlef- 
ton  were  initrucled  to  propofe  '  a  neutrality  dur- 
'  ing  the  war,  between  Great-Britain  and  Amc- 
*  rica,  and  that  the  queftion  whether  the  ftate 
'  fhall  belong  to  Great-Britain  or  remain  one  of 
'  the  United  States,  be  determined  by  the  treaty 
'  of  peace  between  thefe  powers.'  This  proposi- 
tion, being  made  to  lieutenant-colonel  Prevoft, 
acting  as  a  commiflioner  in  behalf  of  general 
Prevoft,  he  anfwered,  '  that  they  did  not  come 
'  in  a  legiflative  capacity.'  On  a  fecond  inter- 
view lieutenant-colonel  Prevoft  ended  the  con- 
ference by  faying,  c  That,  as  the  garrifon  was  in 

'  arms, 


(     *8     ) 

*  arms,  they  mud  furrender  prisoners  of  war.' 
This  being  refufed,  preparations  were  made  for 
fuitaining  an  immediate  aflault. 

General  Prevoft,  difappointed  in  his  expec- 
tation of  furprizing  the  town,  and  fearing  the 
confequcnces  of  an  aflault  on  the  lines,  re-croffcd 
Afhley  river,  and,  to  avoid  general  Lincoln's 
army,  now  in  his  rear,  he  filed  off  from  the  main 
land  to  the  iflands  on  the  fea  coafl. 

While  the  Britifh  were  encamped  on  James 
ifland,  about  feventy  or  eighty  of  the  Americans 
were  pofied  nearly  oppofite  to  them  at  the  plan- 
tation of  mr.  Mathews,  on  John's  ifland.  On 
the  20th  of  May  a  party  of  the  troops,  com- 
manded by  general  Prevofl,  croffed  over  the  nar- 
row river  which  feparates  the  two  iflands,  fur- 
prized  the  out  fentinel  of  the  Americans,  and 
extorted  from  him  the  counterfign.  PoffefTed  of 
this  criterion,  they  advanced  in  fecurity  to  the 
fecond  fentinel  and  bayonetted  him  before  he 
could  give  any  alarm.  Without  being  difco- 
vered,  they  then  furrounded  the  houfe  of  mr. 
Mathews,  rufhed  in  on  the  unprepared  Ameri- 
cans, and  put  feveral  of  them,  though  they  made 
no  refinance,  to  the  bayonet.  Among  the  reft 
mr.  Robert  Barnwell,  a  young  gentleman  who 
adorned  a  very  relpcclable  family  by  his  many 
virtues,  good  underflanding,  and  fweetnefs  of 
manners,  received  no  lefs  than  feventeen  wounds ; 
but  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  recover  from 

them 


(     *9     ) 

them  all,  and  ftill  lives  an  ornament  to  his  coun- 
try. The  Britifh  having  completed  this  bufmefs, 
burned  the  houie  of  mr.  Mathews. 

General  Lincoln  continued  his  march  for 
three  days  in  Georgia  ;  but  on  receiving  certain 
information  of  the  flate  of  affairs  in  Carolina, 
he  recroffed  the  Savannah  river,  and  advanced  to- 
wards general  Prevofl.  Both  armies  encamped 
within  thirty  miles  of  Charleffon,  watching  each 
other's  motions,  till  the  20th  of  June,  when  an 
attack  was  made  on  part  of  the  Britifh  army,  in- 
trenched at  Stono  ferry.  Agreeably  to  a  pre- 
concerted plan,  a  feint  was  to  have  been  made 
from  James  ifland,  with  a  body  of  militia  from 
Charlefton,  at  the  fame  time  that  general  Lincoln 
began  the  attack  from  the  main  ;  but  from  mif- 
management  and  a  delay  in  providing  boats,  the 
militia  from  Charlefton  did  not  reach  their  place 
of  deflination  till  feveral  hours  after  the  action. 
The  American  army  confifted  of  about  twelve 
hundred  men.  Only  one  half  of  which  were 
continentals.  The  militia  of  North  and  South- 
Carolina  were  ported  on  the  right,  and  the  con- 
tinentals on  the  left.  Colonel  Malmedy  led  a 
corps  of  light-infantry  on  the  right,  and  lieute- 
nant-colonel Henderfon  on  the  left.  The  Virgi- 
nia militia  and  the  cavalry  formed  a  corps  of  re- 
ferve.  The  Britifh  force  confifted  of  fix  or  feven 
hundred  men.  They  had  three  redoubts,  with 
a  line  of  communication,  and  field-pieces  very 
advantageoufly  potted  in  the  intervals,  and  the 

whole 


(    3"     ) 

whole  fecured  with  an  abbatis.  That  they  might 
be  haraffed,  or  lulled  into  fecurity,  for  feveral 
nights  preceding  the  action,  they  were  alarmed 
by  fmall  parties.  When  the  real  attack  was 
made,  two  companies  of  the  feventy-fuft  regiment 
fallied  out  to  fupport  the  pickets.  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Henderfon  ordered  his  light-infantry  to 
charge  them,  on  which  they  inftantly  retreated. 
Only  nine  of  their  number  got  fafe  within  their 
lines.  All  the  men  at  the  Britifh  field-pieces, 
between  their  redoubts,  were  either  killed  or 
wounded.  The  attack  was  continued  for  an 
hour  and  twenty  minutes,  and  the  alfailants  had 
manifestly  the  advantage  ;  yet  the  appearance  of 
a  reinforcement,  to  prevent  which  the  feint  from 
James  iiland  was  intended,  made  a  retreat  necef- 
fary.  The  whole  garrifon  fallied  out  on  the 
retiring  Americans  ;  but  the  light  troops,  com- 
manded by  colonel  Mahnedy  and  lieutenant-colo- 
nel Henderfon,  fo  effectually  retarded  the  Britifh 
in  their  purfuit,  that  the  troops  commanded  by 
general  Lincoln  not  only  retreated  with  regula- 
rity, but  brought  off  their  wounded  in  fafety. 

The  lofs  of  the  Americans  on  this  occafion  in 
killed  and  wounded  was  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty.  c  Among  the  former  was  the  gallant  colo- 
nel Roberts,  whofe  fuperior  abilities  as  an  artille- 
ry-officer, commanded  the  approbation  of  his 
countrymen,  and  rendered  his  early  fall  the 
fubjeel  of  univerfal  regret. 

Soon 
'  See  note  in. 


(    3i     ) 

Soon  after  this  attack  the  American  militia, 
impatient  of  abfence  from  their  plantations,  ge- 
nerally returned  to  their  homes.  This  was  pro- 
ductive of  no  inconvenience  to  the  fervice  ;  for, 
about  the  fame  time,  the  Britifh  left  the  iflands 
in  the  vicinity  of  Charlefton,  retreating  from  one 
to  another,  till  they  arrived  at  Port-Royal  and 
Savannah.  The  fea-coaft  of  South-Carolina,  to 
the  fouthward  of  Charlefton,  is  fo  chequered 
with  iflands,  and  interfered  with  creeks  and 
marines,  as  to  make  the  movements  of  an  army 
extremely  difficult.  The  Britifh  were  much  bet- 
ter provided  with  boats  than  the  Americans,  and 
therefore  could  retire  with  expedition  and  fafety. 
Various  projects  were  attempted  to  enable  gene- 
ral Lincoln  to  purfue  them.  Boats  on  wheel- 
carriages,  conftru&ed  fo  as  to  fuit  the  variegated 
face  of  the  country,  were  propofed  ;  but  before 
any  thing  of  this  fort  could  be  completed,  the 
Britifh  had  retreated  to  places  of  fecurity. 

This  incurfion  into  South-Carolina,  and  fub- 
fequent  retreat,  contributed  very  little  to  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  royal  caufe,  but  it  added  much 
to  the  wealth  of  the  officers,  foldiers  and  fol- 
lowers of  the  Britifh  army,  and  ftill  more  to  the 
diftreffes  of  the  inhabitants.  The  forces,  un- 
der the  command  of  general  Prevoft,  marched 
through  the  richelt  fettlements  of  the  ftate,  where 
there  are  the  feweft  white  inhabitants  in  propor- 
tion to  the  number  of  flaves.  The  haplcfs  Afri- 
cans,   allured    with    hopes    of  freedom,    forfook 

their 


(  3*  ) 

their  owners,  and  repaired  in  great  numbers  to 
the  royal  army.  They  endeavoured  to  recom- 
mend themfelves  to  their  new  mafters,  by  difco- 
vering  where  their  owners  had  concealed  their 
property,  and  were  affifting  in  carrying  it  off. 
All  fubordination  being  deftroyed,  they  became 
infolent  and  rapacious,  and  in  fome  inftances 
exceeded  the  Britifh  in  their  plunderings  and  de- 
valuations. Colle&ed  in  great  crowds  near  the 
royal  army,  they  were  feized  with  the  camp-fever, 
in  fuch  numbers  that  they  could  not  be  accom- 
modated either  with  proper  lodgings  or  attend- 
ance. The  Britifh  carried  out  of  the  Hate,  it  is 
fuppofed,  about  three  thoufand  Haves  ;  many  of 
whom  were  fhipped  from  Georgia  and  Eaft-Flo- 
rida,  and  fold  in  the  Weft-Indies ;  but  the  in- 
habitants loft  upwards  of  four  thoufand,  each 
of  whom  was  worth,  on  an  average,  about 
two  hundred  and  fifty  Spanifh  dollars.  When 
the  Britifh  retreated,  they  had  accumulated  fo 
much  plunder,  that  they  had  not  the  means  of 
removing  the  whole  of  it.  The  vicinity  of  the 
American  army  made  them  avoid  the  main  land, 
and  go  off  in  great  precipitation  from  one  ifland 
to  another.  Many  of  the  horfes  which  they  had 
collected  from  the  inhabitants  were  lofl  in  inef- 
fectual attempts  to  tranfport  them  over  the  rivers 
and  marfhes.  For  want  of  a  fufficient  number 
of  boats,  a  confiderable  part  of  the  negroes  were 
left  behind.  They  had  been  fo  thoroughly  im- 
prefTed  by  the  Britifh  with  the  expectations  of 
the  feverefl  treatment,  and  even  of  certain  death 

from 


(     33     ) 

from  their  owners,  in  cafe  of  their  returning 
home,  that,  in  order  to  get  off  with  the  retreat- 
ing army,  they  would  fometimes  fatten  them- 
felves  to  the  fides  of  the  boats.  To  prevent  this 
dangerous  practice  the  fingers  of  fome  of  them 
were  chopped  off,  and  foldiers  were  polled  with 
cutlaffes  and  bayonets  to  oblige  them  to  keep  at 
proper  diflances.  Many  of  them,  labouring  un- 
der difeafes,  afraid  to  return  home,  forfaken  by 
their  new  matters,  and  dettitute  of  the  neceffa- 
ries  of  life,  perifhed  in  the  woods.  Thole  who 
got  off  with  the  army  were  collected  on  Otter 
ifland,  where  the  camp-fever  continued  to  rage. 
Without  medicine,  attendance,  or  the  comforts 
proper  for  the  fick,  fome  hundreds  of  them  ex- 
pired. Their  dead  bodies,  as  they  lay  expofed 
in  the  woods,  were  devoured  by  beafts  and 
birds,  and  to  this  day  the  ifland  is  ftrewed  with 
their  bones.  The  Britifh  alfo  carried  off  with 
them  feveral  rice-barrels  full  of  plate,  and  houfe- 
hold  furniture  in  large  quantities,  which  they  had 
taken  from  the  inhabitants.  They  had  fpread 
over  a  confiderable  extent  of  country,  and  fmali 
parties  vifited  almoft  every  houfe,  dripping  it  of 
whatever  was  moil  valuable,  and  rifling  the  in- 
habitants of  their  money,  rings,  jewels,  and  other 
perfonal  ornaments.  The  repofitories  of  the 
dead  were  in  feveral  places  broken  open,  and  the 
grave  itfelf  fearched  for  hidden  treafure.  What 
was  deftroyed  by  the  foldiers  was  fuppofed  to  be 
of  more  value  than  what  they  carried  off.  Fea- 
ther-beds were  ripped  open  for  the  fake  of  the 
Vol.  II.  F  ticking. 


(     34     ) 

ticking.  Windows,  china-ware,  looking-glafies 
and  pictures,  were  dafhed  to  pieces.  Not  only 
the  larger  dome  flick  animals  were  cruelly  and 
wantonly  fhot  down,  but  the  licentioufnefs  of"  the 
foldiery  extended  fo  far  that,  in  feveral  places, 
nothing  within  their  reach,  however  fmall  and 
infignificant,  was  fuffered  to  live.  For  this  de- 
ftruclion  they  could  not  make  the  plea  of  necef- 
fity,  for  what  was  thus  killed  was  frequently  nei- 
ther ufed  nor  carried  off.  The  gardens  which 
had  been  improved  with  great  care,  and  orna- 
mented with  many  foreign  productions,  were  laid 
wafte,  and  their  niceft  curiofities  deflroyed.  The 
houfes  of  the  planters  were  feldom  burnt,  but  in 
every  other  way  the  deftru&ions  and  depredations 
committed  by  the  Britifh  were  fo  enormous,  that, 
ihould  the  whole  be  particularly  related,  they 
who  live  at  a  diflance  would  fcarcely  believe  what 
could  be  attefted  by  hundreds  of  eye-witnefTes. 

Soon  after  the  affair  at  Stono,  on  the  20th  of 
June,  the  continental  forces,  under  the  command 
of  general  Lincoln,  retired  to  Sheldon.  Both 
armies  remained  in  their  refpective  encampments 
till  the  arrival  of  a  French  fleet  on  the  coaft 
roufed  the  whole  country  to  immediate  activity. 

After  the  conquefl  of  Grenada,  in  the  fum- 
mer  of  1779,  count  D'Eftaing,  with  the  force 
under  his  command,  retired  to  Cape-Francois. 
Letters  from  governor  Rutledge  and  moniieur 
Plombard,  the  conful  of  France   in   Charlefton, 

were 


(    35     ) 

were    received   at   that   place    by  the  victorious 
French  admiral.     In  all  of  which  a  fpeedy   vifit 
to  the  coaft  of  the  American  continent  was   re- 
commended, and  by  fome   of  them  he  was   in- 
formed that  Savannah  might  be  taken  by  a  coup- 
de-main,  and  that,  on  his  arrival,   he  would  find 
every  thing  ready  for  an  aflault.     This  invitation, 
coinciding  with  the  instructions  he  had  received 
from  the  King  his  mafter,  to  act  in  concert  with 
the  forces   of  the   United    States   whenfoever  an 
occafion   mould   prefent   itfelf,  he   failed  for  the 
American  continent,   and   arrived   early   in   Sep- 
tember with  a   fleet   confiding  of  twenty  fail   of 
the  line,  two  of  fifty  guns,  and  eleven  frigates. 
As  foon  as  his  arrival  on  the  coafl  was  known, 
general  Lincoln,  with  the  army  under  his  com- 
mand, marched  for  Savannah  ;   and  orders  were 
iffued  for  the  militia  of  South-Carolina  and  Geor- 
gia to   rendezvous   immediately    near    the    fame 
place.     The  Britim  were  equally  diligent   in   pre- 
paring   for    their    defence.      Lieutenant-colonel 
Cruger,  who  had  a  fmall  command  at  Sunbury, 
and  lieutenant-colonel  Maitland,  who  was  in  force 
at  Beaufort,  were  ordered  to  repair  to  Savannah. 
As  the  French  frigates  approached  the  bar,  the 
Fowey  and  Rofe,  of  twenty  guns  each,  the  Kep- 
pel  and  Germain  armed  vefiels,  retired  towards 
the  town.     The  battery  on  Tybee  was  deftroyed. 
To  prevent  the   French   fhips   from   coming  too 
near  the   town,  the   llofe   and    Savannah  armed 
mips,   with    four    tranfports,   were    funk    in    the 
channel.     A  boom  was  laid  acrofs  it,  and  feveral 

fmall 


(     36     ) 

fm all  veffels  were  alfo  funk  above  the  town.  The 
feamen  were  appointed  to  the  different  batteries. 
The  marines  were  incorporated  with  the  grena- 
diers of  the  fixtieth  regiment,  and  great  numbers 
employed  both  by  day  and  night  in  U lengthen- 
ing and  extending  the  lines  of  defence.  Count 
D'Eftaing  made  repeated  declarations,  that  he 
cculd  not  remain  more  than  ten  or  fifteen  days 
on  more.  Neverthekfs  the  fail  of  Savannah 
was  confidcred  as  infallibly  certain.  It  was 
generally  believed  that  in  a  few  days  the  Britim 
would  be  (tripped  of  all  their  fouthern  poifeifions. 
Flufhed  with  thefe  romantick  hopes,  the  militia 
turned  out  with  a  readinefs  that  far  furpaffed  their 
exertions  in  the  preceding  campaign.  Every  aid 
was  given  from  Charlefton  by  fending  fmall  vef- 
feis to  afliffc  the  French  in  their  landing  ;  but,  as 
the  large  mips  of  count  D'Eftaing  could  not 
come  near  the  more,  this  was  not  effected  till  the 
12th  of  September.  On  the  1 6th  Savannah  was 
iummoned  to  furrender  to  the  arms  of  France. 
This  was  urged  by  the  loyalifts  as  an  argument 
of  the  intentions  of  the  French  to  conquer  for 
themfelves.  The  true  reafon  was,  that  the  Ame- 
rican army  had  not  then  come  up.  It  would 
have  been  therefore  abfurd  for  a  French  officer 
to  demand  the  furrender  of  a  town  to  an  abfent 
commander.  The  garrifon  requefted  twenty-four 
hours  to  confider  of  an  anfwer.  This  requeft 
was  made  with  a  view  of  gaining  time  for  the 
detachment  at  Beaufort,  commanded  by  lieute- 
nant-colonel Maitlandj  to  join  the  royal  army  in 

Savannah. 


C     37     ) 

Savannah.  An  enterprize  was  undertaken  to 
prevent  this  junction,  but  it  proved  unfucctfsful. 
The  pilots  would  not  undertake  to  conduct  to  a 
proper  ftation  the  frigates  deftined  to  intercept 
the  communication.  Lieutenant-colonel  Mait- 
land  availed  himfelf  of  this  circumftance,  pufhed 
through  by  Dawfufkies,  dragged  his  boats  through 
a  gut,  and  joined  general  Prevoft  before  the 
time  granted  for  preparing  an  anfwer  to  count 
D'Eftaing's  fummons  had  elapfed.  The  arrival 
of  fuch  a  reinforcement,  and  efpecially  of  the 
brave  lieutenant-colonel  Maitland,  determined 
the  garrifon  to  rifk  an  affault.  The  French  and 
Americans,  who  formed  a  junction  the  evening 
after,  were  therefore  reduced  to  the  ncceffity  of 
(forming,  or  of  befieging  the  garrifon.  The  re- 
folution  of  proceeding  by  fiege  being  adopted, 
the  attention  of  the  combined  armies  was  im- 
mediately called  to  the  landing  of  cannon,  and 
the  erecting  of  batteries.  The  diftance  of  the 
fleet  from  the  landing-place,  together  with  the 
want  of  proper  carriages  to  tranfport  the  cannon 
and  ftores  from  Thunderbolt  to  Savannah,  a  dif- 
tance of  five  miles,  confumed  a  great  deal  of 
time.  The  works  of  the  town  were  every  day 
perfecting  by  the  labour  of  feveral  hundred  ne- 
groes, directed  by  that  able  engineer  major  Mon- 
criefF.  On  the  evening  of  the  23d  the  French 
and  Americans  broke  ground,  and  on  the  24th 
major  Graham,  with  a  fmall  party  of  the  befieged, 
fallied  out  on  the  French  troops,  but  he  was  foon 
repulfed.     The  purfuit  was  continued  fo  near  to 

the 


(     3«     ) 

the  Britiih  intrenchments,  that  the  French,  on 
their  return,  were  expofed  to  a  heavy  fire,  by 
which  many  of  them  fell.  On  the  night  of  the 
2,7th  major  M'Arthur,  with  a  party  of  the  Bri- 
tiih pickets,  advanced  and  fired  among  the  be- 
fiegers.  This  was  conducted  fo  artfully  as  to 
occafion  a  firing  between  the  French  and  Ame- 
rican camps.  On  the  4th  of  October  the  be- 
fiegers  opened  with  nine  mortars,  thirty-feven 
pieces  of  cannon  from  the  land-fide,  and  fixteen 
from  the  water.  Thefe  continued  to  play  with 
fhort  intervals  for  four  or  five  days,  but  without 
any  confiderable  effect.  On  the  8th,  in  the 
morning,  major  L'Enlant,  with  five  men,  march- 
ed through  a  brifk  fire  from  the  Britifh  lines,  and 
kindled  their  abbatis  ;  but  the  dampnefs  of  the 
air,  and  the  moifture  of  the  green  wood,  prevented 
the  fuccefs  of  this  bold  undertaking. 

Soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  can- 
nonade, general  Prevoff  folicited  for  leave  to  fend 
the  women  and  children  out  of  the  town.  This 
humane  requeft  was,  from  motives  of  policy, 
refufed.  The  combined  army  was  fo  confident 
of  fuccefs,  that  it  was  fufpected  a  defire  of  fe- 
creting  the  plunder  lately  taken  from  the  inhabi- 
tants of  South-Carolina,  was  a  confiderable  object 
covered  under  the  fpecious  veil  of  humanity.  It 
was  alio  prefumed  that  a  refufal  would  expedite  a 
furrender.  The  period  being  long  fince  elapfed 
which  the  count  had  ailigned  for  this  expedition, 
and  the  engineers  informing  him,  that  more  time 

muft 


(     39     ) 

mufl  be  fpent  if  he  expected  to  reduce  the  gar- 
rifon  by  regular  approaches,  it  was  determined 
to  make  an  affault.  This  meafure  was  forced  on 
count  D'Eftaing  by  his  marine-officers,  who  had 
remon  ft  rated  againft  his  continuing  to  rifk  io 
valuable  a  fleet,  in  its  prefcrnt  unrepaired  condi- 
tion, on  fuch  a  dangerous  coafl  in  the  hurricane 
feafon,  and  ai  fo  great  a  diftance  from  the  more, 
that  it  might  be  furprized  by  a  Britifh  fleet. 
Thefe  remonftrances  were  enforced  by  the  pro- 
bability of  their  being  attacked  by  a  Britifh  fleet 
completely  repaired,  and  with  their  full  compli- 
ment of  men,  foldiers  and  artillery  on  board, 
when  the  mips  of  his  moil  chriltian  majefty 
were  weakened  by  the  abfence  of  a  confiderable 
part  of  their  crews,  artillery  and  officers.  In 
a  few  days  the  lines  of  the  befiegers  might  have 
been  carried  into  the  works  of  the  befieged  -y 
but  under  thefe  critical  circumftances  no  further 
delay  could  be  admitted.  To  aflault,  or  to  raife 
the  fiege  was  the  only  alternative.  Prudence 
would  have  dictated  the  latter,  but  a  fenfe  of 
honour  determined  to  adopt  the  former.  The 
morning  of  the  9th  of  October  was  fixed  upon 
for  the  attack.  Two  feints  were  made  with  the 
country  militia  ;  and  a  real  attack  on  the  Spring- 
Hill  battery  with  three  thoufand  five  hundred 
French  troops,  fix  hundred  continentals,  and 
three  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  Charlefton  mili- 
tia, led  by  count  D'Eftaing  and  general  Lincoln. 
They  marched  up  to  the  lines  with  great  bold- 
nefs  j    but  a  heavy  and  well-directed  fire  from 

the 


(     4°     ) 

the  batteries,  and  a  crofs-fire  from  the  gallics  did 
execution  fuch  as  threw  the  front  of  the  column 
into  confufion.  Two  ftandards  were  neverthe- 
lefs  planted  on  the  Britifh  redoubts.  Count  Pu- 
lafki,  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  horfemen,  was 
in  full  gallop,  riding  into  town  between  the  re- 
doubts, with  an  intention  of  charging  in  the  rear, 
when  he  received  a  mortal  wound.  A  general 
retreat  of  the  affailants  took  place  after  they  had 
flood  the  enemy's  fire  for  fifty-five  minutes. 
Count  D'Eflaing  received  two  wounds  ;  fix  hun- 
dred and  thirty-feven  of  his  troops,  and  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty-feven  continentals,  were  killed  or 
wounded  ;  of  the  three  hundred  and  fifty  Charlef- 
ton  militia,  who  were  in  the  hotteft  of  the  fire,  fix 
were  wounded,  and  the  intrepid  captain  Shep- 
herd killed.  d  General  Prevoft,  lieutenant-colonel 
Maitland  and  major  Moncrieff,  defervedly  ac- 
quired great  reputation  by  this  fuccefsful  defence. 
The  laft  of  thefe  gentlemen  received  alfo  a  very 
generous  donation  from  his  royal  mailer.  There 
were  not  ten  guns  mounted  on  the  lines  on  the 
day  of  the  fummons,  and  in  a  few  days  he  had 
upwards  of  eighty.  The  force  of  the  garrifon 
was  between  two  and  three  thoufand,  of  which 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  were  militia.  Though 
twelve  hundred  of  the  fencible  inhabitants  of 
Georgia  had  fubmitted  and  taken  oaths  to  the 
Britiih  government,  and  though  every  method 
was  ufed  to  bring  them  within  the  lines,  yet  no 
mure  than  the  inconfiderable  number  juft  men- 
tioned 
d  See  note  iv. 


(     4i      ) 

tioned  could  be  obtained.  The  damage  fuftained 
by  the  befieged  was  trifling,  as  they  fired  under 
cover,  and  few  of  the  affailants  fired  at  all.  The 
garrifon  loft  no  other  officer  than  the  gallant  cap- 
tain Taws,  who  defended  his  poft  with  the  greateft 
bravery.  Immediately  after  this  unfuccefsful  af- 
fault,  the  militia  almoft  univerfally  went  to  their 
homes.  Count  D'Eftaing  reimbarked  his  troops, 
artillery  and  baggage,  and  left  the  continent. 

Subsequent  events  foon  juftified  the  appre- 
henfions  of  thofe  who  had  exprefled  a  defire 
that  the  French  troops  and  marines,  employed  in 
the  fiege,  might  be  reimbarked.  They  were 
fcarcely  on  board  when  a  violent  gale  difperfed 
the  whole  fleet,  and  though  count  D'Eftaing  had 
ordered  feven  fhips  to  repair  to  Hampton  road  in 
the  Chefapeak,  the  marquis  De  Vaudreuil  was 
the  only  officer  who  was  able  to  execute  the 
order. 

This  vifit  of  the  fleet  of  his  mod  chriftian 
majefty  to  the  coaft  of  America,  though  unfuc- 
cefsful with  regard  to  the  main  object  intended, 
was  not  without  its  utility  to  the  United  States. 
It  in  the  firft  inftance  difconcerted  the  meafures 
already  digefted  by  the  Britifh  commanders  ;  and 
the  arrival  of  the  marquis  De  Vaudreuil  in  the 
Chefapeak  kept  them  fo  much  in  fufpence,  that 
they  could  not,  for  fome  time,  determine  on  any 
Dlan  of  ©Derations 

JL  A. 

Vol.  II.  G  The 


(     4*      ) 

The  fiege  being  raifed,  the  continental  troops 
retreated  over  the  river  Savannah — a  depreffion 
of  fpirits  fucceeded,  much  encreafed  by  the  pre- 
ceding elevation.  The  Georgia  exiles,  who 
had  arrived  from  all  quarters  to  repofiefs  them- 
felves  of  their  eftates,  were  a  fecond  time  obliged 
to  abandon  their  country,  and  feek  refuge  among 
ftrangers.  The  currency  depreciated  much  falter 
than  ever,  and  the  moft  gloomy  apprehenfions 
refpe&ing  the  fouthern  dates  generally  took  pof- 
feflion  of  the  minds  of  the  people. 

While  the  fiege  of  Savannah  was  pending,  a 
remarkable  enterprize  was  effected  by  colonel 
John  White,  of  the  Georgia  line.  Previous  to 
the  arrival  of  count  D'Eftaing  on  the  coafl  of 
Georgia,  captain  French,  with  one  hundred  and 
eleven  Britifh  regulars,  had  taken  poll  near  the 
river  Ogeechee,  about  twenty-five  miles  from  Sa- 
vannah. There  were  alfo  at  the  fame  place  five 
Britifh  vefTels,  four  of  which  were  armed,  the 
largeft  with  fourteen  guns,  and  the  fmallefl  with 
four,  and  the  whole  manned  with  upwards  of 
forty  failors.  Captain  French,  with  his  regulars, 
one  hundred  and  thirty  ftand  of  arms,  the  be- 
fore-mentioned five  vefTels,  with  their  crews,  fur- 
rendered  on  the  firfr.  of  O&ober  1779,  to  a  party 
of  Americans,  confuting  of  colonel  White,  cap- 
tain Elholm  and  three  others.  By  the  kindling 
of  a  number  of  fires  in  different  places,  the  pa- 
rade of  a  large  encampment,  and  a  variety  of 
other  flratagems,  captain  French  was  fully  im- 

prefTed 


(    43     ) 

preffed  with  an  opinion  that  nothing  but  an  inflant 
Surrender  could  favc  his  men  from  being  cut  to 
pieces  by  a  greatly  fuperior  force.  The  decep- 
tion was  carried  on  with  fp  much  addrefs,  that 
the  whole  of  the  Britifh  prifoners  were  fafely 
conducted  by  three  of  the  captors  for  twenty-five 
miles  through  the  country  to  the  American  pod 
at  Sunbury. 

Thus  ended  the  campaign  of  1779,  without 
any  thing  decifive  on  either  fide.  After  one  year, 
in  which  the  Britifh  had  over-run  the  {fate  of 
Georgia  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  up  the 
country,  and  had  penetrated  as  far  as  the  lines 
of  Charlefton,  they  were  reduced  to  their  origi- 
nal limits  in  Savannah.  All  their  fchemes  of  co- 
operation with  the  tories  had  failed,  and  the  fpi- 
rits  of  that  clafs  of  the  inhabitants,  by  repeated 
disappointments,  were  thoroughly  broken.  The 
arrival  of  the  French  fleet  protracted  the  execu- 
tion of  a  plan  formed  for  turning  the  force  of  the 
war  againfl  the  fouthern  ftates.  The  want  of 
fuccefs  in  the  attack  on  Savannah  induced  the 
Britifh  commander  in  New-York,  foon  after 
count  D'Eflaing's  departure,  to  refume  it. 

It  is  the  province  of  an  hiftorian  to  relate 
what  has  happened,  and  not  to  indulge  in  fancied 
conjectures  about  probable  contingencies.  Other- 
wife  it  might  be  added,  that,  if  the  garrifon  of 
Savannah  had  been  affaulted  in  the  firft  inflance, 
or,  if  the  fiege  had  been  continued   a  fortnight 

longer,, 


(     44     ) 

longer,  it  is  moft  likely  that  the  town  would  have 
fallen,  and,  in  confequence  thereof,  that  the  war 
would  have  terminated  without  the  redu&ion  of 
Charlefton,  the  over-running  of  the  fouthern  ftates, 
and  that  lofs  of  honour  and  property  which  re- 
fulted  from  the  breach  of  publick  faith,  pledged 
for  the  redemption  of  the  continental  and  ftate 
paper  currency  at  par  with  gold  and  filver. 


CHAPTER 


(     45     ) 

CHAPTER      NINTH. 

Of  the  reduclion  of  Char  left  on,  and  the  operations 
in  the  country  during  theficgc. 

NO  fooner  was  the  departure  of  the  French 
fleet  from  the  coad  of  America  known  and 
confirmed  at  New-York,  than  fir  Henry  Clinton 
fet  on  foot  a  grand  expedition  againft  Charlefton. 
The  campaigns  of  1778  and  1779  to  the  north- 
ward had  produced  nothing  of  importance.  But 
he  regaled  himfelf  with  flattering  profpech  of 
more  eafy  conquefls  among  the  weaker  Mates. 
The  almod  uninterrupted  march  of  general  Pre- 
vod  through  the  richeft  parts  of  South-Carolina 
to  the  gates  of  the  capital  ;  the  conduct  of  the 
planters,  who  on  that  occafion  were  more  atten- 
tive to  fecure  their  property  by  fubmiffion  than 
to  defend  it  by  refiflance  ;  together  with  the  re- 
cent fuccefsful  defence  of  Savannah — all  invited 
the  Britifh  arms  to  the  fouthward. 

Unfortunately  for  Carolina,  the  mod  for- 
midable attack  was  made  on  her  capital,  at  a 
time  when  me  was  lead  able  to  defend  it.  In 
1776  a  vote  of  her  new  government  damped  a 
value  on  her  bills  of  credit,  which  in  1780  could 
not  be  affixed  to  twenty  times  as  much  of  the 
fame  nominal  currency.  At  this  important  junc- 
ture, when  the  publick  fervice  needed  the  larged 
fupplies,   the  paper  bills  of  credit  were   of  the 

lead 


(     46     ) 

leaft  value.  To  a  want  of  money  was  added  a 
want  of  men.  The  militia  were  exhaufled  with 
an  uninterrupted  continuance  of  hard  duty.  The 
winter,  to  others  a  time  of  repofe,  had  been  to 
them  a  feafon  for  mod  active  exertions.  The 
dread  of  the  fmall-pox,  which,  after  feventeen 
years  abfence,  was  known  to  be  in  Charlefton, 
difcouraged  many  from  repairing  to  the  defence 
of  the  capital.  The  fix  continental  regiments, 
on  the  South-Carolina  eftablifliment,  in  the  year 
1777,  confided  of  two  thoufand  four  hundred 
men,  but  in  the  year  1780  they  were  fo  much 
reduced  by  death,  defertion,  battles,  and  the  ex- 
piration of  their  terms  of  fervice,  that  they  did 
not  exceed  eight  hundred.  Government  had 
neither  the  policy  to  forgive,  nor  the  courage  to 
punifli  the  numbers  who,  in  the  preceding  cam- 
paign, deferting  their  country's  caufe,  had  re- 
paired for  protection  to  the  royal  ftandard  of 
general  Prevofl.  They  who  flayed  at  home  and 
fubmitted,  generally  faved  fome  part  of  their 
property.  They  who  continued  with  the  Ameri- 
can army  were  plundered  of  every  thing  that 
could  be  carried  away,  and  deprived  of  the  re- 
mainder, as  far  as  was  pofiible,  by  wanton  de- 
ftru&ion.  After  events  of  this  kind,  it  was  no 
eafy  matter  to  call  forth  the  militia  from  their 
homes  to  the  defence  of  Charlefton.  The  re- 
pulfe  at  Savannah,  on  the  9th  of  the  preceding 
October,  impreffed  the  inhabitants  with  high 
ideas  of  the  power  of  Britain.  The  impoflibiiity 
of  a  retreat  from  an  inverted  town,  created   in 

many 


(     47     ) 

many  an  averfion  from  lines  and  ramparts.  The 
prefence  of  fir  Henry  Clinton,  who,  as  com- 
mander in  chief,  could  order  what  reinforce- 
ments he  pleafed,  and  who  would  naturally  wifh 
by  fomething  brilliant  to  eiface  the  remembrance 
of  his  defeat  in  1776,  concurred  with  the  caufes 
already  mentioned  to  difpirit  the  country.  In 
this  low  ebb  of  affairs,  Congrefs  recommended 
to  arm  the  negroes.  Had  this  meafure,  from 
which  the  inhabitants  were  generally  averfe,  been 
adopted,  arms  were  not  to  be  had.  The  North- 
Carolina  and  Virginia  continentals,  amounting 
to  fifteen  hundred  men,  and  alfo  two  frigates,  a 
twenty-gun  fhip,  and  a  Hoop  of  war,  were  or- 
dered from  the  northward  for  the  defence  of 
Charleflon.  This  was  all  the  aid  that  could  be 
expected  from  Congrefs.  The  refolution  was 
neverthelefs  unanimoully  taken,  in  a  full  houfe 
of  aifembly,  to  defend  the  town  to  the  lafl  ex- 
tremity. 

The  royal  army,  deflined  for  the  reduction  of 
Charleflon,  embarked  at  New- York  on  the  26th 
of  December  1779.  They  had  a  tedious  and 
difficult  paflage,  in  which  they  fuflained  great 
damage.  This,  with  their  touching  at  Savannah, 
made  it  as  late  as  the  nth  of  February  1780, 
before  they  landed  at  the  diflance  of  thirty  miles 
from  Charleflon.  The  affembly,  then  fitting, 
immediately  broke  up,  and  delegated,  '  till  ten 
'  days  after  their  next  feflion,  to  the  governor 
(  John  Rutledge,  efquire,  and  fuch  of  his  council 

4  as 


(     48     ) 

'  as  he  could  conveniently  confult,  a  power  to  do 
6  every  thing  neceffary  for  the  publick  good, 
c  except  the   taking   away   the   life   of  a   citizen 

*  without  a  legal  trial.'  Inverted  with  this  au- 
thority, he  immediately  ordered  the  militia  to 
rendezvous.  Though  the  neceffity  was  great,  few 
obeyed  the  preihng  call.  A  proclamation  was 
foon  after  ilfued,   c  requiring  fuch  of  the   militia 

*  as  were  regularly  draughted,  and  all  the  inha- 

*  bitants,  and  owners  of  property  in  the  town, 
'  to  repair  to  the  American  ftandard,  and  join 
?  the  garriion  immediately,  under  pain  of  con- 
'  nfcation.'  This  fevere,  though  neceffary  mea^ 
fure,  produced  very  little  effect.  Thefe  efforts, 
for  ftrengthening  the  operating  force  of  the  Ame- 
rican army  from  domeftick  refources,  were  ac- 
companied with  folicitations  to  the  governor  of 
the  Havannah  to  contribute  his  afliftance  in  pro- 
moting the  fame  defign.  Lieutenant-colonel  Ter- 
nant  was  difpatched  from  Charleflon,  in  the 
month  of  February,  to  negotiate  this  bufinefs. 
He  was  authorized  to  promife  two  thoufand  men 
to  co-operate  with  the  Spaniards  in  the  reduction 
of  St.  Auguftine,  if  they  would  lend  a  fufficient 
force  of  mips  and  troops  for  the  defence  of 
Charleflon  ;  but  the  Spanifh  governor  doubted 
his  authority  to  accede  to  the  proportion.  Had 
nr  Henry  Clinton  pulhed  immediately  for  the 
town,  it  is  probable  that  he  might  have  polfeffed 
himfelf  of  it  in  four  days  after  his  landing  ;  but 
that  cautious  commander  adopted  the  ilow  me- 
thod of  a  regular  invcftiture.     At  Wappoo,  on 

James 


(    49    ) 

James  ifland,  he  formed  a  depot  and  erected  for- 
tifications both  on  that  ifland  and  on  the  main, 
oppofite  to  the  fouthern  and  weflern  extremities 
of  the  town.  On  the  29th  of  March  he  pafled 
.Afhley  river,  and  the  third  day  after  broke 
ground  at  the  diftance  of  eleven  hundred  yards, 
and  at  fucceffive  periods  erected  five  batteries  on 
Charlefton  Neck.  The  garrifon  was  equally  afli« 
duous  in  preparing  for  their  defence.  The  works 
that  had  been  thrown  up  in  the  fpring  of  the 
year  1779,  were  ftrengthened  and  extended. 
Lines  of  defence  and  redoubts  were  continued 
acrofs  Charlefton  Neck  from  Cooper  to  Afhley 
river.  In  front  of  the  lines  was  a  ftrong  abbatis, 
and  a  wet  ditch  picketted  on  the  neareft  fide. 
Between  the  abbatis  and  the  lines  deep  holes  were 
dug  at  fhort  diftances  from  each  other.  The 
lines  were  made  particularly  ftrong  on  the  right 
and  left,  and  fo  conftructed  as  to  rake  the  wet 
ditch,  in  almoft  its  whole  extent.  In  the  cen- 
tre a  ftrong  citadel  was  erected.  Works  were 
thrown  up  on  all  fides  of  the  town  where  a  land- 
ing was  practicable.  Colonel  De  Laumoy  and 
lieutenant-colonel  De  Cambray,  two  French  en- 
gineers of  ability  in  the  fervice  of  Congrefs, 
were  indefatigable  on  this  occafion.  They  were 
joined  a  few  days  before  the  furrender  by  briga- 
dier-general Du  Portail.  The  continentals,  with 
the  Charlefton  battalion  of  artillery,  manned  the 
lines  in  front  of  the  Britifh  on  the  Neck  between 
Afhley  and  Cooper  rivers.  The  works  on  South- 
Bay  and  other  parts  of  the  town,  not  immedi- 
Vol.  II.  H  atelv 


(     5°     ) 

ately  expofed  to  danger,  were  defended  by  the 
militia.  The  marine  force  of  the  ftate  had  been 
increafed  by  converting  four  fchooners  into  gal- 
lies,  and  by  the  armed  mips  Bricole  and  Truite, 
which  for  that  purpofe  had  been  lately  purchafed 
from  the  French.  The  inferior  numbers  of  the 
garrifon  forbad  any  attempts  to  oppofe  fir  Henry 
Clinton  before  his  landing  on  the  main.  Imme- 
diately  after  which  lieutenant-colonel  John  Lau- 
rens, with  a  corps  of  light-infantry,  brifkly  at- 
tacked his  advanced  guards.  In  this  fkirmifh, 
captain  Bowman  was  killed,  major  Hyrne  and 
feven  privates  wounded.  Though  the  lines  were 
no  more  than  field-works,  yet  fir  Henry  treated 
them  with  the  refpeclful  homage  of  three  paral- 
lels, and  made  his  advances  with  the  greatefl 
circumfpeclion.  From  the  third  to  the  tenth  of 
April,  the  firft  parallel  was  completed,  and  im- 
mediately after  the  town  was  fummoned  to  fur- 
render.  On  the  1 2th  the  batteries  were  opened, 
and  an  almofl  incelfant  fire  kept  up. 

A  British  fleet,  commanded  by  admiral  Ar- 
buthnct,  confilling  of  the  Renown  of  fifty  guns, 
the  Romulus  and  Roebuck  each  of  forty-four, 
the  Richmond,  Le  Blonde,  Raleigh,  Virginia, 
each  of  thirty-two  guns,  and  the  Sandwich  armed 
fhip,  croffed  the  bar  in  front  of  Rebellion  road 
on  the  aoth  of  March,  and  anchored  in  Five 
Fathom  Hole.  The  force  oppofed  to  this  was 
the  Bricole  of  forty-four  guns,  the  Providence 
and  Bofton,  each  of  thirty-two,   the  Queen  of 

France 


(     5'     ) 

France  of  twenty-eight,  L'Avanture  and  the 
Truite,  each  of  twenty-fix,  the  Ranger  and  brig 
General  Lincoln,  each  of  twenty,  and  the  brig 
Notre  Dame  of  fixteen  guns.  The  firfl  objeel: 
of  commodore  Whipple,  who  commanded  the 
American  naval  force,  was  to  prevent  admiral 
Arbuthnot  from  eroding  the  bar  ;  but  on  the 
near  approach  of  the  Bririfh  fleet  he  retreated 
to  fort  Moultrie,  and  in  a  few  days  after  to 
Charlefton.  The  crews  and  guns  of  all  his  vef- 
fels,  except  the  Ranger,  were  put  on  fhore  to 
reinforce  the  batteries.  On  the  ninth  of  April 
admiral  Arbuthnot  weighed  anchor  at  Five  Fa- 
thom Hole,  and  taking  advantage  of  a  flrong 
foutherly  wind,  and  flowing  tide,  pafled  fort 
Moultrie  without  flopping  to  engage  it.  Colo- 
nel Pinckney,  who  commanded  on  Sullivan's 
ifland,  with  three  hundred  men,  kept  up  a  brifk 
and  fevere  lire  on  the  fhips  in  their  paflage. 
Twenty-feven  feamen  were  killed  or  wounded. 
The  Richmond's  fore-topmafr.  was  fhot  away, 
and  the  fhips  in  general  fuftained  damage.  The 
Acetus  tranfport  ran  aground  near  Haddrell's 
point.  Captain  Gadfden,  detached  with  two 
field-pieces,  fired  into  her  with  fuch  effect,  that 
the  crew  fet  her  on  fire,  and  retreated  in  boats 
to  the  other  veffels.  The  royal  fleet  came  to 
anchor,  in  about  two  hours,  near  the  remains  of 
fort  Johnfton  on  James  ifland,  within  long  fhot 
of  the  town  batteries.  To  prevent  their  running 
up  Cooper  river,  from  which  they  might  have 
enfiladed  the  lines,  was  the  next  objeel;.     With 

this 


(    5*    ) 

this  intention  eleven  veffels  had  been  funk  in  the 
channel  oppofite  to  the  Exchange.  The  Ranger 
frigate  and  two  gallies  were  Rationed  to  the  north- 
ward of  it,  to  co-operate  with  the  batteries  on 
fhore,  in  defending  thefe  obftru&ions,  and  to 
attack  any  armed  veffels  that  might  force  a 
paffage  through  Hog-Ifland  channel. 

Though  the  greatefl  exertiqns  had  been  made 
by  the  gentlemen  in  power  to  reinforce  the  gar- 
rifon,  and  to  ftrengthen  the  lines,  yet  their  en- 
deavours were  not  feconded  by  the  people.  No 
more  country  militia  could  be  brought  into  the 
town,  and  very  few  could  be  perfuaded  to  em- 
body in  the  country.  Out  of  a  thoufand  North- 
Carolina  militia,  commanded  by  general  Lilling- 
ton,  whofe  term  of  fervice  expired  while  the 
fiege  was  pending,  no  more  than  three  hundred 
could  be  perfuaded  to  remain  within  the  lines, 
though  the  government  of  South-Carolina  offered 
to  thofe  who  would  continue  in  the  garrifon  very 
generous  encouragement.  Seven  hundred  conti- 
nentals, commanded  by  general  Woodford,  who 
had  marched  five  hundred  miles  in  twenty-eight 
days,  arrived  in  Charlefton  on  the  tenth  of  April. 
This  was  the  only  reinforcement  the  garrifon  re- 
ceived during  the  fiege,  though  the  communica- 
tion between  the  town  and  country  was  open 
until  the  middle  of  April. 

The  fire  of  the  befiegers  foon  difcovered  itfelf 
to  be  much  fuperior  to  that  of  the  befieged.     The 

former 


I  S'ketcA  cftmRL&srr.V  nj/W0rJ1  /7/<>)>w,7  tie  disposition  offfo  BfflT/#M  F&&J2T  under  Me tammana '.gf 
Yuy  Adm? MAEF0T    ■"  ■  "  n'J'  f^n  ArJUfaiKen  W/iT  JmHV/r/if*}  on  SFZZVAN  TSLAIVB    /"  </Ve 


(     53     ) 

former  had  the  advantage  of  twenty-one  mortars 
and  royals ;  the  latter  only  of  two.  While  the 
lines  of  approach  advanced  with  fuch  rapidity, 
that  the  fecond  parallel,  at  the  diftance  of  three 
hundred  yards,  was  completed  on  the  20th,  the 
lines  of  the  befieged,  in  many  places,  fuftained 
great  damage.  On  the  14th  the  American  ca- 
valry, as  mall  be  more  particularly  hereafter 
related,  was  furprized  at  Monk's  Corner,  and 
totally  routed.  On  this  event  the  Britifh  imme- 
diately extended  themfelves  to  the  eaftward  of 
Cooper  river,  and  took  pod  with  two  hundred 
and  fifty  cavalry  and  five  hundred  infantry,  in 
the  vicinity  of  Wappetaw.  On  the  1 6th  general 
Lincoln  called  a  council  of  officers,  who  were  of 
opinion  that  the  weak  if  ate  of  the  garrifon  made 
it  improper  to  detach  a  number  fufficient  to  at- 
tack this  feparate  corps.  The  only  practicable 
route  of  an  evacuation  was  to  the  right  of  the 
town.  To  deter  general  Lincoln  from  attempt- 
ing this  change  of  pofition,  the  Britifh  continued 
to  extend  and  increafe  their  force  in  that  quarter. 
On  the  20th  and  2,1ft  a  council  of  officers  was 
again  called  to  deliberate  on  the  important  fub- 
ject  of  an  evacuation.  They  were  of  opinion, 
'  that  it  was  unadvifable,  becaufe  of  the  oppofi- 
*  tion  made  to  it  by  the  civil  authority  and  the  in- 
'  habitants,  and  becaufe,  even  if  they  mould  fuc- 
4  ceed  in  defeating  a  large  body  of  the  enemy 
'  pofted  in  their  way,  they  had  not  a  fufficiency 
6  of  boats  to  crofs  the  Santee  before  they  might  be 
6  overtaken  by  the  whole  Britifh  army.'  The  coun- 
cil 


(     54     ) 

cil  of  war  recommended  a  capitulation  with  the 
befiegers  as  the  mod  eligible  mode  of  effecting  the 
defired  evacuation.  In  this  it  was  propofed  that  the 
fecurity  of  the  inhabitants,  and  a  fafe  unmolefted 
retreat  for  the  garrifon,  with  baggage  and  field- 
pieces  to  the  north-eaff:  of  Charlefton,  fhould  be 
granted  on  the  part  of  fir  Henry  Clinton,  as  an  equi- 
valent for  the  quiet  pofieffion  of  the  town,  its  for- 
tifications and  dependencies.  Thefe  terms  were 
inftantly  rejected,  and  from  that  time  the  difpi- 
rited  garrifon  made  a  languid  refiftance.  The 
fcarcity  of  provifions  being  affigned  as  one  reafon 
for  the  intended  evacuation,  every  houfe  in  town 
was  fearched,  but  on  enquiry  it  was  found  that 
private  dwellings  were  as  nearly  exhaufted  as  the 
publick  magazines.  Provilion  had  been  ltored 
in  large  quantities  to  the  north-eaflward  of 
Charlefton,  but  from  the  low  value  of  the  money, 
the  want  of  carriages  and  horfes,  and  the  badnefs 
of  roads,  they  could  not  be  brought  to  town  be- 
fore the  invefliture  of  it  was  completed.  From 
the  failure  of  the  promifed  reinforcements  which 
were  expected  by  the  commander  of  the  Ameri- 
can army,  the  communication  between  the  town 
and  country  could  not  be  maintained  without 
making  fuch  detachments  as  would  have  endan- 
gered the  garrifon. 

The  inferior  numbers  of  the  befieged  forbad 
repeated  fallies.  The  only  one  made  during  the 
fiege  was  on  the  24th  of  April,  foon  after  the 
rejection  bf   the  offered   terms    of   capitulation. 

This 


(    55    ) 

This  was  cond lifted  by  lieutenant-colonel  Hcn- 
deribn  who  led  out  two  hundred  men,  and  at- 
tacked the  advanced  working-party  of  the  Britifh, 
killed  feveral,  and  took  eleven  prifoners.  In  this 
affair  captain  Moultrie,  of  the  South-Carolina 
line,  was  killed.  The  only  plan  now  left  lor  an 
evacuation,  was  to  withdraw  privately,  under  co- 
ver of  the  night,  A  council  of  war  held  on  the 
26th  pronounced  this  meafure  impracticable  with 
the  prefent  numbers  of  the  garrifon  ;  but  as  rein- 
forcements were  expected  from  the  country  on 
the  rear  of  the  befiegers,  a  hope  was  ftill  indulged 
of  fome  future  favourable  moment  to  effect  the 
wifhed-for  retreat.  To  forward  this  defign,  and 
to  preferve  the  communication  between  the  town 
and  country,  a  breaftwork  had  been  erected  fome 
days  before  at  Lempriere's,  on  the  eafi  fide  of 
Cooper  river,  and  fome  heavy  cannon  mounted 
on  it,  but  the  Britifh  having  extended  their  force 
into  its  vicinity,  this  poit  was  foon  abandoned. 
On  the  night  of  the  fame  day  the  Britifh  gallies 
paffed  under  the  lire  of  the  fouthern  batteries  of 
Charlelton  from  "Wappoo  to  the  Cove,  and  inter- 
cepted all  communication  between  the  garrifon 
and  fort  Moultrie.  The  inveititure  was  now 
completed,  and  the  Britifh  army  communicated 
with  the  fleet  on  both  flanks.  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
had  alfo  about  the  fame  time  received  a  reinforce- 
ment of  three  thoufand  men  from  New-York. 
Difficulties  preffed  hard  on  every  fide.  To  fur- 
render  the  garrifon  prifoners  of  war,  appeared 
to  many  a  difafter   of  fuch   magnitude   as  to   be 

nearly 


(     S6     ) 

nearly  equal  to  any  that  could  take  place  in  at- 
tempting the  evacuation  To  withdraw  the  te- 
gular army  clandestinely  from  the  town,  and 
leave  the  citizens  to  the  mercy  of  an  enraged 
enemy,  without  giving  them  the  offer  of  joining 
in  the  intended  retreat,  would  have  been  unge- 
nerous. On  the  other  hand,  to  have  given  every 
citizen  his  option  of  retreating  with  the  army  or 
of  flaying  and  fubmitting  to  the  conquerors, 
would  have  put  it  in  the  power  of  a  difaffecfed 
individual,  by  deferring  to  the  enemy,  to  bring 
them  on  the  retreating  garrifon  before  they  were 
in  their  boats.  Independent  of  every  difficulty 
that  might  have  been  thrown  in  the  way  by  the 
difarTecled  among  the  citizens,  the  evacuation  of 
the  town  was,  in  the  opinion  of  almoft  every 
military  man,  absolutely  impracticable.  While 
general  Lincoln  was  preffed  with  thefe  difficulties, 
the  Britifh  flag  was  feen  flying  on  fort  Moultrie. 
After  the  mips  had  pafled  Sullivan's  ifland,  colo- 
nel Pinckney,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the 
men  under  his  command,  was  withdrawn  from 
that  poll:,  to  reinforce  the  befieged  army  in 
Charleston.  The  feeble  remainder  of  that  gar- 
rifon, moftly  militia,  on  the  6th  of  May  furren- 
dered,  without  firing  a  gun,  to  captain  Hudfon  of 
the  Britifh  navy.  On  the  next  day  fir  Henry- 
Clinton  began  a  correfpondence,  and  renewed 
his  former  terms.  At  this  time  all  the  flefh-pro- 
vifions  of  the  garrifon  were  not  iufficient  to  fur- 
nifh  rations  for  the  fpace  of  a  week.  There  was 
no  profpect  either  of  reinforcements  or  of  fup- 

plies 


(     SI     ) 

plies  from  the  country.     The  engineers  gave  it 
as  their  opinion  that  the  lines   could  not  be   de- 
fended ten  days  longer,  and  that  they  might  at 
any  time  be  carried  by  affault  in   ten  minutes. 
The  fame  obflacles  in  the  way  of  an   evacuation 
flill  exifted  with  increafed  force.     General  Lin- 
coln was  difpofed  to  clofe  with  the  terms  offered, 
as  far  as  they  refpected  his  army  ;  but  fome   de- 
mur was   made   in  behalf  of  the   citizens.     Sir 
Henry  Clinton  infilled  on  their  being  all  prifoners 
on  parole,  and  would  promife  nothing  farther, — 
than  that  the  town-property  of  thofe   who  were 
within  the  lines  mould   not  be   molefted   by  the 
Bririfh  troops.     He  alfo  evaded  any  determinate 
anfwer  to  the  article   which  requefted   leave  for 
thofe  who  did  not  choofe  to  fubmit  to  the  Britifh 
government,   to  fell  their  eitates   and   leave  the 
province.     The  royalifts  in  the  (late  having  had 
this  indulgence  at  all   times  fince  the  abolition 
of  regal  government,   it  was  hoped  that  on  a  pro- 
per reprefentation  of  thefe  matters,  in  a  free  con- 
ference,  the  generofity   of  the  befiegers   would 
foften  their  demands.     This  conference  was  afked 
by    general    Lincoln,    without    directly    refufing 
what  was  offered.     Contrary  to   the  expectation 
of  the  befieged,    an   anfwer  was   returned  that 
hoitilities  fhould   recommence   at  eight  o'clock. 
When  that   hour  arrived  the  moft  vigorous  onfet 
of  the  befiegers  was  immediately   expected   by 
the  garrifon.     But  infread   of  this   neither  army 
fired  a  gun  for  fome  time,     Both  feemed  to  dread 
the  confequences  of  an  affault,  and  to  wjfli  for  a 
Vol.  II.  I  continuance 


(     S3     ) 

continuance  of  the  truce,  and  a  reconfideration 
of  the  propofed  articles.  At  nine  P.  M.  firing- 
commenced  from  the  garrifon,  and  was  kept  up 
on  both  fides  for  feveral  hours  with  unufual 
brifknefs,  and  did  more  execution  than  had  taken 
place  in  the  fame  length  of  time  fince  the  com- 
mencement of  the  lirge.  Shells  and  carcafles 
were  thrown  inceifantly  into  almofl  all  parts  of 
the  town.  Several  houfes  were  burnt,  and  many 
more  were  with  difficulty  faved.  By  this  time 
the  Britiih  had  completed  their  third  parallel. 
Befides  the  cannon  and  mortars  which  played  on 
the  garrifon  at  a  distance  of  lefs  than  a  hundred 
yards,  rifles  were  fired  by  the  Heflian  jagers  with 
inch  effect,  that  very  few  efcaped  who  fhewed 
themfelves  above  the  lines.  On  the  nth  the 
Britiih  crofied  the  wet  ditch  by  fap,  and  ad- 
vanced within  twenty-five  yards  of  the  lines  of 
the  befieged.  On  this  day  petitions  were  pre- 
fented  from  a  great  majority  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  of  the  country  miiitia,  praying  general  Lin- 
coln to  accede  to  the  terms  offered  by  fir  Henry 
Clinton.  During  the  fiege  a  few  fecret  friends 
of  royal  government  fomented  and  encouraged 
a  mutinous  difpofition  among  the  citizens,  and 
fuccefsfully  worked  on  the  fears  of  the  timid. 
When  it  was  generally  known  that  there  was  an 
infufficiency  of  animal  provifion  in  the  garrifon, 
and  that  the  town  was  completely  furrounded, 
thefe  men  openly  urged  the  neceiilty  of  an  imme- 
diate furrencier.  The  meafure  of  petitioning  re- 
ceived   its   firfl   and    warmeit  fuppcrt  from   the 

difaffecled, 


■Q 


V    i 


0 


■ 


\ 


Si 


\n;/Us         "%  V,ru m.,.m. 

1 1  O'i/A.-  Q    V  Gmrnty 

C  FtnfWrm  ,      1.1     //., 

Hi  i» 

EUfctlWI 

a  (4*>,W  u/'A  //>■  /ttr  /jr/t-s  anr/  /*',*/,>„/'/    /v</w*i./  r;W 

Cm.,.' ,;.,„  .;..«/,.  i.  i'./;.  /,„ 

.1/,'ittttttitr  />/}  tni/ts  Air/itrnr   (y  '    l/.'//nrs 

Onus  Ouns 

K  .../        ;       V/.V, 

L  '    0  /•-./.-//   « 

. '     I"  ffmnAtt  ; 

.    .!"///«./;.//;• 

t.lt/rs   tJt'l">\iLS/I<irrs 
UlStl 

Itri'oi  u  i  <  \rii:    .  IKRIKS  iif  i  m: 

HK///SI/  l/.M)        ■  DTI'OX  KB 

fmafini ill)*  .fan// 
'  '/rm:f  fmtMT  f  '.-n^tto  ■  rtt  /?!»<•/  M.lf  ,n, 

■■    tUm 


sO 


"~^ 


>■  //    1  /?  /.  /;■.<•  '/■/    .V 

i,  noulera/  /;•■  i  i^vifui 

■    «  but  ,/■»>•  //,.v.h;„ 
■     I  m/rent  .■/'  .'/',■ 

/gr/t>n,  ! 


(    59    ) 

difaffected,  to  whom  all  capitulations  were  equal, 
as  they  meant  to  become  Britifh  fubjects.  Thefd 
had  the  addrefs  to  ftrengthen  themielves  by  the 
timid,  and  even  by  fome  of  the  braveft  and  bell 
citizens,  who  believed  that  farther  refinance  was 
vain.  Under  thefe  circumftances  general  Lin- 
coln found  it  necefTary  to  affent  to  the  articles  as 
propofed  without  any  conference  or  explanation. e 

This  was  the  nrft  inflance  in  the  American 
war  of  an  attempt  to  defend  a  town,  and  the  un- 
fuccefsful  event,  with  its  confequences,  makes  it 
probable,  that,  if  this  method  had  been  gene- 
rally adopted,  the  independence  of  America  could 
not  have  been  fo  eahly  fupported. 

Much  cenfure  was  undefervedly  call  on  gene- 
ral Lincoln  for  rilking  his  army  within  the  lines. 
Though  the  contrary  plan  was  undoubtedly  the 
bed  in  general,  yet  he  had  particular  reafons  to 
juftify  his  deviation  from  the  example  of  the  il- 
luftrious  commander  in  chief  of  the  American 
army.  The  reinforcements  promifed  him  were 
fully  fufficient  for  the  fecurity  of  the  town,  The 
Congrefs  and  the  governments  of  North  and 
South-Carolina  gave  him  ground  to  count  upon 
nine  thoufand  nine  hundred  men.  From  a  va- 
riety of  caufes,  fome  of  which  have  been  already 
dated,  this  paper  army,  including  the  militia  of 
both  Carolinas,  was  very  little  more  than  one 
third  of  that  number.     As  lon^  as  an  evacuation 

was 
c  See  note  v. 


(     60     ) 

was  practicable  he  had  fuch  afTurances  of  fupport, 
that  he  could  not  attempt  it  with  propriety.  The 
Britim  afterwards  took  fuch  a  pofition,  that  in 
the  opinion  of  good  judges,  a  retreat  could  not 
be  fuccefsfully  made.  Before  the  batteries  were 
opened,  and  for  two  or  three  days  after,  the  re- 
gular army  might  have  retired  from  the  town  ; 
but  had  the  meafure  been  attempted  within  that 
period,  the  mod  brilliant  fuccefs  would  not  have 
prevented  the  fevered  cenfures.  After  the  16th 
of  April  an  attempt  to  withdraw  the  army  would 
have  left  the  town  in  the  hands  of  the  Britifli  at 
unconditional  mercy,  and  if  unfuccefsful  might 
have  been  productive  of  worfe  confequences 
than  a  furrender  by  capitulation.  Notwithftand- 
ing  this  unfortunate  termination  of  his  command 
in  the  fouthern  diftrict,  great  praife  is  due  to 
general  Lincoln  for  his  judicious  and  fpirited  con- 
duct in  baffling,  for  three  months,  the  greatly 
fuperior  force  of  fir  Henry  Clinton  and  admiral 
Arbuthnot.  Though  Charlefton  and  the  fouth- 
ern army  were  loft,  yet  by  their  long  protracted 
defence,  the  Britifh  plans  were  not  only  retarded, 
but  deranged,  and  North-Carolina,  as  will  here- 
after be  made  evident,  was  faved  for  the  remain- 
der of  the  year  1780. 

The  return  of  prifoners,  tranfmitted  by  fir 
Henry  Clinton,  on  the  furrender  of  Charlefton, 
was  very  large.  It  comprehended  every  adult 
freeman  of  the  town,  between  two  and  three 
thoufand  failors,  who  had  been  taken  from  the 

dipping, 


(  tfi  ) 

ihipping,  and  put  into  the  batteries,  and  the  mi- 
litia of  both  Carolinas  then  in  garrifon.  Thefe 
fwelled  the  number  to  upwards  of  five  thoufand, 
and  afforded  ample  materials  for  a  fplendid  ac- 
count of  the  importance  or  the  conqueft  ;  but 
the  real  number  of  the  privates  of  the  continen- 
tal army  was  nineteen  hundred  and  feventy-feven, 
and  of  thefe  five  hundred  were  in  the  hofpitals. 
The  number  of  captive  officers  was  alfo  great, 
and  out  of  proportion  to  the  privates' — one  major- 
general,  fix  brigadiers,  nine  colonels,  fourteen 
lieutenant-colonels,  fifteen  majors,  eighty-four 
captains  and  captain-lieutenants,  eighty-four  lieu- 
tenants, thirty-two  fecond-lieutenants  and  enfigns. 
The  commanders  of  the  militia  from  the  country, 
who  were  moftly  people  of  the  firft  rank,  in- 
fluenced by  a  fenfe  of  honour,  repaired  to  the 
defence  of  the  town,  though  they  could  not 
bring  with  them  a  number  of  privates  equal  to 
their  refpective  commands.  The  continental  re- 
giments were  completely  officered,  though  the 
adequate  number  of  privates  was  greatly  deficient. 
Thefe  fupernumerary  regular  officers,  though 
without  command,  were  retained  in  the  garrifon 
from  an  apprehenfion  that  their  being  ordered 
out  would  have  difpirited  the  army,  and  from 
an  expectation  that  was  confidently  indulged  in 
the  early  parts  of  the  fiege,  that  their  fervices 
would  be  wanted  to  command  the  expecled  large 
reinforcements  of  militia.  During  the  thirty 
days  of  the  fiege,  only  twenty  American  fol- 
diers    deferted.      The    milftia   and   failors   were 

ftationed 


(     62     ) 

Rationed  in  thofe  batteries,  which  were  not  much 
expofed,  and  therefore  they  fuffered  very  little. 
Of  the  continentals  who  manned  the  lines  in 
front  of  the  befiegers  eighty-nine  were  killed,  and 
one  hundred  and  thirty-eight  wounded  ;  among 
the  former  were  colonel  Parker,  an  officer  who 
had  often  diflinguiihed  himfelf  by  his  gallantry 
and  good  conduct,  and  captain  Peyton,  both  of 
the  Virginia  line,  Philip  Neyle,  aid-de-camp  to 
general  Moultrie,  captains  Mitchel  and  Temple- 
ton,  and  lieutenant  Gilbank.  The  Charleston 
militia  artillery,  who  were  ftationed  at  the  lines, 
and  did  equal  duty  with  the  continentals,  had 
three  men  killed,  adjutant  "Warham  and  feven 
privates  wounded  ;  about  twenty  of  the  inhabi- 
tants who  remained  in  their  houfes  were  killed 
by  random- (hot  in  the  town.  Upwards  of  thirty 
houfes  were  burnt,  and  many  others  greatly 
damaged. 

After  the  Britifh  took  poffefiion  of  the  town, 
the  arms  taken  from  the  army  and  inhabitants, 
amounting  to  five  thoufand,  were  lodged  in  a 
laboratory,  near  a  large  quantity  of  cartridges, 
and  of  loole  powder.  By  the  imprudence  of  the 
-guard,  in  fnapping  the  guns  and  piftols,  this 
powder  took  fire,  blew  up  the  houfe,  difperfed 
the  burning  fragments  of  it,  which  fet  fire  to 
and  deftroyed  the  workhoufe,  the  gaol  and  the 
old  barracks.  The  Britifh  guard,  confuting  of 
fifty  men,  (rationed  at  this  place,  was  deftroyed., 
and  their  mangled  bo'dies  dallied  by  the  violent 

explofion 


(    63     ) 

explofion  againft  the  neighbouring  houfes  in 
Archdale-Street.  Several  perfons  in  the  vicinity 
fhared  the  fame  fate.  Many  of  the  fire-arms 
were  loaded.  They,  with  the  cartridges  going 
off,  fent  the  inftruments  of  death  in  all  directions. 
Upwards  of  a  hundred  perfons  loll  their  lives  on 
this  occahon. 

In  the  tedious  and  difficult  winter  pafiage  of 
the  royal  army  from  New- York  to  Charlefton, 
the  horfes  deflined  to  mount  the  Britifh  cavalry 
were  loft.  Lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton,  after  he 
landed,  in  a  little  time  obtained  a  frefh  fupply, 
and  began  the  career  of  his  victories.  Soon  af- 
ter he  had  procured  horfes  to  mount  his  cavalry, 
he  joined  a  body  of  about  a  thoufand  men,  who 
had  marched  through  the  country  from  Savan- 
nah, under  the  command  of  general  Patterfon. 
On  the  1 8th  of  March  1780,  a  detachment  from 
his  corps  furprized  a  party  of  American  militia, 
about  eighty  in  number,  at  Saltcatcher  bridge, 
killed  and  wounded  feverai  of  them,  and  dif- 
perfed  the  remainder.  Five  days  after  lieutenant- 
colonel  Tarleton,  with  his  legion,  fell  in  with 
another  fmall  party  of  mounted  militia,  near 
Ponpon,  who  immediately  retreated.  In  the 
purfuit  three  were  killed,  one  wounded  and  four 
taken  prifoners.  Kis  next  rencounter  was  on  the 
27th,  with  lieutenant-colonel  Wafhington,  at  the 
head  of  his  regular  corps  of  horfe,  between  the 
ferry  on  Aihley  river  and  Rantowle's  bridge  on 
Stono.     The  Americans  had  the  advantage,  took 

feven 


(     64     ) 

feven  prifo.ners,  and  drove  back  the  cavalry  of 
the  Britifh  legion  ;  but,  for  want  of  infantry, 
durft  not  purfue  them,  At  the  beginning  of  the 
fiege  general  Lincoln  ordered  the  regular  cavalry, 
amounting  to  three  hundred  men,  to  keep  the 
field,  and  the  country  militia  were  ordered  to  act 
as  infantry  in  their  fupport.  The  militia,  at  this 
period  of  the  conteft,  were  uncommonly  averfe 
from  doing  their  duty,  and,  on  various  pretences, 
refufed  to  attach  themfelves  to  the  cavalry.  This 
important  body  of  horfe,  which  was  intended  to 
cover  the  country,  and  keep  open  a  communi- 
cation between  it  and  the  town,  was  furprized 
on  the  14th  of  April  at  Monk's  Corner,  by  a 
flrong  party  of  Britifh,  led  by  lieutenant-colonels 
Tarleton  and  "Webfter.  A  negro-flave,  for  a 
fum  of  money,  conducted  the  Britifh  from  Goofe 
creek,  in  the  night,  through  unfrequented  paths. 
Although  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Ameri- 
can cavalry  had  taken  the  precaution  of  having 
his  horfes  faddled  and  bridled,  and  the  alarm 
was  given  by  his  videttes,  ported  at  the  diftance 
of  a  mile  in  front ;  yet,  being  entirely  unfup- 
ported  by  infantry,  the  Britifh  advanced  fo  rapid- 
ly, notwithflanding  the  oppofition  of  the  ad- 
vanced-guard, that  they  began  their  attack  on 
the  main  body  before  they  could  put  themfelves 
in  a  pofture  of  defence.  About  twenty-five  of 
the  Americans  were  killed  or  taken.  They  who 
efcaped  were  obliged  for  feveral  days  to  conceal 
themfelves  in  the  fwamps.  Upwards  of  thirty 
horfes  were  loft,  and  became  a  feafonable  fup- 

ply 


(    65    ) 

ply  to  the  Britiih  who  were  but  badly  mounted. 
After  this  cataftrophe  all  armed  parties  of  Ame- 
ricans, for  fome  time,  abandoned  that  part  of 
the  (late  which  lies  to  the  fouthward  of  Santee. 

Soon  after  this  furprize,  Colonel  Anthony- 
Walton  White  arrived,  and  took  the  command 
of  the  remains  of  the  cavalry.  At  the  head  of 
this  corps,  mounted  a  fecond  time  with  great 
difficulty,  he  eroded  to  the  fouthward  of  the 
Santee,  and  on  the  fixth  of  May  1780,  came  up 
with  a  fmall  Britifli  party  at  the  houfe  of  colonel 
Ball,  took  them  prifoners,  and  conducted  them 
to  Lanneau's  ferry.  Orders  had  been  given  in 
due  feafon  by  colonel  White  to  proper  perfons  to 
collecl:  boats,  and  to  affemble  a  body  of  infantry  at 
this  place,  to  cover  the  American  cavalry  in  their 
recroffing  the  Santee,  but  they  had  not  been  car- 
ried into  execution.  The  zeal  of  a  new  fubject, 
who  had  lately  lubmitted  to  the  royal  army, 
prompted  him  to  give  immediate  notice  to  lord 
Cornwallis  of  colonel  White's  fituation.  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Tarleton,  with  a  party  of  his  horfe, 
was  difpatched  to  the  ferry,  and  he  arrived  there 
in  a  few  minutes  after  the  American  cavalry,  and 
inftantly  charged  them  with  a  fuperior  force. 
From  the  want  of  boats  and  of  infantry,  a  re- 
treat was  impracticable,  and  refinance  unavailing. 
A  rout  took  place.  Major  Call  and  feven  others 
efcaped  on  horfeback  by  urging  their  way  through 
the  advancing  Britifli  cavalry.  Lieutenant-colo- 
nel Wafhington,  major  Jamcfon,  and  five  or  fix 

Vol.  II.  K  privates, 


(    66    ) 

privates,  faved  themfelves  by  fwimming  acfofs 
the  Santee.  About  thirty  were  killed,  wounded 
or  taken.  The  remainder  got  off  by  concealing 
themfelves  in  the  fwamps.  The  Britifh  prifoners, 
who  were  in  a  boat  eroding  the  river,  being  called 
upon  by  their  friends  to  come  back,  rofe  on  their 
guard,  and  were  releafed. 

After  the  landing  of  the  Britifh  in  1780  de- 
predations, fimilar  to  thofe  defcribed  in  the  eighth 
chapter,  recommenced.  As  the  reduction  of 
Carolina  was  then  confidently  expected,  they  did 
not  commit  fuch  wanton  waftes  as  general  Pre- 
voft's  army,  but  it  is  hard  to  tell  which  exceeded 
the  other  in  plundering.  As  the  royal  army  of 
1780  was  much  more  numerous,  and  extended 
over  the  country  on  all  fides  of  Charlefton,  and 
had  the  convenience  of  a  large  fleet  on  the  coafl 
to  carry  off  their  fpoil,  they  made  much  greater 
collections  of  bulky  articles.  They  poffefTed 
themfelves  in  particular  of  indigo  to  the  value 
of  many  thoufand  dollars.  From  miflaken  po- 
licy, the  merchants  and  others  had  flored  the 
greater  part  of  their  commodities  without  the 
lines,  and  very  often  on  or  near  the  water. 
Thefe  collections  very  generally  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  conquerors.  The  Britifh  on  this 
occafion  plundered  by  fyftem,  formed  a  general 
flock,  and  appointed  commiffaries  of  captures. 
Spoil  collected  this  way  was  difpofed  of  for  the 
benefit  of  the  royal  army.  The  quantity  brought 
to  market  was  fo  great,  that  though  it  fold  un- 
commonly 


(    67    ) 

commonly  low,  yet  the  dividend  of  a  major- 
general  was  upwards  of  four  thoufand  Britifh 
guineas.  The  private  plunder  of  individuals,  on 
their  feparate  account,  was  often  more  than 
their  proportion  of  the  publick  flock.  Over  and 
above  what  was  fold  in  Carolina,  feveral  veflels 
were  fent  abroad  to  market,  loaded  with  rich 
fpoil  taken  from  the  inhabitants.  Upwards  of 
two  thoufand  plundered  negroes  were  fhipped 
off  at  one  embarkation.  Several  private  gentle- 
men loft,  in  the  invafions  of  1779  an(^  17%°> 
from  five  hundred  to  two  thoufand  dollars  worth 
of  plate,  and  other  property  in  proportion.  The 
flaves  a  fecond  time  flocked  to  the  Britifh  army, 
and,  being  crowded  together,  were  vifited  by 
the  camp-fever.  The  fmall-pox,  which  had  not 
been  in  the  province  for  feventeen  years,  broke 
out  among  them,  and  fpread  very  rapidly.  From 
thefe  two  difeafes,  and  the  impoffibility  of  their 
being  provided  with  proper  accommodations  and 
attendance  in  the  Britifh  encampments,  great 
numbers  of  them  died,  and  were  left  unburied 
in  the  woods.  A  few  instances  occurred,  in 
which  infants  were  found  in  unfrequented  re- 
treats, drawing  the  breafts  of  their  deceafed 
parent  fome  time  after  life  was  gone. 


CHAPTER 


(     63     ) 


CHAPTER      TENTH. 

Of  the  navy,  trade,  paper  currency,  army,  militia, 
and  other  mifcellaneous  matters  in  South-Carolina, 
chiefly  prior  to  the  reduclion  of  Charkfion. 

HEN  South-Carolina  firft  adopted  the 
idea  of  defending  herfelf  againft  all  hof- 
tile  attempts  to  enforce  the  claims  of  the  Britifh 
parliament,  fhe  had  not  pofleffion  of  a  fingle 
armed  veflel.  The  Tamar,  a  floop  of  eighteen 
guns,  and  the  Cherokee,  an  armed  veflel  of  fix- 
teen  guns,  belonging  to  the  King  of  Great-Bri- 
tain, lay  in  the  road  and  harbour  of  Charlefton, 
and  committed  many  outrages  on  private  pro- 
perty. To  check  thefe  depredations  was  the 
general  wifh,  but  the  means  of  effecting  it  did 
not  occur  to  the  inhabitants  heretofore  occupied 
in  the  peaceable  lines  of  agriculture  and  com- 
merce. The  offers  of  fervice.  made  by  fundry 
fpirite-d  gentlemen,  who  propofed  to  board  them 
fword  in  hand,  were  uniformly  reje&ed  by  the 
popular  leaders,  who  wilhed  to  heal  rather  than 
widen  breaches.  Few  were  acquainted  with  the 
nature  of  gallics,  or  the  method  of  conftructing 
them.  With  the  means  of  defence  in  their 
hands,  and  the  fpirit  to  ufe  them,  the  inhabitants 
of  Charlefton,  partly  from  inexperience  and  part- 
ly from  pacifick  intentions,  iubmitted  for  a  con- 
fiderable  time  to  many  iniults  from  the  Britifh 
vcffels  in  the  harbour.     At  lad  it  was  agreed  to 

arm 


(     69     ) 

arm  raerchantmen.  A  coafling  fchooner  was  fit- 
ted out  with  fixteen  guns,  to  which  was  given 
the  name  of  the  Defence.  The  Profper,  a  mer- 
chant-fnip,  was  mounted  with  twenty  guns  ;  and 
foon  after  another  coafling  fchooner,  named  the 
Comet,  was  armed  with  fixteen  guns.  Thefe 
were  originally  intended  for  the  fecurity  of 
Charleflon  and  the  harbour.  A  galley,  called  the 
Beaufort,  was  built,  and  three  fmall  veffels  were 
converted  into  gallies,  for  the  protection  of  the 
inland  navigation.  Another  coafling  fchooner 
was  fitted  out  with  ten  guns,  which  was  intended 
for  the  protection  of  Georgetown.  In  the  pro- 
grefs  of  the  difpute,  after  Britifh  feizures  had 
induced  the  continental  Congrefs  to  authorize 
reprizals,  the  Comet,  the  Defence,  and  the  Beau- 
fort gallies,  were  converted  into  brigs,  and, 
cruizing  on  the  high  feas,  brought  in  feveral 
prizes.  The  marine  department,  in  its  firfl  flage, 
was  managed  by  the  council  of  fafety  and  the 
privy-council  ;  but  it  foon  became  neceffary  to 
put  it  under  the  direction  of  men  of  more  lei- 
fure  and  profeilional  knowledge..  The  legiflature 
erected  a  navy-board,  and  delegated  to  Edward 
Blake,  Roger  Smith,  jofiah  Smith,  George  Smith, 
Edward  Darrell,  Thomas  Corbet,  John  Ed- 
wards, George-Abbott  Kail,  and  Thomas  Savage, 
efquires,  8  authority  to  fuperintend  and  direct  the 
c  building,  buying  or  hiring  of  all  veffels  in  the 
'  publick  fervice,  and  to  direct  the  outfits  of  the 
6  fame,  and  the  fu miming  them  with  neceffary 
6  ordnance,     victualling,   provifions,    and  naval- 

'  ftores-** 


(     7°    ) 

i  Itores — to  fill  vacancies  in  the  navy  or  marine — - 

*  and  to  draw  warrants  on  the  treafury  for  the  fums 

*  of  money  neceffary  for  the  purpofes  aforefaid.' 
Thefe  gentlemen  took  charge  of  the  above-men- 
tioned publick  vcflels,  and  alfo  built  a  brig  of 
fourteen  guns,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of 
the  Hornet.  This  was  the  whole  of  the  Carolina 
navy  for  the  firft  four  years  of  the  war. 

In  the  year  1777  the  continental  frigate  Ran- 
dolph, captain  Biddle,  put  into  Charlefton  in 
diftrefs.  After  being  refitted  fhe  failed  on  a 
cruize,  and  in  eight  days  returned  with  four  rich 
prizes.  This  encouraged  the  ftate  to  attempt 
fomething  in  the  fame  way  with  her  little  marine. 
The  fhip  General  Moultrie,  captain  Sullivan,  the 
brig  Polly,  captain  Anthony,  and  brig  Fair  Ame- 
rican, captain  Morgan,  belonging  to  private  per- 
fons,  were  taken  into  the  publick  fervice  on  this 
occafion.  They,  in  conjunction  with  the  conti- 
nental frigate  Randolph,  and  the  fiate-brig  Notre 
Dame,  early  in  1778  failed  on  a  cruize.  They 
defcried  a  vefTel  to  the  windward  of  Barbadoes, 
and  engaged  her  in  the  night,  prefuming  that 
flie  was  a  frigate,  but  fhe  proved  to  be  the  Yar- 
mouth, a  hxty-four  gun  fhip.  After  an  engage- 
ment of  feventeen  minutes  the  Randolph  blew 
up,  with  three  hundred  and  fifteen  fouls  on  board, 
who  all  periihed  excepting  four,  who,  after  toff- 
ing  about  for  four  days  on  a  wreck,  were  difco- 
vered  and  taken  up  by  a  palling  vefTel.  Captain 
Biddle,  who  loft  his  life  on  this   occafion,  was 

prized 


(    7'     ) 

prized  by  his  country  as  one  of  her  very  bed 
naval  officers.  Captain  Joor,  a  worthy  brave 
officer  or  the  firft  South-Carolina  regiment,  with 
fifty  privates  of  that  corps,  acting  as  marines  on 
board  the  Randolph,  all  hkewife  perifhed.  The 
other  veffels,  efcaping  from  the  Yarmouth,  con- 
tinued their  cruize.  The  brig  Fair  American, 
and  (hip  General  Moultrie,  took  a  valuable  Gui- 
neaman,  and  the  brigs  Notre  Dame  and  Polly 
took  fixteen  prizes,  but  only  four  of  them 
arrived   fafe  in  a  friendly  port. 

In  1779,  when  general  Prevoft  lay  near 
Charlefton,  feveral  armed  veffels  brought  him 
fupplies  from  Savannah,  To  intercept  this  com- 
munication captain  Hall,  in  the  brig  Notre  Dame, 
captain  Tryon,  in  the  brig  Beaufort,  captain 
Anthony,  in  the  brig  Bellona,  and  fome  other 
private  armed  veffels,  put  to  lea  under  the  di- 
rection of  the  navy-board.  They  fell  in  with 
feven  Britifh  veffels  near  Stono,  two  of  which 
were  taken  and  brought  fafe  into  Charlefton ; 
one  was  blown  up,  and  the  reft  efcaped. 

About  the  fame  time  fixty  grenadiers  of  the 
Britifh  army,  with  two  field-pieces  and  mufketry, 
attacked  the  American  fchooner  llattlefnake, 
from  the  banks  of  the  river  Stono.  Her  gallant 
commander,  captain  Friiby,  defended  himfelf. 
with  the  greateft  bravery,  repulfed  the  affailants 
with  the  lofs  of  their  captain,  and  the  greateft 
part  of  his  men  \  but  finding  it  impoflible  to  re- 
treat 


(    7*     ) 

treat  with  his  vefiel,  fet  her  on  fire,  and  con- 
ducted his  wounded  men  with  the  reft  of  his 
crew,  fafe  through  the  country,  though  in  pof- 
feffion  of  the  enemy,  to  the  American  camp  at 
Bacon's  bridge. 

The  great  advantages  refulting  to  the  flatc 
from  their  little  navy,  and  the  manifold  diftrefs 
fuftained  by  the  trade  for  want  of  protection, 
induced  the  legiflature  to  take  methods  for  pur- 
chafing  or  building  three  frigates.  Had  this 
meafure  been  adopted  at  the  commencement  of 
the  war,  it  is  probable  that  the  fcheme  would 
have  been  both  practicable  and  advantageous, 
but  all  the  plans  adopted  in  the  firft  period  of 
the  conteft  were  temporary,  and  calculated  for 
no  other  purpofe  than  that  of  immediate  domef- 
tick  fecurity.  In  the  progrefs  of  the  war  the 
paper  currency  loft  fo  much  of  its  original 
value,  that  the  means  of  procuring  the  frigates 
could  not  eafily  be  commanded.  Alexander 
Gillon,  efquire,  was  appointed  commodore,  John 
Joyner,  William  Robefon,  and  John  M'Queen, 
efquires,  were  appointed  captains.  The  commo- 
dities of  the  country  were  purchafed,  and  {hip- 
ped on  the  publick  account,  and  the  commodore 
was  authorized  to  borrow  money  on  the  credit 
of  the  ftate.  He,  with  his  corps  of  officers,  failed 
in  the  year  1778  for  Europe,  and  there  exerted 
the  utmoft  of  his  abilities  in  the  profecution  of 
the  bufinefs  on  which  he  was  fent.  Various  cm- 
bar  raflinents,   from  intercepted  remittances  and 

other 


(    73    ) 

other  caufes,  prevented  his  completing  the  object 
of  his  million.  He  could  accomplifh  nothing 
more  than  to  purchafc,  on  credit,  for  the  ufe  of 
the  date,  a  large  quantity  of  clothing  and  am- 
munition, and  to  hire  a  large  frigate  from  the 
prince  of  Luxembourg  for  the  term  of  three  years, 
on  condition  of  allowing  the  prince  one  fourth 
of  the  prizes  captured  while  fhe  cruifed  at  the 
rifk  and  expence  of  South-Carolina.  The  fri- 
gate engaged  by  commodore  Gillon,  on- this  oc- 
cafion,  was  built  at  Amfterdam,  originally  on 
account  of  the  United  States,  and  was  of  a  par- 
ticular conflru&ion,  mounting  twenty-eight  Swed- 
ifh  thirty-fix  pounders  on  one  deck,  and  twelve 
Swedifh  twelve-pounders  on  her  forecaflle  and 
quarter-deck,  being  in  dimenfions  equal  to  a 
feventy-four  gun  fhip.  Two  hundred  and  eighty 
marines,  and  fixty-nine  feamen,  were  engaged 
on  behalf  of  South-Carolina,  to  man  this  frigate. 
Thefe  were  kept  at  Dunkirk  for  feveral  months, 
until  the  fhip  could  be  got  to  the  Texel.  As 
her  great  draught  of  water  prevented  her  from 
retting  over  the  fhoals  in  any  other  pofition  than 
on  her  broadfide,  their  being  on  board  would 
have  proved  an  incumbrance.  Thefe  men,  though 
fed,  paid  and  clothed  with  the  money  of  the  fiate 
of  South-Carolina,  were  fent  with  other  troops 
from  Havre-De-Grace  without  the  knowledge  or 
confent  of  commodore  Gillon,  on  an  expedition 
againft  the  ifiand  of  Jerfey.  So  many  of  them 
were  killed  and  captured  in  that  unfortunate  en- 
terprize,  which  took  place  in  January  17S1,  that 
Vol.  II.  L  the 


(     74     ) 

the  frigate  was  difabled  from«going  to  fea  till  the 
Auguft  following.  After  innumerable  difficul- 
ties were  furmounted  ihe  then  began  to  cruize, 
and  in  a  fhort  time  captured  feveral  valuable 
prizes.  Her  commander  had  alfo  the  fole  di- 
rection of  the  Spanifh  and  American  marine 
forces,  which  in  May  1782  reduced  the  Baha- 
ma iilands  under  the  crown  of  Spain.  The  fleet, 
confiding  of  eighty-two  fail,  which  undertook  this 
enterprize,  was  conducted  by  commodore  Gillon 
from  the  Havannah  through  the  dangerous  naviga- 
tion of  the  Providence  channel.  Soon  after  the 
termination  of  this  expedition,  fhe  arrived  in 
Philadelphia.  After  being  completely  repaired, 
at  an  immenfe  expence,  Ihe  put  to  fea  from  that 
port  under  the  command  of  captain  Joyner. 
On  the  fecond  day  after  Ihe  left  the  capes  of 
Delaware,  fhe  was  captured  by  three  Britifh  fri- 
gates. In  this  fpirited  attempt  to  equip  a  navy, 
the  expences  far  exceeded  the  profits.  Including 
the  intercepted  remittances,  and  the  clothing 
and  ammunition  purchafed  by  commodore  Gil- 
lon for  publick  fervice,  with  the  dilburfements 
on  account  of  the  frigate,  it  coft  the  flate  of 
South-Carolina  upwards  of  two  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars. 

Soon  after  trade  between  Great-Britain  and 
South-Carolina  ceafed,  a  few  adventurous  in- 
dividuals began  to  fend  velfels  to  the  Dutch  and 
French  Weft-India  iflands.  It  was  early  forefeen 
that  the  publick  would  fuffer  molt  for  the  want 

of 


(    75    ) 

of  fait.  To  obviate  this  inconvenience,  eight 
gentlemen  entered  into  a  partnerfhip  to  purchafe 
fix  fwift-failing  veffels  in  Bermuda,  to  be  em- 
ployed in  importing  that  neceifary  article.  They 
arrived  fafe,  and  for  a  feafon  fupplied  the  wants 
of  the  people.  They  continued  this  trade  till, 
they  were  all  taken. 

Commerce  foon  began  to  flow  in  new  chan- 
nels. The  old  merchants,  whofe  fortunes  were 
eafy,  unwilling  to  rifle  their  capital,  generally 
retired  from  bufinefs.  A  new  fet,  who  had  lit- 
tle to  lofe,  by  boldly  venturing  ferved  their 
country,  and  rapidly  advanced  their  own  intereft. 
Various  artifices  were  ufed  to  fcreen  this  contra- 
band trade  from  legal  feizure.  Some  veffels  had 
captains  of  different  nations,  and  regifrers  of  dif- 
ferent ports,  and  were  occalionally  French,  Dutch, 
Englifh,  or  American  property,  as  the  exigency 
of  the  cafe  required.  Notwithflanding  all  this 
fubtilty  many  forfeitures  were  incurred.  The 
increafing  demand  for  imported  goods,  and  the 
floppage  of  all  exportation  to  Great-Britain,  put 
it  fo  much  in  the  power  of  adventurers  to  fell 
imported  articles  dear,  and  to  purchafe  country 
produce  cheap,  that,  in  the  years  1776  and  1777, 
the  fafe  arrival  of  two  veffels  would  indemnify 
them  for  the  lofs  of  one.  For  the  encourage- 
ment of  trade,  two  infurance-companies  opened 
offices,  which  greatly  forwarded  the  extenfion  of 
commerce.  A  direct  trade  to  France  was  foon 
attempted,    and   French   veffels  in  like   manner 

found 


(    76    ) 

found  their  way  into  the  port  of  Charlefton* 
This  intercourfe,  in  its  commencement,  proved 
very  unfortunate  to  the  inhabitants  of  South-Ca- 
rolina ;  for  out  of  fixteen  vefTels,  richly  laden 
with  the  commodities  of  the  country,  four  only 
arrived  fafe.  This  heavy  blow,  for  a  little  time, 
damped  the  fpirit  of  enterprize,  but  it  foor. 
revived. 

The  new-ra'fed  regiments  required  a  fupply  of 
many  articles,  which  could  not  be  procured  in 
the  United  States.  It  was  the  good  fortune  of 
captain  Cochran,  who  was  firft  employed  on  this 
bufinefs,  to  be  the  only  one  of  three  trading  on 
the  account  of  the  flate,  who  went  and  returned 
fafe.  He  failed  for  Nantz,  loaded  with  country 
produce,  which  he  exchanged  to  great  advan- 
tage for  fuch  articles  as  were  wanted  for  publick 
fervice.  The  Betfy,  captain  M'Kenzie,  and  the 
Hope,  captain  Hatter,  failed  foon  alter  captain 
Cochran,  but  were  both  taken.  The  latter  of 
them  had  on  board  a  great  quantity  of  foldiers* 
clothing,  two  forty-two  pounders,  and  a  large 
fupply  of  other  articles,  the  lofs  of  which  was 
fcverely  felt.  The  fpirit  of  adventure  in  the 
merchants  daily  increased.  A  confiderable  trade, 
though  much  inferior  to  what  had  been  ufual  in 
times  of  peace,  was  carried  on  in  this  manner 
for  the  greatefl  part  of  the  three  firft  years  of 
the  conteft,  when  the  operations  of  the  Britifh 
were  chiefly  confined  to  the  northern  Mates.  It 
received  fevere  mocks  from  repeated  embargoes, 

and 


(    77    ) 

and  the  growing  depreciation  of  the  paper  cur- 
rency. To  fubferve  military  operations,  the  fail- 
ing of  veffels  was  feveral  times  interdicted. 
Though  this  was  fuppofed,  by  the  ruling  powers, 
to  promote  the  general  caufe  of  America,  feve- 
ral of  the  moil  difcerning  citizens  thought  other- 
wife.  It  forely  diftreffed  commerce,  and  pre- 
vented the  country  from  obtaining  fupplies  of 
foreign  commodities.  It  alfo  difcouraged  ftran- 
gers  from  fending  their  velfels  into  American 
ports,  as  their  return,  for  reafons  of  ftate,  was 
io  frequently  prevented. 

The  paper  currency,  iffued  by  the  Congrefs, 
retained  its  value  undiminifhed  much  longer  in 
South-Carolina  than  in  other  parts  of  the  United 
States.  In  the  latter  end  of  1776,  though  the 
victorious  arms  of  general  fir  William  Howe 
threatened  the  fubverfion  of  American  indepen- 
dence, yet  in  Carolina  there  was  no  fenfible  de- 
preciation. Men  of  property  had  fo  generally 
Hepped  forward  in  fupport  of  the  revolution,  that 
their  influence  was  fuppofed  to  be  fully  equal  to 
the  eilablifhment  of  their  new  currency,  even  in 
a  royal  houfe  of  affembly,  if  the  conqueft  of  the 
ftate  fhould  reftore  kingly  government.  The 
immenfe  value  of  the  ftaple  commodities  of  the 
country,  the  animation,  unanimity  and  enthufi- 
afm  of  the  people,  precluded  all  fear  of  its  finally 
finking.  When  depreciation  took  place,  it  ori- 
ginated from  caufes  very  different  from  a  diftruft 
pf  the  final  fuccefs  of  the  revolution.     The  emif- 

fions 


(    73     ) 

fions  of  paper  currency  in  1775  and  1776  were 
of  real  advantage  to  the  (late  of  South-Carolina  j 
for  the  whole  money  then  in  circulation  was  ina- 
dequate to  the  purpofes  of  a  medium  of  trade. 
For  feveral  years  before  the  termination  of  the 
royal  government,  from  three  to  five  thoufand 
negroes  had  been  annually  imported  into  the 
province.  This  caufed  the  greateft  part  of  the 
gold  and  filver,  procured  at  foreign  markets  for 
the  commodities  of  the  country,  very  foon  to 
centre  in  Great-Britain.  In  confequence  of  dif- 
putes  between  the  commons  houfe  of  aflembly, 
and  the  King's  council,  the  palling  of  a  tax-bi!l 
had  been  for  four  years  prevented.  The  emiffi- 
ons  of  paper  currency  had  been,  by  royal  in- 
ftructions,  for  fome  confiderable  time  wholly 
prohibited.  In  this  fcarcity  of  a  circulating  me- 
dium, payments  were  often  made  by  the  transfer 
of  private  bonds.  Bank-bills,  to  a  confiderable 
amount,  iffued  on  the  credit  of  five  gentlemen 
of  large  eftates,  had  a  currency  equal  to  the  pre- 
cious metals.  Certificates,  figned  by  the  clerk 
of  the  commons  houfe  of  affembly,  and  counter- 
figned  by  a  few  of  its  members,  fetting  forth 
that  the  fums  therein  fpecified  were  due  to  indi- 
viduals from  the  publick,  paffed  currently  for 
money,  though  they  were  iffued  by  the  fole  au- 
thority of  one  branch  of  the  legiflature.  The 
ability  of  the  province  to  pay  its  debts,  and  the 
religious  obfervance  of  good  faith  in  performing- 
all  its  engagements,  had  eftablifhed  a  credit  fu- 
perior  to  the  mines  of  Potofi,  and  gave  currency 

to 


(    79    ) 

to  every  thing  (lamped  with  the  authority  of  go- 
vernment. To  a  people  thus  circumftanced, 
whofe  credit  was  unftained,  and  who,  though 
deficient  in  gold  and  filver,  abounded  in  real 
wealth,  the  paper  currency  was  very  acceptable, 
and  greatly  facilitated  the  transfer  of  property* 
It  fet  in  immediate  motion  the  late  flagnant 
ftreams  of  commerce — invigorated  induftry — 
and  gave  a  fpring  to  every  branch  of  bufinefs. 
It  had  an  operation  on  fociety  fimilar  to  what 
might  be  expected  from  a  government  becoming 
fuddenly  poffeffed  of  a  large  quantity  of  hidden 
treafure,  and  throwing  it  into  circulation  for  the 
publick  benefit.  Inftead  of  the  wrar  taking  any 
thing  from  the  people  at  its  commencement,  it 
was  the  occafion  of  increafmg  their  poifeflions, 
by  annexing  the  fubfb.itial  value  of  gold  and 
filver  to  paper  of  no  intrinfick  worth. 

As  hard  money  was  either  hoarded  up  by  men 
of  forecaft,  or  fhipped  off  to  purchafe  foreign 
commodities,  and  the  continental  currency  was 
moftly  confined  to  the  northern  flates,  till  near 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1778,  the  ftate  emifli- 
ons  did  not,  for  a  confiderable  time,  exceed  the 
quantity  neceflary  for  circulation.  The  fums 
(truck  by  the  authority  of  South-Carolina  were 
as  follows : 


s775: 


(     So     ) 

*775> 
June  14.  By  refolution  of  Con- 

grefs,  £.  998,809     7     6 

November  15.  Ditto  ditto,  119,726     3     9 

1776, 
March  6.  Ditto  ditto,  748,957     4     4 

Odober    19.    By   ordinance   of 

general  aflembly,  125,937   10     o 

December  23.  By  act  of  general 

aflembly,  486,682   15     o 

i777> 
February    14.   By  ordinance  of 

general  aflembly,  499,785     o     o 

March  28.  By  ordinance  of  do.      63,470     6     3 

1779' 
Februarys.  By  ditto  ditto,         4,774,185     o     o 


£-  7>$17>553     ^  10 

Thefe  funis  are  in  the  old  provincial  currency, 
at  the  rate  of  feven  for  one,  flerling  money  of 
Great-Britain.  Befides  thefe  provincial  bills,  the 
different  emiflions  ftruck  by  authority  of  the  con- 
tinental Congrefs  had  a  currency  in  South-Caro- 
lina, and  were  by  the  laws  of  the  flate  made  a 
legal  tender  in  the  payment  of  debts.  The  emif- 
fions  from  this  fource,  in  the  firft  five  years  of 
the  war,  amounted  in  the  whole  to  two  hundred 
millions  of  dollars. 

The  paper  currency  retained  its  value  undimi- 
nifhed   in  South-Carolina  for  eighteen   months, 

viz. 


(     8i     ) 

viz.  from  June  1775  to  January    1777.     At  this 
period  commenced  a  depreciation  deliructive  to 
credit,  ruinous  to  the  monied  interefl,  and  greatly 
detrimental  to  the  fuccefs  of  military  operations. 
The   progrefs   of   depreciation   was   fcarcely  per- 
ceivable in  the  firfl  three   months   of  1777,  and 
was  very  flow  throughout  that  whole  year.     From 
the  commencement  of  the  year  1778,  when  great 
quantities  of  the  continental  money  began  to  flow 
into  the  (late,  it  became  much  more  rapid.     The 
enormous   expences  of  the   armies  kept  up  by 
Congrefs   in   the   extenfive   campaigns   of    1775, 
1776,    1777,    in   the    northern    Hates,    required 
immenfe  fupplies  of  money.     This  could  not  be 
raifed  in  fufficient  quantities  either  by  taxes  or 
loans.     The   only  practicable   refource    left    was 
emiffions   of   paper  currency  under  an  engage- 
ment to  be  redeemed  at  a  future  day.     The  fup- 
pofed  neceffity  of  the  cafe  carried  thefe  emiffions 
beyond  all  prudential  bounds.     The  fuccefs  of 
general  Howe  in  1776  and   1777  materially  in- 
jured the  credit  of  this  currency   in   the  middle 
flates.     Many  interefted  men,  in  the  neighbour- 
hood   of  the    Britiih    operations,    judging    from 
their  fuccefs  in  reducing  New- York,  Philadelphia, 
and  a  great  part  of  the  jerfies,  apprehended  the 
final  conqueft  of  America,  and  therefore  began 
to  realize  the  Congrefs  paper  money  left  it  might 
fink    in    their    hands.     The    large    quantities    of 
counterfeit  bills,  which  were  induftrioufly  blended 
with  the  true  by  emiflaries  from  the  Biitifli  gar- 
rifons,  contributed  much  to  their   depreciation. 
Vol.  II  M  The 


(     82      ) 

The  common  people,  not  able  to  diftinguifh  the 
falfe  from  the  true  bills,  began  to  infure  them- 
felves  by  afking  higher  prices. 

The  fyftem  of  fupplying  the  army,  at  firfl 
adopted  by  Congrefs,  by  allowing  commiffions 
on  the  amount  of  fums  expended  by  commifTaries 
and  quartermafters,  threw  great  temptations  in 
the  way  of  thofe  descriptions  of  officers  to  en- 
hance the  price  of  commodities.  The  neglect 
of  agriculture,  and  the  embarraffments  of  trade, 
diminifhed  the  articles  ufually  transferred  from 
one  to  another  by  the  intervention  of  money,  at 
a  time  that  the  rulers  of  the  country  employed 
two  printing-preffes  in  multiplying  the  artificial 
figns  of  wealth.  Thefe  caufes  of  depreciation, 
operating  mod  forcibly  in  the  northern  ftates, 
produced  a  greater  and  earlier  depreciation  there 
than  in  South-Carolina.  Money  like  water  will 
foon  find  its  level.  Adventurous  traders,  on 
being  informed  that  the  continental  paper  cur- 
rency was  of  moft  value  to  the  Southward,  re- 
paired thither  with  large  fums  of  it,  and  contri- 
buted much  more  to  the  depreciation  in  South- 
Carolina  than  all  the  emiffions  of  the  (late.  The 
Randolph's  prizes,  which  arrived  early  in  1778, 
were  fuppofed  to  bring  into  South-Carolina  half 
a  million  of  dollars.  The  depreciation  that  took 
place  previous  to  this  was  comparatively  trilling, 
and  naturally  refulted  from  the  combined  influ- 
ence of  an  increafe  of  money,  and  decreafe  of 
goods.  From  this  time  forward  an  artificial  de- 
preciation 


(     83     ) 

preciation  was  fuperadded  to  the  natural.  The 
porTeflbrs  of  the  paper  money,  who  either  from 
accident  or  fagacity,  conjecfured  right  about 
the  event,  finding  that  it  daily  loft  part  of  its 
value,  were  perpetually  in  quell  of  bargains.  As 
they  forefaw  that  Congrefs  would  make  further 
emiffions  for  the  fupplies  of  their  armies,  they 
concluded  that  it  would  be  better  to  purchafe 
any  kind  of  property  than  to  lay  up  their  money. 
The  progreffive  fuperabundance  of  caih  produced 
a  daily  rife  in  the  price  of  commodities.  The 
deceitful  found  of  large  nominal  fums  tempted 
many  pofleffors  of  real  property  to  fell.  1  he 
purchafers,  if  indulged  with  the  ufual  credit,  or 
if  they  took  the  advantage  which  the  delays  of 
the  courts  of  juftice  allowed,  could  pay  for  the 
whole  by  the  fale  of  an  inconfiderable  part.  The 
fanguine,  flattering  themfelves  with  the  delufive 
hopes  of  a  fpeedy  termination  of  the  war,  were 
often  induced  to  fell  left  a  fudden  peace  ihould 
at  once  appreciate  the  money,  in  which  cafe  it 
was  fuppofed  they  would  lofe  the  prefent  oppor- 
tunity of  felling  to  great  advantage.  From  the 
fame  principles  they  hoarded  up  the  bills  of  credit 
in  preference  to  purchafmg  folid  property  at  a 
fuppofed  extravagant  price.  They  miftook  the 
diminifhed  value  of  the  money  for  an  increafed 
price  of  commodities,  and  therefore  concluded 
that,  by  buying  little,  felling  much,  and  retain- 
ing their  paper  currency,  they  were  laying  the 
folid  foundations  of  future  permanent  wealth. 
Subfequent  events,  in  oppofition  to  the  commonly 

received 


(     84     ) 

received  maxims  of  prudence  and  economy, 
fully  demonftrated  that  they,  who  inftantly  ex- 
pended their  money,  received  its  full  value, 
while  they  who  laid  it  up  fuflained  avdaily  dimi- 
nution of  their  capital. 

That  the  money  mould  finally  fink,  or  that  it 
ihould  be  redeemed  by  a  fcale  of  depreciation, 
were  events  neither  forefeen  nor  expected  by  the 
bulk  of  the  people.  The  Congrefs,  and  the  local 
legiflatures,  for  the  firft  five  years  of  the  war,  did 
not  entertain  the  moft  diftant  idea  of  fuch  a 
breach  of  publick  faith.  The  generality  of  the 
friends  of  the  revolution,  repofing  unlimited 
confidence  in  the  integrity  of  their  rulers,  the 
plighted  faith  of  the  government,  and  the  fuccefs 
of  the  caufe  of  America,  amufed  themfelves  with 
the  idea,  that,  in  a  few  years,  their  paper  dollars, 
under  the  influence  of  peace  and  independence, 
would  be  funk  by  equal  taxes,  or  realized  into 
filver  at  their  nominal  value,  and  that  therefore 
the  fellers  would  ultimately  increafe  their  eftates 
in  the  fame  proportion  that  the  currency  had  de- 
preciated. The  plunderings  and  devaluation  of 
the  enemy  made  feveral  think  that  their  property 
would  be  much  fafer  when  turned  into  money 
than  when  fubject  to  the  cafualties  of  war.  The 
difpofition  to  fell  was  in  a  great  degree  proporti- 
oned to  the  confidence  in  the  juflice  and  final 
fuccefs  of  the  revolution,  fuperadded  to  expecta- 
tions of  a  fpeedy  termination  of  the  war.  The 
moft   fanguine    whigs    were    therefore    oftenefr. 

duped 


(    85    ) 

duped  by  the  fallacious  found  of  high  prices. 
Thefe  principles  operated  fo  extenfively,  that  the 
property  of  the  inhabitants,  in  a  confiderable  de- 
gree, changed  its  owners.  Many  opulent  perfons, 
of  ancient  families,  were  ruined  by  felling  pa- 
ternal eftates  for  a  depreciating  paper  currency, 
which,  in  a  few  weeks,  would  not  replace  half 
of  the  real  property  in  exchange  for  which  it 
was  obtained.  Many  bold  adventurers  made 
fortunes  in  a  fhort  time  by  running  in  debt  be- 
yond their  abilities.  Prudence  ceafed  to  be  a 
virtue,  and  rafhnefs  ufurped  its  place.  The  warm 
friends  of  America,  who  never  defpaired  of  their 
country,  and  who  cheerfully  rifked  their  fortunes 
in  its  fupport,  loft  their  property,  while  the  timid, 
who  looked  forward  to  the  re-eftablilhment  of 
Britifh  government,  not  only  faved  their  foimer 
pofT'erTions,  but  often  increafed  them.  In  the 
American  revolution  for  the  firft  time  the  friends 
of  the  fuccefsful  party  were  the  lofers. 

The  eni-hufiafm  of  the  Americans,  and  their 
confidence  in  the  money,  gave  the  Congrefs  the 
fame  advantage  in  carrying  on  the  war  which  old 
countries  derive  from  the  anticipation  of  their 
permanent  funds.  It  would  have  been  impoffible 
to  have  kept  together  an  American  army  for  fo 
many  years  without  this  paper  expedient.  Though 
the  bills  of  credit  operated  as  a  partial  tax  on  the 
monied  intereft,  and  ruined  many  individuals, 
yet  it  was  productive  of  great  national  benefits, 

by 


(     86    ) 

by  enabling  the  popular  leaders  to  carry  on  a 
neceflary  defenfive  war. 

To  all  the  evils  of  depreciation,  thofe  of  mo- 
nopoly were  added.  Weft-India  and  European 
goods  being  fcarce,  a  few  would  fecure  exclufive- 
ly  to  themfelves  almofl  the  whole  prefent  flock 
of  particular  articles,  and  then  raife  the  price  of 
them  by  offering,  at  publick  fales,  much  more 
than  was  current.  In  this  manner,  by  throwing 
away  millings,  they  gained  pounds.  By  prac- 
tices of  this  kind,  commodities  were  fometimes 
raifed  to  one  third  more  in  one  quarter  of  the 
capital  of  the  ftate  than  was  current  the  fame 
moment  in  another. 

To  check  the  evils  arifing  from  the  mixture  of 
counterfeit  bills  with  the  true,  and  to  diminifh 
the  quantity  of  circulating  money,  the  Congrefs 
called  in  the  two  large  emiilions  of  1  ith  of  April 
1778  and  of  May  20th  1777,  amounting  in  the 
whole  to  forty  millions  of  dollars.  The  oftcnfihle 
reafon  for  this  refolution  was,  that  mofl  of  the 
counterfeits  were  of  thefe  emiilions  ;  f  but  it  was 
alio  defigned  to  diminifh  the  fuperabundance  of 
circulating  paper.  Great  were  the  expectations 
formed  from  this  fcheme,  but  it  was  an  additi- 
onal proof  that  the  word  confequences  fometimes 
flow  from  the  regulations  which  in  theory  ap- 
pear to  be  founded  in  wifdom.  The  currency  in 
South-Carolina   received  a  deadly  wound   from 

this 
f  See  note  vi. 


(     87     ) 

this  effort  of  its  friends,  which  was  fuppofed  to 
be  well  calculated  tor  i*s  preservation.  The  re- 
folutions  for  calling  in  thefe  emiflions,  not  being 
generally  known  in  Charlefloii  for  fcveral  weeks 
after  they  had  been  adopted  by  the  Congrefs  in 
Philadelphia,  the  holders  of  them  fent  them  to 
South-Carolina  to  be  immediately  realized.  The 
new  bills,  defined  to  be  given  in  exchange  for 
thefe,  which  were  called  in,  did  not  arrive  for 
eight  months  after  the  old  ones  ceafed  to  circu- 
late. The  poffeffors  of  the  called-in  emiffions 
were  fo  defirous  of  expending  them,  that  they 
would  purchafe  any  thing  without  regarding  the 
price  however  extravagant.  The  common  peo- 
ple, not  understanding  the  policy  of  thefe  refolu- 
tions,  and  finding  it  difficult  to  diflinguifh  the 
true  bills  of  Congrefs  from  the  counterfeits  of 
general  Howe,  and  the  current  bills  from  thofe 
that  were  called  in,  and  alfo  finding  that  the  bed 
of  them  daily  depreciated,  were  induced  to  under- 
value the  whole. 

The  planters,  to  indemnify  themfelves  for  the 
advanced  prices  of  foreign  goods,  in  the  years 
1778  and  1779  adopted  the  miflaken  policy  of 
raifing  the  prices  of  their  produce  in  fome  degree 
correfpondent  to  the  prices  of  imported  articles. 
As  the  merchants  bought  foreign  goods  with 
rice,  indigo  and  tobacco,  they  were  obliged  to 
fell  in  proportion  to  the  rifk  of  importation  fuper- 
added  to  the  prime  cod:  of  thefe  articles.  The 
merchant  raifed  on  the  fale  of  his  goods  to  make 

himfelf 


(    88     ) 

himfelf  whole  for  the  high  prices  of  country  pro- 
duce :  the  planter,  from  a  fimilar  motive,  but 
not  with  equal  juftice,  raifed  his  produce  on  the 
merchant  when  he  came  to  purchafe  his  next 
cargo.  The  advanced  prices  of  the  importer 
were  in  the  fir  ft  inftance  the  caufe,  but  in  the 
fecond  the  effect  of  the  advanced  prices  of  the 
planter.  From  the  long  continuance  of  embar- 
goes it  frequently  happened,  that,  though  a  mer- 
chant fold  his  cargo  to  great  advantage,  yet  the 
country  produce  got  in  return  for  it,  if  not  im- 
mediately purchafed,  would  not  replace  an  equal 
quantity  of  goods  when  exported  to  a  foreign 
market. 

Many  attempts  were  made  to  preferve  the  cre- 
dit of  the  currency.  State  and  continental  loan- 
offices  were  opened,  that  the  neceflity  of  farther 
emimons  might  be  diminifhed  ;  and  the  hearty 
friends  of  American  independence  depofited  in 
them  large  fums  on  intereft.  By  a  fubfequent 
act  of  aflembly  the  ufual  tax  on  money  at  intereft 
was  remitted  on  all  fums  lent  to  the  publick,  and 
the  legiflature,  in  the  year  1779,  offered  an  in- 
tereft on  money  lent  to  the  ftate  of  three  per 
cent  more  than  was  paid  by  private  perfons. 
Notwithftanding  all  thefe  douceurs,  the  fupplies 
obtained  by  loans  fell  fo  far  fhort  of  the  publick 
demands,  that  farther  emiffions  could  not  be  re- 
trained. When  the  fmall  quantities  of  hard 
money  that  ftill  remained  had  begun  to  be  chang- 
ed for  paper-bills  at  an  advance,  an  aft  of  aflem- 
bly 


(     »9     ) 

bly  was  patted,  prohibiting  any  perfon  from  re* 
ceiving  or  demanding  for  any  article  a  larger 
fum  in  paper  than  in  hard  money.  A  law  to  pre- 
vent the  ebbing  and  flowing  of  the  fea  would 
have  been  no  lefs  ineffectual  than  this  attempt  of 
the  legiflature  to  alter  the  nature  of  things.  Gold 
and  filver  no  longer  paffed  at  par,  and  contracts 
were  either  difcharged  in  paper  or  not  difcharged 
at  all.  The  bills  of  credit,  being  a  legal  tender 
in  all  cafes,  would  pay  off  old  debts  equally  with 
gold  and  filver,  though  for  new  purchafes  they 
were  of  much  lefs  value.  The  merchants  and 
other  monied  men,  who  had  out-ftanding  debts 
contracted  before  or  near  the  firft  period  of  the 
war,  were  great  lofers  by  the  legal  tender  of  the 
paper  currency.  For  eighteen  months  they  were 
not  allowed  to  fue  for  their  debts,  and  were  af- 
terwards obliged  to  accept  of  depreciated  paper 
in  difcharge  of  them  at  par  with  gold  or  filver. 
This  was  not  the  refult  of  intentional  injuftice, 
but  forced  on  the  legiflature  by  the  necelfity  ot 
the  times.  When  the  means  of  payment  were 
taken  from  individuals  by  publick  authority,  as 
has  been  already  ftated,  forbidding  them  to  ex- 
port the  productions  of  the  foil,  it  would  have 
been  cruel  to  fuffer  them  to  be  fued  for  money 
borrowed,  and  expended  in  cultivating  their  plan- 
tations. When  the  refolutions  againll  exporta- 
tion were  repealed,  the  members  of  the  legifla- 
ture fuppofed  it  would  have  ruined  their  new 
currency,  if  they  had  in  any  cafe  whatever  de- 
nied it  the  credit  of  a  legal  tender,  lie  fides,  it 
Vol.  If.  N  was 


(    9°    ) 

was  at  that  time  the  fixed  refolution  of  Congrefs, 
and  the  different  legiflatures,  to  redeem  all  their 
paper  bills  at  par  with  gold  or  filver. 

The  publick  was  in  the  condition  of  a  town 
on  fire,  when  fome  houfes  mufl  be  blown  up  to 
fave  the  remainder.  The  liberties  of  America 
could  not  be  defended  without  armies — armies 
could  not  be  fupported  without  money — money 
could  not  be  raifed  in  fufficient  quantities  other- 
wife  than  by  emifiions.  It  was  fuppofed  effenti- 
ally  neceflary  to  the  credit  of  thefe  emifiions,  that 
they  mould  have  the  fancYion  of  a  legal  tender  in 
the  payment  of  all  debts,  This  involved  the 
ruin  of  the  monied  intereft,  and  put  it  in  the 
power  of  individuals  to  pay  their  debts  with 
much  lefs  than  they  really  owed.  This  unhappy 
necefiity,  to  do  private  injuflice  for  a  publick 
benefit,  proved  in  many  refpedts  injurious  to  the 
political  interefts  of  the  ftate,  and  the  moral 
character  of  its  inhabitants.  It  difpofed  thole 
who  were  lofers  by  the  legal  tender,  and  who 
preferred  their  money  to  the  liberties  of  America, 
to  wifh  for  the  re-eftablifhment  of  Britifh  govern- 
ment, and  filled  others  with  murmurings  and 
bitter  complaints  againfl  the  ruling  powers.  The 
publick  fpirited,  who  were  fincere  in  their  decla- 
rations of  devoting  life  and  fortune  to  fupport 
the  caufe  of  their  country,  patiently  fubmitted 
to  the  hard/hips,  from  a  conviction  that  the  caufe 
of  liberty  required  the  facrifice.  The  nature  of 
obligations  was  fo  far  changed,  that  he  was  rec- 
koned 


(    9'     ) 

koned  the  honed  man,  who,  from  principle,  de- 
layed to  pay  his  debts.  Inflead  of  creditors 
prefling  their  debtors  to  a  fettlement,  they  fre- 
quently avoided  to  fee  them,  or  fecreted  their 
obligations.  The  evils  occafioned  by  deprecia- 
tion did  not  terminate  with  the  war.  The  (hut- 
ting of  the  courts  of  juftice,  and  authorizing 
men  by  law  to  pay  their  debts  with  depreciated 
paper,  made  the  non-performance  of  contracts 
fo  familiar,  that  fome  of  the  inhabitants  fince 
the  war  have  been  much  more  carelefs  about  the 
punctual  and  honourable  difcharge  of  their  en- 
gagements than  they  ever  were  before. 

Much  of  the  evil  occafioned  by  the  legal 
tender  of  paper-bills  might  have  been  prevented, 
if  the  laws  refpecUng  it  had  confined  its  opera- 
tion to  future  contracts.  A  great  deal  might 
have  been  done  at  an  early  period  by  taxation  to 
fupport  the  credit  of  the  money.  The  plate 
might  have  been  applied  to  that  purpofe.  But 
the  depreciation  not  being  generally  forefeen,  no 
provifion  was  made  againfl  the  evils  and  injuftice 
refulting  from  it.  In  the  firft  ftage  of  the  difpute 
no  American  had  any  idea  of  its  duration.  Few 
had  any  acquaintance  with  the  philofophy  of 
money,  or  the  fubjecl:  of  finance.  And  almoft 
all  were  fanguine  in  expecting  the  eftablilhment 
of  their  liberties,  without  fuch  long  and  expen- 
five  facrifices.  Had  even  all  thefe  matters  been 
properly  attended  to,  they  would  only  have 
moderated,  but  could  not  have  prevented  depre- 
ciation. 


(     »     ) 

ciation.  The  United  States  had  no  permanent 
funds  to  give  {lability  to  their  paper  currency. 
In  the  commencement  of  the  war  they  were  with- 
out regular  governments  to  enforce  the  collection 
of  taxes.  They  were  in  poifeflion  of  no  refources 
adequate  to  the  raifing  of  fufficient  fupplies  with- 
out large  emiffions  of  bills  of  credit. 

When  the  bufinefs  of  taxation  was  entered 
upon  by  the  legiflature,  it  was  not  carried  to  a 
fufficient  extent.  The  planters,  who  form  a 
majority  of  the  legiflature,  were,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  very  backward  in  laying  on  taxes 
proportioned  to  the  exigencies  of  the  war.  They 
had  much  to  fell,  little  to  buy,  and  were  general- 
ly in  debt.  To  them  the  depreciation  was  no 
prejudice.  From  a  miftaken  policy  they  were 
more  anxious  to  get  rid  of  their  private  than  of 
their  publick  debts.  When  called  upon  for  large 
fupplies,  though  it  was  evident  that  a  little  pro- 
perty would  pay  a  large  nominal  tax,  yet  they 
fuffered  themfelves  to  be  alarmed  with  great 
founds,  and  oppofed  liberal  grants,  as  if  every 
paper  dollar  had  been  a  filver  one.  Some  of 
them  could,  without  one  pang  of  remorfe,  pay 
oif  old  debts  with  a  (hilling  in  the  pound,  and 
thereby  reduce  to  beggary  the  helplefs  widow, 
the  diltrefled  orphan,  and  the  decrepid  old  man, 
who  had  heretofore  lived  happily  on  the  annual 
income  of  their  eftates,  but  were  very  compani- 
onate to  the  people  of  their  own  clafs,  whom  they 
reprefented  as  unable  to  pay  large  taxes,  though 

their 


(     93     ) 

their  produce  fold  at  ten,  twenty,  or  thirty  times 
its  ufual  price  before  the  war.  In  the  firft  period 
of  the  conteft,  when  the  prohibited  exportation 
of  the  productions  of  the  foil  diminifhed  their 
profits,  they  frequently  complained  that  the  caufe 
of  their  country  required  larger  facrifices  from 
them  than  from  the  money-lenders,  whofe  inte- 
reft  was  going  on  without  any  diminution.  On 
the  idea  of  dividing  the  burden  more  equally 
between  them  and  their  creditors,  they  influenced 
the  legiflature  to  reduce  intereft  from  eight  to 
feven  per  cent ;  but  in  the  progrefs  of  the  war, 
when  their  produce  fold  at  immenfe  nominal 
prices,  and  not  only  the  interell  but  the  principal 
of  the  money-lender  was  nearly  annihilated,  the 
juft  fchemes  of  putting  all  orders  in  the  commu- 
nity on  an  equal  footing,  in  the  diftribution  of 
neceffary  fufferings,  were  entirely  forgotten.  s 

It  is  fcarcely  poffible  that  a  greater  curfe  can 
befal  a  country  than  fuch  an  unfixed  value  of 
money.  It  ftrikes  at  every  virtuous  principle, 
exterminates  the  ideas  of  honour  and  juftice,  and 
turns  the  attention  of  people  from  the  fober  paths 
of  induftry  to  extravagant  adventures  and  ro- 
mantick  projects.  Evils  of  this  kind  became 
intolerable.  The  legiflature  at  laft  adopted  an 
expedient,  which  promifed  confiderable  relief. 
This  was  to  prohibit  the  purchafing  of  country 
produce  for  any  other  purpofe  than  domeftick 
confumption  or  exportation,  and  to  put  the  buyer 

in 
£  See  note  vii. 


(     94     ) 

in  the  power  of  the  feller.  Several  individuals 
were  in  the  habit  of  buying  far  beyond  their 
abilities  to  pay.  Before  the  fellers  could  com- 
pel payment  in  the  ordinary  courfe  of  law,  a 
progreffive  depreciation  made  it  practicable  for 
the  buyer  to  difcharge  the  flipulated  nominal  fum 
with  one  half  of  its  real  value.  To  remedy  this 
abufe  fpecial  courts  were  inftituted,  which  were 
authorifed,  in  a  fummary  manner,  to  compel  pay- 
ment in  three  days.  The  good  effects  of  this 
were  immediately  felt.  Rice  fell  in  its  price  near 
a  fifth,  and  in  all  probability  the  artificial  depre- 
ciation would  have  been  wholly  remedied  had 
not  the  arrival  of  the  royal  army  prevented  the 
full  operation  of  this  judicious  law.  The  fur- 
render  of  Charlefton,  on  the  12th  of  May  1780, 
wholly  arrefted  the  circulation  of  the  paper  cur- 
rency, and  put  a  great  part  of  the  flate  in  pof- 
feflion  of  the  Britifh,  when  many  contra&s  for 
thefe  nominal  fums  were  unperformed,  and  after 
many  individuals  had  received  payment  of  old 
debts  in  depreciated  paper.  The  honourable 
James  Simpfon,  intendant-general  of  the  Britifh 
police,  commilhoned  thirteen  gentlemen  to  en- 
quire into  the  different  flages  of  depreciation, 
fo  as  to  afcertain  a  fixed  rule  for  payment  in 
hard  money  of  oiit-ftanding  contracts,  and  to 
compel  thofe  who  had  fettled  with  their  creditors 
to  make  up,  by  a  fecond  payment,  the  difference 
between  the  real  and  nominal  value  of  the  cur- 
rency. The  commiffioners  proceeded  on  princi- 
ples of  equity,  and  compared  the  prices  of  coun- 
try 


(    95    ) 

try  produce  when  the  paper  currency  was  in 
circulation  with  its  prices  in  the  year  before  the 
war,  and  alfo  the  rate  of  exchange  between  hard 
money  and  the  paper-bills  of  credit.  From  an 
average  of  the  two  they  fixed  on  a  table  which 
was  as  follows,  excepting  that  the  fractional  parts 
of  the  original  are  omitted. 


B 


E, 


Afcertaining  the  progrejji-ve  depreciation  of  the 
paper  currency,  by  taking  an  average  of  the 
prices  of  gold  and  Jifoer,  and  the  country  pre- 
duce,  at  different  periods. 


Date  of  each 

Depreciation 

Depreciation 

Average  of 

period. 

by  value  of 
fpecie. 

by  value  of 
produce. 

depreciation. 

J777»  APril 

1 

113  per  cent. 

157  per  cent. 

135  per  centi 

July 

1 

127 

198 

163 

O&ober 

1 

176 

214 

x95 

1778,   Jan. 

1 

287 

287 

287 

March 

1 

337 

470 

404 

May 

1 

440 

622 

531 

July 

1 

483 

S69 

526 

Sept. 

1 

500 

577 

538 

Nov. 

1 

563 

533 

548 

1779,  Jan. 

1 

1000 

S96 

798 

February 

1 

1250 

661 

9SS 

March 

1 

*;35° 

897 

1123 

April 

1 

1400 

1 191 

I295 

May 

1 

145° 

1116 

1283 

June 

1 

1350 

*3°3 

1326 

July 

1 

1720 

*355 

*537 

Augufl 

1 

2085 

*55* 

1818 

Sept. 

1 

2340 

1691 

2015 

Date 


C    96    ) 


Date  of  each 

Depreciation 

period. 

by  value  of 

fpecie. 

October     1 

2IOO 

Nov.           1 

29 1 1 

Dec.           1 

3485 

1780,  Jan.     1 

3833 

February   1 

4457 

March        1 

524o 

April          1 

6583 

May            1 

11,000 

June           1 

11,000 

Depreciation 
by  value  of 
produce. 

Average  of 

depreciation. 

1885 

1992 

1983 

2447 

2174 

2830 

2923 

33/8 

4291 

4374 

4525 

4882 

50<55 

5824 

5170 

8085 

5229 

8114 

The  Britifh  fucceffes  to  the  fouthward  in  1780, 
caufed  the  continental  money  to  flow  back  to  the 
middle  {fates.  Its  fuperabundance  and  incurable 
depreciation  at  laft  forced  on  the  Congrefs  and 
the  feveral  legiflatures  a  fcale  of  depreciation, 
though  the  face  of  the  bills,  the  terms  of  their 
emiffion,  and  every  publick  act  refpecting  them, 
gave  affurances  that  they  mould  be  ultimately  re- 
deemed at  the  rate  of  one  filver  dollar  for  every 
paper  dollar.  In  September  1779,  the  fupreme 
council  of  the  ftates,  in  their  circular  letter,  re- 
jected with  horror  the  bare  fuppofition  that  fuch 
a  meafure  mould  ever  be  adopted  ; h  yet  in  fix 
months  after  it  was  done  with  the  acquiefcence 
of  a  great  majority  of  the  people.  In  other 
countries  fimilar  meafures  have  produced  popu- 
lar infurreclions,  but  in  the  United  States  of 
America,  though  many  fuffering  individuals  com- 
plained loudly,  it  was  peaceably  adopted.  Pub- 
lick  faith  was  violated,  but  in  the  general  opinion 

publick 
11  See  note  vnr. 


(     97     ) 

publick  good  was  promoted.  The  evils  confe- 
quent  on  depreciation  had  taken  place,  and  the 
redemption  of  the  bills  at  par,  infiead  of  reme- 
dying the  diflrefles  of  the  fufferers,  would  in 
many  cafes  have  increafed  them  by  fubjecting 
their  fmall  remains  of  property  to  exorbitant 
taxation.  The  money  had  in  a  great  meafure 
got  out  of  the  hands  of  the  original  proprietors, 
and  was  in  the  poflefnon  of  others  who  had  ob- 
tained it  at  a  cheap  rate.  The  fufferers,  who 
were  obliged  to  receive  it  at  par  with  gold  and 
filver  in  payment  of  debts,  contracted  when  there 
was  no  depreciation,  look  up  to  their  country  for 
reimburfement  as  far  as  is  practicable.  It  is  pre- 
fumed,  for  the  honour  of  the  United  States, 
that  they  will  not  look  in  vain. 

The  paper  currency  continued  to  have  a  par- 
tial circulation  for  a  year  after  a  fcale  of  depre- 
ciation was  fixed.  It  jrraduallv  diminiihed  in 
value  till  the  fummer  of  17C1.  By  common 
confent  it  then  ceafed  to  have  currency.  Like 
an  aged  man,  expiring  by  the  decays  of  nature, 
without  a  figh  or  a  groan,  it  gently  fell  aileep  in 
the  hands  of  its  laft  pcfTenors.  It  is  now  remem- 
bered with  gratitude  for  the  fervice  it  has  ren- 
dered in  carrying  on  the  war,  and  the  reimburfe- 
ment of  the  holders  of  it  refts  with  the  legiila- 
tures,  who,  as  foon  as  circumstances  permit,  will 
doubtltfs  do  what  juftice  and  the  publick  good 
require.  The  extinction  of  the  paper  currency 
was  an  evenc  ardently  wifhed  for  by  the  enemies, 

Vol.  II.  C)  and 


(      9«      ) 

and  dreaded  by  the  friends,  of  American  inde- 
pendence. The  failure  of  its  circulation  difap- 
pointed  them  both.  The  war  was  carried  on  with 
the  fame  vigour  afterwards  as  before,  and  the 
people  very  generally  acquiefced  in  the  meafure, 
as  juftified  by  necefhty. 

The  introduction  of  filver  and  gold,  by  chan- 
nels which  were  opened  about  the  fame  time  that 
the  paper  currency  ceafed  to  circulate,  contri- 
buted much  to  diminim  the  bad  effects  of  its 
annihilation.  A  trade  was  at  that  period  opened 
with  the  French  and  Spanifh  Weft-India  iflands, 
by  which  fpecie  was  imported  into  the  American 
continent,  and  a  vent  was  found  for  the  commo- 
dities of  the  northern  and  middle  flates.  The 
French  army,  which  arrived  in  Rhode-Ifland,  as 
has  been  before  mentioned,  early  in  the  year 
1780,  put  into  circulation  a  great  quantity  of 
coined  filver  ;  and  fubfidies,  to  a  large  amount, 
were,  about  the  fame  time,  granted  to  the  United 
States  by  his  moft  chriftian  majefty.  It  is  re- 
markable that  of  nine  veffels  which  came  from 
France  with  money  at  different  periods  of  the 
war,  no  one,  while  the  treafure  was  on  board, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Britifh. 

The  unexpected  introduction  of  fo  much  gold 
and  filver  fuggefted  to  the  Congrefs  a  new  fyftem 
of  finance.  The  ifluing  of  paper  currency,  by 
the  authority  of  government,  was  difcontinued, 
and  the  publick  engagements  were  made  in  fpe- 
cie. 


(     99     ) 

cie.  All  matters  relative  to  the  department  of 
the  treafury,  or  of  accounts,  were  put  under  the 
direction  of  the  honourable  Robert  Morris, 
efquire,  who  arranged  the  whole  with  fo  much 
judgment  that  economy,  method  and  fyftem, 
foon  took  the  place  of  extravagance,  confufion 
and  irregularity.  The  perfonal  unfullied  credit 
of  the  fuperintendent  of  finance  was  a  powerful 
auxiliary  to  the  government — it  facilitated  con- 
tracts in  behalf  of  the  army — and  leffened  the 
evils  which  otherwife  would  have  refulted  from 
the  arrefted  circulation  of  the  paper  currency. 

In  the  years  178 1,  1782  and  1783,  when  in- 
dividuals had  loft  all  confidence  in  publick  bills 
of  credit,  notes  were  fucceffively  iflued  by  mr. 
Morris,  figned  with  his  own  name,  payable  at 
different  periods  out  of  the  foreign  fubfidies  or 
domeftick  revenues  of  the  United  States.  Thefe 
notes,  though  at  one  time,  viz.  July  1783,  they 
amounted  to  five  hundred  and  eighty-one  thou- 
fand  and  fifty-feven  dollars,  yet,  from  the  well- 
known  punctuality  of  their  figner,  had  a  curren- 
cy at  a  time  when  the  credit  of  the  American 
governments  was  at  the  loweft  .ebb.  Their  cir- 
culation enabled  mr.  Morris  to  anticipate  the 
publick  refources,  to  the  great  advantage  of  the 
United  States.  In  this  crifis  of  affairs  the  fer- 
vices  of  the  fuperintendent  of  finance  were  as 
beneficial  to  the  union  as  were,  in  any  period  of 
the  war,  the  great  abilities  of  the  illuftrious  com- 
mander  in  chief  of  the  armies  of  the   United 

States. 


(        IOO       ) 

States.  When  future  ages  celebrate  the  names 
of  Washington  and  Franklin,  they  will  alfo  add 
that  of  IVI orris.  The  filent  operation  of  his  fyf- 
tems  or  finance,  and  perfonal  credit,  though  lefs 
vifible  to  the  publick  eye,  were,  in  the  confufed. 
flate  of  American  affairs,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  year  178 1,  no  lefs  effential  to  the  fuccefs 
of  the  revolution,  than  the  fplendid  military  at- 
chievements  of  the  one,  or  the  fuccefsful  nego- 
tiations of  the  other. 

The  fupplies  for  publick  exigencies  in  South- 
Carolina,  before  the  reduction  of  Charlefron, 
were  principally  raifed  by  taxes  on  lands  and  ne- 
groes. Three  contributions  of  this  kind  had 
been  levied  between  the  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence in  1776  and  the  furrender  of  the  capital 
in  1780.  The  firfl  was  in  the  year  1777,  and 
was  fixed  at  nearly  one  third  of  a  dollar  per  head 
on  negroes,  and  as  much  on  every  hundred  acres 
of  land.  Had  Carolina  and  the  other  flates  taxed 
heavily  at  this  period,  they  would  have  prevented 
much  of  the  depreciation  ;  but  a  fear  of  alarm- 
ing the  people,  and  too  [anguine  hopes  of  a  fpee- 
dy  peace,  induced  the  legislature  to  begin  mode- 
rately,  more  with  a  view  of  making  an  experi- 
ment than  of  railing  adequate  fv], plies.  The 
next  tax  was  in  1778,  nominally  ten  times  larger 
than  the  former,  but  really  at  the  time  of  pav- 
ment  worth  only  about  twice  as  much.  In  1779 
a  tax  of  twenty  paper  dollars  per  head  on  negroes, 
and  on  every  hundred  acres  of  land,  was   levied. 

This, 


(      lot      ) 

This,    about   the  time   of  payment,    was  nearly- 
equal  to  a  fp'ecie  dollar. 

The  three  regiments  which  were  raifed  on  the 
Carolina  eftabliibment,  in  June  177  c,  were  en- 
ih:  (1  tor  llx  months  certain,  or  three  years  if 
required.  Thefe  fhort  terms  of  fervice  were 
fixed  upon  from  the  hopes,  then  every  where 
entertained,  that  American  grievances  would 
be  redrefled  without  proceeding  to  an  eternal 
feparation.  They  at  firfl  were  raifed  by  the  au- 
thority of  the  provincial  congrefs,  and  were  en- 
lilted  folely  for  the  domeflick  defence  of  South- 
Carolina.  A  continental  armv,  fubjecl:  to  the 
orders  of  the  United  States  in  Congreis  affem- 
bled,  was  an  after-thought.  When  that  meafure 
was  adopted,  the  popular  leaders  in  South- 
Carolina  found  great  difficulty  in  connecting  their 
provincial  troops  with  the  continentals  of  the 
other  dates.  To  alter  the  terms  of  their  enliPc- 
ment  could  not  be  done  without  manifefr.  injufrice. 
To  releafe  the  common  foldiers  from  their  pro- 
vincial obligations,  in  order  to  put  them  in  a 
capacity  to  re-enlifl  as  continentals,  was  a  ha- 
zardous experiment.  .  The  capture  of  the  publick 
vefiels  had  deprived  them  of  many  comforts. 
This  had  difgufted  many  to  fuch  a  degree,  that 
their  re-enliflment  as  continentals  was  extreme'v 
doubtful.  At  lad  the  matter  was  compromised. 
They  who  chofe  it  were  re-enlifled  as  continentals 
for  the  war,  with  the  farther  encouragement  of 
two    hundred    acres    of    land    for    their   fervice. 

The 


(       !°2       ) 

The  others  ftill  remained  under  their  original 
provincial  obligations.  The  officers  very  readily- 
agreed  to  exchange  their  provincial  for  conti- 
nental commiflions,  and  were  in  confequence 
thereof  confidered  as  a  part  of  the  army  of  the 
United  States.  The  Britifh  availed  themlelves 
of  the  fhort  period  of  enliftment  firft  agreed 
upon,  and  did  not  ferioufly  turn  their  arms  to 
the  fouthward  till  the  expiration  of  three  years 
had  completed  the  term  of  fervice  of  the  firft 
and  beft  recruits  of  the  South-Carolina  line. 
To  fupply  thefe  regiments  with  every  comfort, 
and  to  keep  them  full,  was  the  conftant  ftudy  of 
government ;  but  the  capture  of  the  veflels  de- 
ftined  to  import  clothing  and  other  fupplies  for 
their  ufe,  with  the  diminifhed  value  of  the  cur- 
rency, precluded  the  publick  from  doing  that 
juftice  to  thefe  brave  men  which  they  fo  highly 
merited. 

Unfavourable  reports  of  the  fufferings  of 
the  private  foldiers  greatly  obftructed  the  recruit- 
ing fervice.  Many  deferted,  and  they  who  re- 
mained fuffered  more  than  any  other  order  of 
men.  Government  did  ail  that  was  poffible  to 
fupport  its  firft  recruits,  and  to  increafe  their 
number  ;  but  they  had  not  the  means  of  carrying 
into  effect  their  good  intentions.  Five  hundred 
paper  dollars  were  propofed  in  1779  as  a  bounty, 
to  encourage  the  recruiting  fervice.  Though 
this  was  nearly  equal  to  fifty  hard  dollars,  yet 
fo  great  were  the  diftrefles  of  the  military,  that 

few 


(     I03    ) 

few   could   be    perfuaded   to   enter   the   regular 
regiments. 

About  the  fame  time  a  law  was  pafTed  to  take 
up  vagrants  and  idle  diforderly  perfons  who  had 
no  vifible  method  of  maintaining  themfelves,  and 
to  make  them  ferve  in  fome  of  the  regular  regi- 
ments, if  upon  a  trial  to  be  held  before  one  juf- 
tice  and  fix  freeholders  they  were  found  to  be  of 
the  before-mentioned  characters.  Over  and 
above  the  recruits  procured  by  this  law,  it  was 
generally  allowed  to  have  produced  falutary  con- 
fequences,  by  promoting  a  fpirit  of  induftry  in 
fome  idle  perfons,  and  by  reltraining  others  from 
diforderly  practices,  though,  in  a  few  inftances, 
it  was  faid  to  have  been  perverted,  by  the  private 
refentments  of  partial  judges,  to  the  diftrefs  of 
fome  individuals  who  did  not  anfwer  the  cha- 
racter defcribed  in  the  act. 

Had  America  ferioufly  intended  independence 
from  the  beginning,  (he  might,  in  the  firfl  flage 
of  the  conteft,  have  eafily  recruited  one  hundred 
thoufand  men,  to  ferve  during  the  war ;  but 
aiming  at  nothing  but  a  redrefs  of  grievances, 
and  flattering  herfelf  with  the  hopes  of  accom- 
plishing this  in  a  little  time,  all  her  fchemes  were 
of  a  temporary  nature.  At  lait  fhe  was  involved 
in  a  tedious  and  expenfive  war,  with  one  of  the 
g.-eattft  powers  of  Europe,  when  fhe  was  defti- 
tute  of  an  army,  of  hard  money,  of  trade,  and 

of 


(      io4     ) 

of  a  navy,  and  had  few  other  means  of  procuring 
them  than  by  printers'  types. 

The  infufHciency  of  the  regular  regiments,  for 
the  defence  of  the  Mate,  made  it  neceifary  to  call 
the  militia  frequently  into  the  field,  This  ob- 
flruclcd  agriculture,  without  adding  to  the  ope- 
rative force  of  the  army  in  any  manner  propor- 
tioned to  its  increafed  numbers.  The  expences 
of  militia  were  greater  than  the  pay  of  regulars. 
They  had  a  right  to  charge  the  publick  with  the 
time  fpent  in  marching  between  the  camp  and 
their  homes.  Their  private  affairs  not  permitting 
long  abfence  from  their  plantations,  the  men 
were  frequently  changed,  and  of  courfe  unac- 
quainted with  fervice.  When  encamped,  their 
high  notions  of  perfonal  liberty  made  them  How 
to  learn  that  implicit  obedience  which  is  necef- 
fary  in  military  operations.  They  too  often  in- 
dulged in  unfoldierly  difcuilions  of  the  propriety 
of  orders  iffued  by  their  fuperiors,  and  would 
fometimes,  efpecially  after  defeats,  without  per- 
miflion,  quit  their  pods,  and  return  to  their 
plantations.  To  obtain  more  effectual  fervice 
from  them,  the  legillature  in  1778  impofed  fevere 
fines  for  neglect  of  duty,  and  for  bad  conduct 
when  on  duty.  As  the  rich  were  moll  concerned 
in  the  defence  of  the  (fate,  to  prevent  them  from 
fetting  a  bad  example,  the  fine  of  each  delin- 
quent was  to  be  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of 
his  taxes.  The  ftate  was  divided  into  three  bri- 
gades.    Andrew   Williamfon,   Richard  llichard- 

fon, 


(     i<>5     ) 

fon,  and  Stephen  Bull,  efquires,  were  appointed 
brigadiers.  The  men  in  each  brigade  were  foon 
after  claffed  into  three  divisions,  which  were  to 
take  the  field  in  rotation.  But  in  cafe  of  an 
invafion  of  any  part  of  the  ftate,  the  whole,  to 
the  diflance  of  eighty  miles  from  the  place  in- 
vaded, were  liable  to  be  ordered  out  to  its  im- 
mediate defence. 

The  legiflature,  a  little  while  before  the  re- 
duction of  Charlefton,  enacted  a  law,  by  which 
delinquents  among  the  militia  were  fentenced  to 
ferve  in  one  of  the  regular  regiments  from  four 
to  fixteen  months,  at  the  discretion  of  a  court- 
martial.  To  foften  thefe  feverities  trials  were 
instituted,  in  which  the  greater  number  of  judges 
were  privates.  Individuals  were  alfo  allowed  to 
exempt  themfelves  from  perfonal  fervice  by  hir- 
ing, at  their  own  expence,  a  recruit  to  enter  one 
of  the  regular  regiments.  Thefe  regulations  had 
only  a  partial  effeel.  The  fervice  wanted  by  the 
government  could  not  be  effectually  obtained 
from  men  attached  to  their  families  and  farms, 
and  reluctantly  preSfed  from  the  field  of  agricul- 
ture to  that  of  battle.  After  they  had  fuffered 
from  the  oppreinons  of  the  royal  army,  they  ri- 
valled regular  ibidiers  in  discipline,  as  well  as  in 
courage,  and  by  their  fpirited  co-operation  with 
the  continental  troops,  as  mall  hereafter  be  re- 
lated, had  a  considerable  fhave  in  recovering  the 
ftate  from  the  Britifh  forces. 

Vol.  II.  P 

Very 


(     *c6     ) 

Very  foon  after  the  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence, the  danger  of  retaining  men  in  the  ftate, 
who  wi fired  to  fubvert  its  conflitution,  fuggefted. 
to  the  legiflature  of  South-Carolina  the  neceffity 
of  fecuring  itfclf  againfl  thofe  who  flill  abetted 
royal  government,  and  wifhed  for  its  re-eftablifh- 
ment.  A  teft-oath  was  therefore  framed  in  1776  ; 
but  this  was  tendered  only  to  thofe  perfons 
who  had  given  fome  open  evidence  of  their  dif- 
affection.  The  officers  of  the  King,  under  the 
late  regal  conflitution,  and  a  few  others  of  fu- 
fpe&ed  characters,  having,  on  requifition,  re- 
fufed  to  take  it,  were  obliged  to  leave  the  ftate. 
In  the  year  1778  the  legiflature  enacted  an  oath 
or  affirmation  of  allegiance,  to  be  taken  by  every 
adult  male,  which  was  in  the  following  words : 
e  I,    A  B,  do  fwear  or  affirm,  that  I   will   bear 

*  true  faith  and  allegiance  to  the  ftate  of  South- 

*  Carolina,  and  will  faithfully  fupport,  maintain 

*  and  defend  the  fame,  againfl  George  the  third, 
'  King  of  Great-Britain,  his  fucceffors,  abettors, 
c  and  all  other  enemies  and  oppofers  whatfoever, 
'  and  will,  without  delay,  difcover  to  the  execu- 
'  tive  authority,  or  fome  one  juflice  of  the  peace 
4  in  this  ftate,  all  plots  and  confpiracies  that  mall 
6  come  to  my  knowledge  againfl  the  faid  ftate, 
6  or  any  other  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

*  So  help  me  God,'  In  addition  to  this,  an  oath 
to  abjure  the  King  of  Great-Britain  was  required 
of  all  officers  of  the  ftate,  both  civil  and  military. 
They  who  rcfufed  the  oath  or  affirmation  above 
recited  were  obliged  to  depart  the  country  -7  but 

they 


(     i©7     ) 

they  had  their  choice  of  either  leaving  their  fa- 
milies, or  of  taking  them  away.  They  were 
alfo  allowed  to  fell  and  carry  off  their  eftates, 
or  to  appoint  attornies  in  their  abfence  to  take 
care  of  them.  The  defence  of  the  country, 
requiring  both  the  perfonal  fervices  and  the  con- 
tribution of  its  inhabitants,  that  all  might  be  on 
an  equal  footing,  the  unfold  eftates  of  thefe 
gentlemen,  in  common  with  other  abfentees, 
were  taxed  double  ;  but  the  idea  of  confifcation, 
at  this  period  of  the  contefl,  was,  by  the  legif- 
lature,  uniformly  reprobated.  Notwithftanding 
this  humane  line  of  conduct,  no  indulgence  with 
regard  to  property  was  given  by  Britilh  authority 
to  the  citizens  of  South-Carolina  after  the  reduc- 
tion of  Charlefton.  In  vain  was  leave  folicited 
in  the  capitulation,  for  thofe  who  chofe  it  to  fell 
their  eftates  and  leave  the  country.  This  was 
not  only  refufed,  but  their  eftates  were  fequef- 
tered,  and  they  deprived  of  the  means  of  fup- 
porting  themfelves,  unlefs  they  would  fubmit  to 
a  government  which  many  of  them  had  abjured, 
and  all  of  them  had  renounced.  But  of  this  in 
the  following  chapter. 


CHAPTER 


(      ">8     ) 

CHAPTER      ELEVENTH. 

Of  the  methods  taken  by  the  Britifh  to  keep  poffeffion 
cf  South-Carolina,  and  by  the  Americans  to  reco- 
ver it.  Of  the  battle  of  Camden,  and  its  confe- 
qucnces — hanging  the  revolted fubj eels — banijhing 
the  prifoners,  and  fequefkration  of  eflates. 

NEVER  did  any  people  more  miftake  their 
true  intereff.  than  the  inhabitants  of  South- 
Carolina,  in  permitting  the  Britifh  to  obtain  a 
permanent  refidence  in  their  country.  Exhauffed 
with  the  fatigues,  and  impoverished  by  the  con- 
fluences of  a  war  into  which  they  had  been 
gradually  drawn,  without  any  intention  originally 
of  pufhing  it  fo  far,  fome  flattered  themfelves  that 
the  reduction  of  Charlcfion  would  terminate 
their  fufferings  ;  but  that  event  proved  to  them 
the  commencement  of  ftill  greater  evils. 

The  capital  having  furrendered,  the  next  ob- 
ject with  the  Britifh  was  to  fecure  the  general 
fubmiilion  of  the  inhabitants.  To  this  end  they 
pofled  garrifons  in  different  parts  of  the  country, 
and  marched  with  a  large  body  of  their  troops 
over  the  Santee  towards  that  extremity  of  the 
flate  which  borders  on  the  mod  populous  fettle- 
inents  of  North-Carolina.  This  caui'ed  an  imme- 
diate retreat  of  fome  parties  of  Americans  who 
had  advanced  into  the  upper  parts  of  South-Ca- 
rolina with  the  expectation  of  relieving  Charlefton. 

Among 


(     *°9     ) 

Among  the  corps  which  had  come  forward  with 
that  view  there  was  one  confiding  of  about  three 
hundred  continentals,  the  rear  of  the  Virginia 
line,  commanded  by  colonel  Buford.  Lieute- 
nant-colonel Tarleton,  with  about  feven  hundred 
horfe  and  foot,  was  difpatched  in  quefl  of  this 
party.  That  enterprifing  officer,  having  mounted 
his  infantry,  marched  one  hundred  miles  in  fifty- 
four  hours,  came  up  with  them  at  the  Waxhaws, 
and  demanded  their  furrender  on  terms  fimilar 
to  thofe  granted  to  the  continentals  taken  in 
Charleflon.  While  the  flags  were  palling  and 
repaying  on  this  bufinefs,  lieutenant-colonel  Tar- 
leton kept  his  men  in  motion,  and  when  the  truce 
was  ended,  had  nearly  fur  rounded  his  adverfa- 
ries.  An  action  immediately  enfued.  This  took 
place  on  the  29th  of  May,  feventeen  days  after 
the  furrender  of  Charlefton.  Colonel  Buford's 
party,  having  partaken  of  the  general  confirma- 
tion occafioned  by  the  Britifh  fucceffes,  made  a 
feeble  refinance,  and  foon  fued  for  quarters. 
A  few,  notwithllanding,  continued  to  fire.  The 
Britifh  cavalry  advanced,  but  were  not  oppofed 
by  the  main  body  of  the  continentals,  who  con- 
ceived that  they  were  precluded  by  their  fubmif- 
fion  from  making  oppofition.  On  the  pretence 
of  this  accidental  firing  of  a  few,  the  Britifh  le- 
gion was  directed  to  charge  men  who  had  laid 
down  their  arms.  In  confequence  of  this  order 
the  unrefifting  Americans,  praying  for  quarters, 
were  chopped  in  pieces.  Some  loft  their  hands, 
others  their  arms,    and    almofl   every    one   was 

mangled 


(      no     ) 

mangled  in  an  inhuman  manner.  Five  out  of 
fix  of  the  whole  number  of  the  Americans  were, 
by  lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton's  official  account 
of  this  bloody  fcene, '  either  killed  or  fo  badly 
wounded  as  to  be  incapable  of  being  moved  from 
the  field  of  battle,  and  by  the  fame  account,  this 
took  place  though  they  made  fuch  ineffectual 
oppofition  as  only  to  kill  five  and  wound  twelve 
of  the  Britifh.  Lord  Cornwallis  bellowed  on 
lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton  the  higheft  encomi- 
ums for  this  enterprize,  and  recommended  him 
in  a  fpecial  manner  to  royal  favour.  k  This  bar- 
barous maffacre  gave  a  more  fanguinary  turn  to 
the  war.  Tarleton's  quarters  became  proverbial, 
and  in  the  fubfequent  battles  a  fpirit  of  revenge 
gave  a  keener  edge  to  military  refentments. 

This  total  rout  of  all  the  continental  troops 
of  the  fouthern  dates,  which  were  not  made  pri- 
foners  by  the  capitulation  of  Charlefton,  together 
with  the  univerfal  panick  occafioned  by  the  fur- 
render  of  that  capital,  fufpended,  for  about  fix 
weeks,  all  military  oppofition  to  the  progrefs  of 
the  Britifh  army.  In  this  hour  of  diftrefs  to  the 
friends  of  independence,  the  royal  commander, 
by  proclamation,  denounced  the  extremity  of 
vengeance  againfl  thofe  of  the  inhabitants  who 
ihould  continue,  by  force  of  arms,  to  oppole  the 
re-efiablifhment  of  Britifh  government.  ■  The 
conquerors  did  not  reft  the  royal  caufe  exclufively 

on 
;  See  note  ix.  k  See  note  x. 

1  See  note  xi. 


(  "I  ) 

on  threats.  On  the  firfl  of  Jane,  nineteen  days 
after  the  furrender  of  Charlefton,  fir  Henry  Clin- 
ton and  admiral  Arbuthnot,  in  the  character  of 
commiffioners  for  reftoring  peace  to  the  revolted 
colonies,  by  proclamation,  offered  '  to  the  inha- 
'  bitants,  with  a  few  exceptions,  pardon  for  their 
'  pad  treafonable  offences,  and  a  reinftatement 
1  in  the  poffrffion  of  all  thofe  rights  and  immu- 
'  nities  which  they  heretofore  had  enjoyed  under 
1  a  free  Britifh  government,  exempt  from  taxati- 
'  on,  except  by  their  own  legiflatures.'  m  Thefe 
fpecious  offers,  together  with  the  impoflibility  of 
their  fleeing  with  their  families  and  effects,  and 
the  want  of  an  army  to  which  the  militia  of  the 
ftate  might  repair,  induced  the  people  in  the 
country  to  abandon  all  fchemes  of  farther  refin- 
ance. The  militia  to  the  fouthward  of  Charlef- 
ton  fenr.  in  a  flag  to  the  commanding  officer  of 
the  royal  detachment  at  Beaufort,  and  obtained 
terms  fimilar  to  thofe  granted  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  capital.  At  Camden  the  inhabitants  met 
the  Britifh  with  a  flag,  and  negotiated  for  them- 
felves.  The  people  of  Ninety-Six  aiTembled  to 
deliberate  what  courfe  they  mould  hold  in  fuch 
a  difficult  conjuncture.  Being  informed  that  the 
Britifh  were  advancing  to  that  part  of  the  ftate, 
they  fent  a  flag  to  the  commanding  officer,  from 
whom  they  learned  that  fir  Henry  Clinton  had 
delegated  full  powers  to  captain  Richard  Pearis 
to  treat  with  them.  Articles  of  capitulation  were 
immediately  propofed,  and  foon  after  ratified,  by 

which 
n  See  note  xn. 


(       "2       ) 

which  they  were  promifed  the  fame  fecurity  for 
their  perfons  and  property  which  Britifh  fubje&s 
enjoyed.  They  fubmitted  under  a  miftaken  opi- 
nion that,  agreeably  to  an  early  proclamation 
of  fir  Henry  Clinton,  previous  to  the  furrender 
of  Charlefton,  they  were  to  be  either  neutrals  or 
prifoners  on  parole.  A  later  proclamation  of 
June  third  1780,  which,  as  mall  foon  be  related, 
made  a  change  of  allegiance  neceflary  to  their 
being  in  the  King's  peace,  was  kept  out  of  fight. 
By  this  manoeuvre  the  King  of  Great-Britain 
gained,  without  their  knowledge,  a  large  accef- 
fion  of  nominal  fubjects.  Excepting  the  extre- 
mities of  the  (late,  which  border  on  North-Caro- 
lina, the  inhabitants  who  continued  in  the  coun- 
try generally  preferred  fubmiffion  to  refinance. 
The  difference  between  evacuating  and  defending 
towns  became  apparent,  and  fully  proved  that 
the  firfl  was  the  belt  plan  of  defence  for  Ame- 
rica. 

Though  the  progrefs  of  the  Britifh  arms  was 
rapid,  yet  it  Was  far  ihort  of  what  was  originally 
expected.  Their  fchemes  had  been  deranged  as 
to  time,  and  new  events  made  it  neceflary  for 
them  to  divide  their  forces,  and  to  alter  their 
plans.  The  embarkation  of  the  royal  army  from 
New-York,  for  the  reduction  of  Charlefton,  had 
been  fixed  as  early  as  September  1779,  but  tns 
unexpected  arrival  of  count  D'Eftaing,  with  a 
French  fleet  on  the  coa.'t  of  Georgia,  retarded 
that  event  till  the  18th  of  December.     This  delay, 

together 


(     M3     ) 

together  with  the  flow  method  of  reducing 
Charlefton  by  regular  approaches,  and  the  de- 
fence made  by  general  Lincoln — all  concurred 
to  wade  away  the  feafon  which  had  been  al- 
lotted for  a  vigorous  winter  campaign.  It  was 
originally  intended  that  the  whole  of  the  forces 
employed  againft  Charlefton  fhould  proceed,  after 
the  reduction  of  that  capital,  to  the  conqueft  of 
the  adjacent  ftates.  It  was  prefumed  that  the 
militia,  by  the  furrender  of  their  drongeft  fouth- 
ern  pod,  and  capture  of  the  whole  continental 
line,  from  Virginia  to  Georgia,  would  be  intimi- 
dated from  oppofing  a  well-appointed  and  nu- 
merous royal  army.  The  mod  extenfive  con- 
queds  in  the  fouthern  (fates  were  confidently 
expected  before  a  northern  campaign  for  1780 
could  be  opened.  As  the  arrival  of  one  French 
fleet  retarded  the  Britifh  fchemes  near  three 
months  in  the  latter  end  of  1779,  fo  the  expec- 
tation of  another  in  the  fpring  of  the  year  1780 
made  a  divifion  of  their  fouthern  force  indifpen- 
fibly  neceffary.  Intelligence  was  received  by  fir 
Henry  Clinton,  about  the  time  of  the  furrender 
of  Charlefton,  that  a  large  number  of  land- 
forces,  and  a  French  fleet,  confiding  of  fevert 
fail  of  the  line,  and  five  frigates,  commanded 
by  M.  De  Ternay,  was  to  have  failed  from  France 
fo  early  in  the  year  that  its  arrival  on  the  Ameri- 
can coaft  might  be  foon  expected.  This  induced 
the  commander  in  chief  of  the  royal  army  to 
re-embark  for  New-York  early  in  June,  with  the 
greateft  part  of  his  army.  Though  the  French 
Vol.  II.  Q^  fleets 


(      '14     ) 

fleets  gained  at  this  time  no  direct  advantages 
for  their  American  allies,  yet  they  completely 
deranged  the  plan  of  Britifh  operations. 

On  the  departure  of  fir  Henry  Clinton  from 
Charlefton,  lord  Cornvvallis  was  appointed  com- 
mander in  chief  in  the  fouthern  department, 
with  about  four  thoufand  men.  This  force, 
though  far  fhort  of  what  was  originally  intended 
for  fouthern  operations,  was  deemed  fully  fuffi- 
cient  for  the  purpofe  of  extending  the  Britifh 
conquefts. 

The  object  hitherto  purfued  by  the  Britifh 
commanders,  with  regard  to  the  inhabitants  of 
South-Carolina,  was  to  induce  them  to  remain 
peaceably  at  their  homes.  To  this  end  they 
accepted  of  their  fubmiffion  on  very  eafy  terms. 
All,  with  a  few  exceptions,  who  applied  obtained 
either  paroles  as  prifoners,  or  protections  as  Bri- 
tifh fubje&s.  They  who  preferred  the  latter  were 
required  to  fubfcribe  a  declaration  of  their  alle- 
giance to  the  King  of  Great-Britain  ;  but  in  the 
hurry  of  bufinefs  this  was  frequently  omitted, 
and  the  privileges  of  Britifh  fubjects  were  freely 
beflowed  on  fome  without  any  engagements. 

The  general  fubmiffion  of  the  inhabitants  was 
followed  by  an  unufual  calm.  The  Britifh  be- 
lieved that  the  ftate  of  South-Carolina  was  tho- 
roughly conquered  ;  but  they  foon  found  that 
the  difguife  which  fear  had  impofed  fubfifted  no 

loncrer 


(     "5     ) 

longer  than  the  prefent  danger.  Their  experience 
in  America  had  not  yet  taught  them  enough  of 
human  nature  to  diftinguifh  a  forced  fubmiflion, 
in  a  temporary  panick,  from  a  cordial  return  to 
their  former  allegiance,  Sublequent  events  prov- 
ed, that  a  country  is  unfubdued  as  long  as  the 
minds  of  the  people  are  actuated  by  an  hoftile 
fpirit. 

All  military  oppofition  being  fufpended,  the 
royal  commanders,  fuppofing  their  work  in  South- 
Carolina  to  be  completely  fmifhed,  began  to  ex- 
tend their  views  to  the  adjacent  dates.  To  faci- 
litate their  future  operations  they  conceived  a 
fcheme  of  obtaining  fubftantial  fervice  from  their 
new  fubje&s.  In  the  profecution  of  this  bufinefs 
their  policy  foon  loft  what  arms  had  gained. 
While  fome  of  the  inhabitants  were  felicitating 
themfelves  in  having  obtained  a  refpite  from  the 
calamities  of  war,  they  were  no  lefs  aftonifhed 
than  confounded  at  a  proclamation  by  which  they 
were  called  upon  to  take  arms  in  fupport  of  royal 
government.  All  paroles  given  to  prifoners,  not 
taken  by  capitulation,  and  who  were  not  in  con- 
finement at  the  furrender  of  Charlefton,  were 
declared  on  the  third  of  June  1780,  by  the  com- 
mander in  chief  of  the  royal  army,  '  to  be  null 
'  and  void  after  the  twentieth  of  the  fame  month, 
'  and  the  holders  of  them  were  called  upon  to 
'  refume  the  character  of  Britiih  fubjecls,  and  to 
*  take  an  active  part  in  forwarding  military  ope- 
4  rations,  or  to  be  confidered  and  treated  as  rebels 

'  againd 


(     n6     ) 

*  againft  his  majefty's  government.' n  This  ex- 
traordinary ftep  was  taken  without  any  pretence 
of  violation  of  parole  on  the  part  of  the  prison- 
ers. With  this  proclamation,  and  the  enrolment 
of  the  militia,  commenced  the  declenfion  of  Bri- 
tifh authority.  Many  had  applied  for  paroles 
and  protection,  from  the  fond  expectation,  that 
they  mould  be  indulged  with  a  refidence  on  their 
eftates,  and  be  at  full  liberty  to  profecute  their 
private  bufinefs.  Numbers  who,  from  motives 
of  fear  or  convenience,  had  fubmitted,  flill  re- 
tained an  affection  for  their  American  brethren 
in  the  other  ffates,  and  fhuddered  at  the  thought 
of  taking  arms  againft  them.  Among  fuch  it 
was  generally  faid,  '  if  we  muft  fight,  let  it  be 
4  on  the  fide  of  America,  our  friends  and  coun- 
'  trymen.'  A  great  number,  confidering  them- 
felves  releafed  from  their  parole  by  the  proclama- 
tion, conceived  that  they  had  a  right  to  arm 
againft  the  Britifh  ;  and  were  induced  fo  to  do 
from  the  royal  menace,  that  they  who  did  not 
enrol  themfelves  as  Britifh  fubjects,  muft  expect 
to  be  treated  as  enemies.  A  much  greater  num- 
ber found  it  convenient  to  exchange  their  paroles 
for  protection.  To  facrifice  all,  and  leave  the 
country,  required  a  degree  of  fortitude  that  is 
the  lot  of  very  few.  To  take  protection,  and 
to  enrol  themfelves  as  militia  under  the  royal 
.ftandard,  were  events  wholly  unexpected  when 
they  fubmitted  as  prisoners  of  war.  They  ccn- 
ceived  themfelves  reduced  60  a  very  hard  alter- 
native, 
■  See  note  xm. 


(     "7     ) 

native,  and  would  often  contrail  the  conduct  of 
the  Britifh  commanders  with  the  former  policy 
of  the  ftate,  which  gave  every  man  his  free 
choice  of  joining  the  Americans  or  of  adhering 
to  the  royal  caufe,  with  the  liberty  of  removing 
his  family  and  property.  They  fubmitted,  but 
their  fubfequent  conduct  made  it  probable  that 
this  was  done,  in  many  cafes,  with  a  fecret  re- 
fervation  of  breaking  the  compulfory  tie  when 
a  proper  opportunity  mould  prefent  itfelf.  Had 
this  fevere  alternative  never  been  offered,  and 
had  the  people  been  indulged  in  the  quiet 
poffeflion  of  their  property  and  their  domefrick 
cafe,  it  would  have  been  extremely  difficult  for 
Congrefs  to  have  made  adequate  exertions  for 
refcuing  the  ftate  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Bri- 
tifh. But,  from  a  concurrence  of  caufes  about 
this  time,  there  was  formed  a  ftrong  party,  dif- 
pofed  to  do  and  fuffer  much  more  for  the  ex- 
pulfion  of  their  new  mafters,  than  they  could  be 
perfuaded  to  do  fix  months  before,  to  prevent 
the  country  from  falling  into  their  hands. 

The  fituation  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
was  different  from  that  of  the  country.  As  they 
had  a  right,  by  the  capitulation,  to  remain  at 
their  homes  on  parole,  they  were  excepted  from 
the  alternative  offered  by  the  proclamation  of 
the  third  of  June  ;  other  methods  were  therefore 
ufed  to  compel  them  to  become  Britifh  ful 
Immediately  after  the  furrender  of  Charlefton  a 
few  perfons,  attached  to  the  Britifh  government, 

prepared 


(     "8     ) 

prepared  an  addrefs  to  the  general  and  admiral, 
congratulating  them  on  their  conqueft.  °  This 
was  figned  by  two  hundred  and  ten  of  the  inha- 
bitants, the  greater  part  of  whom  had  been  in 
arms  againfl  the  Britifh  during  the  liege,  and 
among  whom  were  a  few  who  had  been  leaders 
in  the  popular  government.  In  anfwer  to  their 
addrefs  they  were  promifed  the  privileges  and 
protection  of  Britifh  fubjects,  on  fubfcribing  a 
teft  of  their  allegiance,  and  of  their  willingnefs 
to  fupport  the  royal  caufe.  Thefe  addreffers, 
who  thus  decidedly  took  part  with  the  Britifh, 
immediately  made  an  invidious  diftinction  be- 
tween fubjects  and  prifoners,  and  became  the 
inftigators  of  every  feverity  againfl  thofe  who 
chofe  to  remain  on  parole.  As  they  had  revolted 
from  the  caufe  of  America,  that  they  might  be 
kept  in  countenance,  they  laboured  hard  to  draw 
others  into  the  fame  predicament.  To  effect  this 
they  would  often  complain  to  the  Britifh   rulers, 

*  that  none  had  proper  encouragement  to  return 
4  to  their  allegiance,  while  prifoners  were  fufFered 
4  to  remain  with  their  families,  follow  their  oc« 

*  cupations,  and  enjoy  privileges  which,  in  their 
'  opinion,  mould  be  monopolized  by  the  friends 
e  of  royal  government.'  This  example  of  ex- 
changing paroles  for  protection,  was  foon  fol- 
lowed by  many  of  their  fellow-citizens.  Thofe 
of  them,  who  owned  ellates  in  the  country,  had 
no  fecurity  by  capitulation  for  any  property  out 
of  the  lines,  unlefs  they  became  fubjects.     This 

was 
9  See  note  xiv. 


(     "9     ) 

was  a  ftrong  inducement  to  perfons  fo  circum- 
stanced to  join  their  conquerors.  To  oblige 
them  univerfally  to  return  to  their  allegiance, 
there  was  a  fucceffion  of  proclamations,  each 
abridging  the  privileges  of  prifoners.  Subjects 
were  allowed  to  fue  for  their  debts  before  the 
Britiih  board  of  police,  but  prifoners  were  denied 
all  benefit  of  that  court.  Though  they  were 
liable  to  fuits,  they  had  no  fecurity  for  the  pay- 
ment of  their  debts  but  the  honour  of  their 
debtors.  The  paroles  granted  to  prifoners,  after 
the  furrender  of  the  town,  were  much  more  li- 
mited than  might  have  been  expected.  The 
citizens  of  the  town  were  reftrained  from  going 
out  of  the  lines,  or  on  the  water,  without  Spe- 
cial permiffion.  This,  when  applied  for,  was 
fometimes  wantonly  refufed,  and  on  other  occa- 
fions  might  be  obtained  for  money.  Ineffectual 
attempts  were  made  to  obtain  more  generous  li- 
mits, but  no  extenfion  was  granted,  and  they 
who  feemed  averfe  from  figning  the  offered  pa- 
roles, were  informed  that,  in  cafe  of  an  abfolute 
refufal,  they  muft  expect  ciofe  confinement. 
Thefe  (hackles  fat  very  uneafy  on  free  citizens 
who  had  heretofore  been  accuftomed  to  the  fulled 
enjoyment  of  perfonal  liberty ;  but  no  relaxation 
could  be  obtained  on  any  other  condition  than 
that  of  profeiling  a  return  to  their  allegiance. 
The  conquerors,  in  the  mod  perfect  confidence 
of  keeping  the  province,  and  of  extending  their 
conquefts,  valued  themfelves  much  upon  their 
generofity  in  being  willing  to  receive  as  Britifli 

fubje&s 


(     N*    ) 

fubjects  the  citizens  whom  they  viewed  in  the 
light  of  vanquished  rebels.  Under  the  influence 
of  this  opinion  they  laughed  at  the  folly,  and 
refented  the  ingratitude  and  impudence  of  thofe 
who  chofe  to  remain  in  the  character  of  prifon- 
ers.  Such  perfons  met  with  every  difcouragcment, 
and  at  the  fame  time  the  door  of  re-ad  million  to 
the  privileges  of  fubjects  was  thrown  wide  open. 
This  made  fome  martyrs,  but  more  hypocrites. 
A  numerous  clafs  of  people  were  reduced  to  the 
alternative  of  (tarving  or  fuing  for  protection. 
Thofe  inhabitants  of  Charlefton,  who  were  of  the 
Hebrew  nation,  and  others  who  were  fhopkeep- 
ers,  were,  while  prifoners,  encouraged  to  make 
purchafes  from  the  Britifh  merchants  who  came 
with  the  conquering  army,  and,  after  they  had 
contracted  large  debts  of  this  kind,  were  pre- 
cluded by  proclamation  from  felling  the  goods 
they  had  purchafed,  unlefs  they  a  (Turned  the 
name  and  character  of  Britifh  fubjects.  p  Me- 
chanicks  and  others  were  allowed,  for  fome 
months  after  the  furrender,  to  follow  their 
refpedive  occupations,  but  as  they  could  not 
compel  payment  for  their  fervices,  repeated  loiTes 
ibon  convinced  them  of  the  prefent  convenience 
of  accepting  Britifh  protection.  Great  numbers 
in  all  communities  are  wholly  indifferent  what 
form  of  government  they  live  under.  They  can 
always  turn  with  the  times,  and  fubmit  with  fa- 
cilitv  to  the  prefent  ruling  power  whatfoever  it 
may  be.     The  low  (late  of  American  affairs   in 

the 
p  See  note  xv. 


(  >2<  ) 

the  fummer  of  1780,  induced  a  belief  among 
many  of  the  inhabitants,  that  Congrefs,  from 
neceflity,  had  abandoned  the  idea  of  contending 
for  the  fouthern  ftates.  The  refolutions  of  that 
body  difavowing  this  imputation,  were  carefully 
concealed  from  the  prifoners.  q  Many  believing 
that  South-Carolina  would  finally  remain  a  Britifh 
province,  and  being  determined  to  fave  their 
eftates  under  every  form  of  government,  con- 
cluded that  the  fooner  they  fubmitted  the  lefs 
they  would  lofe.  rl  he  negroes,  and  ether  pro- 
perty of  individuals,  had  been  feized  by  the  Bri- 
tifh during  the  fiege.  Prifoners  on  parole  had 
no  chance  of  repoffefling  themfelves  of  any  part 
of  this  plunder,  though  fubjecls  were  allowed  to 
put  in  their  claim,  and  were  fometimes  fuccefsful. 
A  party  always  attached  to  royal  government, 
though  they  had  conformed  to  the  laws  of  the 
ftate,  rejoiced  in  the  revolution,  and  fincerely 
returned  to  their  allegiance,  but  their  number 
was  inconfiderable  in  comparifon  with  the  multi- 
tude who  were  obliged  by  neceflity,  or  induced 
by  convenience,  to  accept  of  Britifh  protection. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  country,  for  the  mod 
part,  lay  more  at  the  unconditional  mercy  of  the 
conquerors  than  the  citizens  of  the  capital.  Thofe 
who  refufed  to  give  up  their  paroles,  and  did  not 
flee  out  of  the  country,  were  generally  removed 
from  their  families,  and  confined  to  fome  of  the 
iflands  on  the  fea-coafl,  while  their  property  be- 

Vol.  II.  R  came 

q  See  note  xvr. 


(    **»   ) 

came  the  fpoil  and  plunder  of  a  rapacious  army. 
In  this  trying  fituation,  the  various  ruling  pafiions 
of  individuals  appeared  without  difguife.  Some 
men  of  the  largeft  fortunes,  and  who  had  been 
promoted  to  exalted  flations,  both  civil  and  mili- 
tary, relinquifhed  the  fervice  of  the  ftate  for 
prefent  eafe  and  convenience.  A  few  of  this 
character,  who  were  entirely  out  of  the  way  of 
perfonal  danger,  and  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  the 
privileges  of  freemen,  voluntarily  returned,  and 
bowed  their  necks  to  the  conquerors.  In  direct 
contradiction  to  the  whole  tenor  of  their  pad 
conduct,  they  attempted  to  apologize  for  their  in- 
confiftency,  by  declaring  that  they  had  never  aimed 
at  independence,  and  were  always  averfe  from 
an  alliance  with  France.  Many  whofe  eftates 
were  deeply  in  debt  at  the  commencement  of 
the  war,  had  extricated  themfelves  by  payments 
made  in  the  depreciated  paper-bills  of  credit. 
Some  of  this  clafs  reafoned  with  themfelves,  that, 
having  got  clear  of  their  private  debts  at  a  very 
eafy  rate,  if  they  could  now  break  with  Con- 
grefs,  and  fupport  the  Britifh  in  the  poffeffion  of 
the  province,  they  mould  rid  themfelves  of  the 
heavy  taxes  that  muft  accrue  in  confequence  of 
the  American  war,  The  mifchievous  effects  of 
negro-flavery  were,  at  this  time,  abundantly  ap- 
parent. Several  who  had  lived  in  eafe  and  afflu- 
ence from  the  produce  of  their  lands,  cultivated 
by  the  labour  of  Haves,  had  not  fortitude  enough 
to  dare  to  be  poor.  Sentiments  of  honour  and 
love  of  their  country,  made  them  wifh  to  preferve 

a 


(     i*3     ) 

a  confiftency  of  conduct,  by  refufing  fubmiffion 
to  Britifh  government,  but  the  impoflibility  of 
fupporting  themfelves  by  their  own  exertions, 
counteracted  every  generous  refolution.  The 
conflict  of  contrary  paffions,  and  the  diftrefs  of 
the  times,  drove  feveral  to  the  exceflive  ufe  of 
fpirituous  liquors,  which  proved  the  fource  of 
many  difeafes,  and  very  often  deftroyed  life. 

Though  numbers  broke  through  the  folemn 
ties  by  which  they  had  voluntarily  bound  them- 
felves to  fupport  the  caufe  of  America,  illuftrious 
facrifices  were  made  at  the  fhrine  of  liberty ; 
feveral  fubmitted  to  a  diftreffing  exile,  or  a  more 
intolerable  confinement.  The  proprietors  of  fome 
of  the  bed  eflates  in  South-Carolina,  fuffered 
them  to  remain  in  the  power  and  pofleffion  of 
the  conquerors,  rather  than  flain  their  honour  by 
deferting  their  country.  The  rich  flaked  their 
fortunes ;  but  in  the  humble  walks  of  obfcurity 
were  found  feveral  of  the  middling  and  poorer 
clafs  of  citizens  who  may  be  truly  faid  to  have 
ftaked  their  lives  on  the  caufe  of  America,  for 
they  renounced  the  comforts  fubfervient  to  health 
in  warm  climates,  and  contented  themfelves  with 
a  fcanty  portion  of  the  plaineft  neceffaries  of  life, 
in  preference  to  joining  the  enemies  of  indepen- 
dence. In  this  crifis  of  danger  to  the  liberties 
of  America,  the  ladies  of  South-Carolina  con- 
dueled  themfelves  with  more  than  Spartan  mag- 
nanimity. They  gloried  in  the  appellation  of 
rebel  ladies  j  and,  though  they  withftood  repeated 

felicitations 


(      124     ) 

folicitations  to  grace  publick  entertainments  with 
their  pretence,  yet  they  crowded  on  board  pri- 
fo:i-ihips,  and  other  places  of  confinement,  to 
folace  their  fullering  countrymen.  While  the 
conquerors  were  regaling  themfelves  at  concerts 
and  alTemblies,  they  could  obtain  very  few  of  the 
fair  fex  to  affociate  with  them  ;  but  no  fooner 
was  an  American  officer  introduced  as  a  prifoner, 
than  his  company  was  fought  for,  and  his  perfon 
treated  with  every  pomble  mark  of  attention 
and  refpecl.  On  other  occafions  the  ladies  in  a 
great  meafure  retired  from  the  publick  eye, 
wept  over  the  diflreffes  of  their  country,  and 
gave  every  proof  of  the  warmed  attachment  to 
its  fuffering  caufe.  In  the  height  of  the  Britifh 
conquefts,  when  poverty  and  ruin  feemed  the 
unavoidable  portion  of  every  adherent  to  the 
independence  of  America,  the  ladies  in  general 
difcovered  more  firmnefs  than  the  men.  Many 
of  them,  like  guardian  Angels,  preferved  their 
hufbands  from  falling  in  the  hour  of  temptation, 
when  intereft  and  convenience  had  almoft  gotten 
the  better  of  honour  and  patriotifm.  Among 
the  numbers  who  were  baniihed  from  their  fami- 
lies, and  whofe  property  was  feized  by  the  con- 
querors, many  examples  could  be  produced  of 
ladies  cheerfully  parting  with  their  fons,  hufbands 
and  brothers,  exhorting  them  to  fortitude  and 
perfeverance ;  and  repeatedly  entreating  them 
never  to  fuffer  family-attachments  to  interfere 
with  the  duty  they  owed  to  their  country. 
When,  in  the  progrefs    of   the  war,  they  were 

alfo 


(     «»5    ) 

alfo  comprehended  under  a  general  fentence  of 
banifhment,  with  equal  refolution  they  parted 
with  their  native  country,  and  the  many  endear- 
ments of  home — followed  their  hufbands  into 
prifon-fhips  and  diftant  lands,  where,  though 
they  had  long  been  in  the  habit  of  giving,  they 
were  reduced  to  the  neceflity  of  receiving  cha- 
rity. They  renounced  the  prefent  gratifications 
of  wealth,  and  the  future  profpe&s  of  fortunes 
for  their  growing  offspring — adopted  every 
fcheme  of  economy,  and,  though  born  in  afflu- 
ence, and  habituated  to  attendance,  betook 
themfelves  to  hard  labour. 

Whilst  the  conquerors  were  indefatigable  in 
their  endeavours  to  ftrengthen  the  party  for  royal 
government,  by  the  addition  of  new  fubjecls, 
the  Americans  were  not  inattentive  to  their  inte- 
refts.  During  the  fiege  of  Charlefton,  general 
Lincoln,  in  the  mod  prefling  manner,  requefted 
governor  Rutledge,  with  the  whole  of  his  coun- 
cil, to  go  out  of  town,  on  the  idea  that  the  civil 
authority  of  the  ft  ate  would  be  exerted  to  much 
greater  advantage  in  the  country  than  in  the 
befieged  metropolis  ;  that  an  executive  authority 
might  be  preferved,  though  the  capital  mould 
fall ;  and  at  the  fame  time,  that  the  citizens 
might  not  conceive  themfelves  deferted,  in  the 
day  of  danger,  it  was  agreed  that  governor  Rut- 
ledge,  with  three  of  the  council,  mould  leave 
Charleflon,  and  that  lieutenant-governor  Gadf- 
den,  with  the  other  five  of  that  body,   mould 

remain 


(       126       ) 

remain  within  the  lines.  In  confequence  of  this 
determination,  on  the  twelfth  of  April  1780,  the 
governor  left  Charlefton,  accompanied  by  the 
honourable  John-Lewis  Gervais,  Charles  Pinck- 
ney  and  Daniel  Huger,  efquires.  Every  exer- 
tion was  made  to  embody  the  country  militia, 
and  to  bring  them  forward  for  the  relief  of  the 
befieged  capital.  Failing  in  this,  the  next  objeel; 
of  the  governor  was  to  make  a  Hand  to  the 
north  of  the  Santee,  in  which  part  of  the  ftatc 
were  a  few  continentals,  and .  North-Carolina 
militia.  The  reduction  of  the  town,  with  the 
army  enclofed,  occafioned  fuch  a  general  panick 
among  the  militia,  that  they  could  not  be  per- 
fuaded  to  fecond  his  views.  Governor  Rut- 
ledge  in  a  little  time  retired  to  the  northward, 
where  he  was  more  fuccefsful  in  his  negotiati- 
ons with  North-Carolina,  Virginia,  and  Congrefs. 
Soon  after,  he  returned  to  South-Carolina,  and 
gave  vigour,  union  and  force  to  the  inhabitants 
in  their  exertions  againff.  Britifh  government. 

During  the  fiege  exprelfes  were  fent  by  ge- 
neral Lincoln  to  the  Congrefs,  and  the  dates  of 
North-Carolina  and  Virginia,  reprefenting  the 
unpromifing  appearance  of  affairs  in  South-Caro- 
lina. In  confequence  of  thefe  feveral  requifiti- 
ons,  Congrefs  determined  that  a  confiderable  de- 
tachment from  their  main  army  fhould  be  imme- 
diately marched  to  the  fouthward.  The  ftate  of 
North-Carolina  alfo  ordered  a  large  body  of  their 
militia  to  take  the  field,  and  to  be  relieved  every 

three 


(     I27    ) 

three  months.  Thefe  (lamina  of  a  fecond  fouth- 
ern  army  were  originally  defigned  to  compel  the 
Britifh  to  raife  the  fiege  of  Charlefton,  but,  being 
too  late  for  that  bufinefs,  they  became  a  refpecl:- 
able  check  to  the  extenfion  of  their  conquefls. 
The  near  approach  of  colonel  Tarleton  to  Meck- 
lenburgh  county,  where  he  defeated  colonel  Bu- 
ford,  induced  general  Rutherford  to  take  the  field 
for  the  defence  of  that  part  of  the  country.  In 
three  days  he  collected  fifteen  hundred  militia  at 
Charlotte  town  ;  but  as  lieutenant-colonel  Tarle- 
ton immediately  retreated,  they  returned  to  their 
homes.  About  ten  days  after,  lord  Rawdon  fix- 
ed a  pod  at  the  WaxKaws.  General  Rutherford 
a  fecond  time -collected  eight  hundred  of  his  mi- 
litia brigade  at  Charlotte,  and  foon  after  his  lord- 
ftiip  retreated.  The  brave  men,  who  fo  willingly 
turned  out  for  the  defence  of  their  country,  at 
this  time  of  difficulty,  were  reduced  to  the  great- 
eft  ftraits  in  providing  themfelves  with  fuitable 
armour.  They  employed  the  fithe  and  fickle 
makers  to  convert  iron  and  fteel,  where-ever  they 
could  be  found,  into  inftruments  of  defence. 
They  had  no  lead  but  the  fmall  private  flock  acci- 
dentally in  the  pofleflion  of  hunters,  and  would 
have  been  equally  deftitute  of  powder,  if  the  re- 
mote magazines  of  South-Carolina  had  not  been 
removed  and  lodged  in  their  neighbourhood. 
The  royalifts  in  both  Carolinas,  confident  of  Bri- 
tifh protection,  now  began  to  throw  off  the  mafk, 
and  were  greatly  increafed  by  acceffions  from  the 

multitude, 


(     ™8     ) 

multitude,  who  always  fide  with  the  firongefh 
A  large  body  of  this  kind,  on  the  twenty-fecond 
of  June  1780,  embodied  in  North-Carolina,  at 
Ramfour's,  under  the  command  of  col.  Moore. 
The  greateil  part  of  thcfe  had  taken  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  Irate  of  North-Carolina,  and 
many  of  them  had  done  militia  duty  in  the 
American  fervice  ;  but  they  were  induced,  on 
this  occafion,  by  the  perfuafion  of  their  lead- 
ers, after  having  taken  arms  in  fupport  of  royal 
government,  to  attempt  a  junction  with  the 
BritiiTi  troops  at  fome  of  their  out-pofts.  This 
premature  infurrection,  in  oppofition  to  the  ad- 
vice of  lord  Cornwallis,  who  had  recommended 
to  his  friends  to  remain  inactive  till  he  had  ad- 
vanced into  their  fettlements,  fubjected  the  roy- 
alifls  to  immediate  dlfperfion.  Their  leaders,  as 
well  in  North-Carolina  as  in  the  fouth  itate,  were 
for  the  mofl  part  perfons  of  inferior  characters, 
deflitute  of  military  or  political  talents,  and 
wholly  deficient  in  that  fagacity  which  (elects  the 
fitted  feafons  for  accomplishing  events. 

General  Rutherford  immediately  marched 
againfl  thefe  infurgents,  but  was  fo  fhort  of  lead 
that  he  could  arm  only  three  hundred  men. 
Colonel  Lock  advanced  with  this  armed  de- 
tachment twenty-five  miles  ahead  to  obferve  the 
motions  of  the  royalifts,  whiift  the  main  body 
halted  behind  in  expectation  of  a  fupply  of  am- 
munition from  the  mines  of  Virginia.  Colonel 
Lock,  though    fo  greatly  inferior  in  force,  was 

foon 


(     I29     ) 

foon  reduced  to  the  neceflity  of  attacking  or  of 
being  attacked.  He  chofe  the  former.  This 
was  executed  with  great  fpirit  and  judgment. 
Captain  Falls,  with  a  party  of  horfe,  rufhed  into 
the  middle  of  the  infurgents,  and  threw  them 
into  confufion.  In  this  fkirmifh  twenty-two  of 
the  whis:  militia  were  killed  or  wounded.  A- 
mong  the  former  were  fix  of  their  officers  who 
had  been  fingled  out  by  rifle-men  among  the 
royaliits.  The  brave  captain  Falls  was  one  of 
the  (lain.  Colonel  Moore  made  a  propofition 
to  colonel  Lock  to  defift  from  all  hollilities  for 
an  hour,  which,  being  agreed  to  by  the  latter, 
the  former  in  that  time  ran  off  with  his  whole 
party.  This  infurrection  was  fcarcely  quelled, 
when  general  Rutherford  received  information 
that  colonel  Brian,  of  Rowan  county,  in  North- 
Carolina,  had  put  himfelf  at  the  head  of  a  body 
of  tories,  in  order  to  join  the  Britim.  He  in- 
ftantly  marched  to  that  part  of  the  ftate,  but 
failed  in  his  object.  Colonel  Brian  marched 
down  the  eaft  fide  of  the  Yadkin,  and  effected 
a  junction  with  the  royal  army  at  Camden. 

As  the  Britifh  advanced  to  the  upper  country 
of  South-Carolina,  a  confiderable  number  of  the 
determined  friends  of  independence  retreated  be- 
fore them,  and  took  refuge  in  North-Carolina. 
In  this  clafs  was  colonel  Sumpter,  a  gentleman 
who  had  formerly  commanded  one  of  the  conti- 
nental regiments,  and  who  was  known  to  poffefs 
a  great  mare  of  bravery  and  other  military  talents. 

Vol.  II.  S  In 


(     i3°     ) 

In  a  very  little  time  after  he  had  foriaken  his 
home,  a  detachment  of  the  Britifh  turned  his 
wife  and  family  out  of  doors,  burned  the  houfe, 
and  every  thing  that  was  in  it.  A  party  of  thefe 
exiles  from  South-Carolina,  who  had  convened 
in  North-Carolina,  made  choice  of  colonel  Sump- 
ter  to  be  their  leader.  At  the  head  of  this  little 
band  of  freemen  he  foon  returned  to  his  own 
flate,  and  took  the  field  againff  the  victorious 
Britifh.  He  made  this  gallant  effort  at  a  time 
when  the  inhabitants  had  generally  abandoned 
die  idea  of  fupporting  their  own  independence, 
and  when  he  had  every  difficulty  to  encounter. 
The  flate  was  no  longer  in  a  condition  to  pay, 
clothe  or  feed  the  troops,  who  had  enrolled  them- 
felves  under  his  command.  His  followers  were, 
in  a  great  meafure,  unfurnifhed  with  arms  and 
ammunition,  and  they  had  no  magazines  from 
which  they  might  draw  a  fupply.  The  iron  tools, 
on  the  neighbouring  farms,  was  worked  up  for 
their  ufe  by  common  blackfmiths  into  rude  wea- 
pons of  war.  They  fupplied  themfelves  in  part 
with  bullets  by  melting  the  pewter  with  which 
they  were  furnifhed  by  private  houfekeepers. 
They  fometimes  came  to  battle  when  they  had 
not  three  rounds  a  man,  and  fome  were  obliged 
to  keep  at  a  diftance,  till,  by  the  fall  of  others, 
they  were  fupplied  with  arms.  When  they 
proved  victorious  they  were  obliged  to  rifle  the 
dead  and  wor.nded  of  their  arms  and  ammunition 
to  equip  them  for  their  next  engagement.  At 
the  head  of  thefe  volunteers  colonel  Sumpter  pe- 
netrated 


(     »3«     ) 

fietrated  into  South-Carolina,  and  re-commenced 
a  military  oppofition  to  the  Britifh,  after  it  had 
been  fufpended  for  about  fix  weeks.  This  un- 
looked-for impediment  to  the  extenfion  of 
Britifh  conquefcs  roufed  all  the  pafiions  which 
difappointed  ambition  can  infpire.  The  late  con- 
querors, having  in  their  official  defpatches,  avert- 
ed '  that  the  inhabitants  from  every  quarter  had 
'  repaired  to  the  detachments  of  the  royal  army, 
6  and  to  the  garrifon  of  Charlefton,  to  declare 
'  their  allegiance  to  the  King,  and  to  offer  their 

*  fervices  in  arms  in  fupport  of  his  government — 
4  that  in  many  inftances  they  had  brought  in  pri- 
€  foners,  their  former  oppreffors  or  leaders — and 
'  that  there  were  few  men  in  South-Carolina  that 
6  were  not  either  their  prifoners  or  in  arms  with 

*  them  ;'  and  now,  finding  armed  parties  fud- 
denly  appearing  in  favour  of  independence,  were 
overwhelmed  with  aftonifhment,  and  filled  with 
indignation.  Their  fucceffes  had  flattered  them 
with  hopes  of  diftinguifhed  rank  among  the  con- 
querors of  America  ;  but  thefe  unexpected  hof- 
tilities  made  them  fear,  that  their  names  would 
be  enrolled  among  thofe  who,  by  pompous  de- 
tails of  Britifh  victories,  and  exaggerated  pictures 
of  American  fufferings,  had  deceived  the  people 
of  England  into  a  continued  fupport  of  an  ex- 
penfive  and  ruinous  war.  Forgetting  their  expe- 
rience in  the  northern  ftates,  they  had  believed 
the  fubmiffion  of  the  inhabitants  to  be  fincere  ; 
making  no  allowance  for  that  propenfity  in  human 
nature  which  leads  mankind,  when  in  the  power 


(     !32     ) 

of  others,  to  frame  their  intelligence  with  more 
attention  to  what  is  agreeable  than  to  what  is 
true,  the  Britifh  for  iome  time  conceived  that 
they  had  little  to  fear  on  the  fouth  fide  of  Virgi- 
nia. When  experience  convinced  them  of  the 
fallacy  of  their  hopes,  they  were  tranfported  with 
indignation  aga'mft  the  inhabitants.  Without 
taking  any  {hare  of  the  blame  to  themfelves  for 
their  policy  in  conftraining  men  to  an  involuntary 
fubmiffion,  they  charged  them  with  Itudied  du- 
plicity and  treachery.  Lenient  meafures  were 
laid  afide  for  thole  which  were  dictated  by  the 
fpirit  of  revenge.  Nor  were  opportunities  long- 
wanting;    for   the    indulgence    of   this    malignant 

o  o  o 

paffion.  The  private  foldiers  of  the  royal  army, 
after  dtferting,  had  concealed  themfelves  among 
the  inhabitants.  Lord  Rawdon,  whofe  temper 
was  foured  by  difappointment,  and  whofe  breafl 
was  agitated  with  rage  againll  the  new  fubjects, 
as  well  for  their  unmeaning  fubmiflions,  as  for 
their  conniving  at  a  practice  fo  injurious  to  the 
royal  interefl,  on  the  firft  of  July  1780  addreffed 
the  following  letter  to  H.  Hugely,  major  of  Bri- 
tifh militia,  near  their  head-quarters  at  Camden  : 

<  Sir, 

'So  many  deferters  from  this  army  have  pafifed 
c  with  impunity  through  the  diftricts  which  are 
'  under  your  direction,  that  I  mull  necefTarily  fu- 
6  fpecl  the  inhabitants  to  have  connived  at,  if  not 
'  facilitated  their  efcape.     If  attachment  to  their 

c  fovereign 


(     *33     ) 

'  fovereign  will  not  move  the  country-people  to 
'  check  a,  crime  fo  detrimental  to   his  fervice,  it 

*  mult  be  my  care  to  urge  them  to  their  duty  as 
'  good  fubjecls  by  ufing  invariable  feverity  to- 
'  wards  every  one  who  fhall  fhew  fo  criminal  a 
6  neglect  or' the  publick  intereft.     I  am  therefore, 

*  fir,  to  requeft  of  you  that  you  fignify  to  all 
6  within  the  limits  of  your  command  my  firm 
f  determination  in  this  cafe.  If  any  perfon  (hall 
6  meet  a  foldier  draggling  without  a  written  pafs 
'  beyond  the  picquets,  and  fhall  not  do  his  ut- 
4  moil  to  fecure  him,  or  ihall  not  fpread  an  alarm 
1  for  that  purpofe,  or  if  any  perfon  fhall  give 
4  fhelter  to  foldiers  draggling  as  above-mentioned, 
'  or  fhall  ferve  them  as  a  guide,  or  fhall  furnifh 
c  them  with  paffes  or  any  other  aififtance,  the 
'  perfons  fo  offending  may  allure  themfelves  of 
c  rigorous  punifhment  either  by  whipping,  im- 
'  prifonment,  or  by  being  fent  to  ferve  his  majefty 

*  in  the  Weft-Indies,  according  as  I  fhall  think 
'  the  degree  of  criminality  may  require.  I  have 
'  ordered  that  every  foldier  who  palfes  the  pic- 
c  quets  ihall  fubmit  himfelf  to  be  examined  by 
'  any  of  the  militia  who  have  any  fufpicion  of 
'  him  :  if  a  foldier  therefore  attempts  to  efcape, 
'  when  ordered  by  a  militiaman  to  ftop,  he  is 
'  immediately  to  be  fired  upon  as  a  deferter — Sin- 
i  gle  men   of   the  light-horfe   need  not  be   exa- 

*  mined,  as  they  may  often  be  fent  alone  upon 
'  expreffes — nor  is  any  party  of  infantry  with   a 

*  non-commlilioncd  oihcer  at  the  head  of  it  to 
i  be  flopped. 

<I 


(     J34     ) 

'I  will  give  the  inhabitants  ten  guineas  for 

*  the  head  of  any  deferter  belonging  to   the   vO- 

*  lunteers  of  Ireland,  and  five  guineas  only  if 
'  they  bring  him  in  alive.  They  iliall  likewife 
c  be  rewarded,  though  not  to  that  amount,  for 
'  fuch  deferters  as  they  may  procure  belonging 
'  to  any  other  regiment. 

(  I  am  confident  that  you  will  encourage  the 

*  country-people  to  be  more  active  in  this  refpecl. 

'  And  am,  fir, 

'  with  much  efleem, 

'  your  very  humble  fervant, 
'  (figned)  Rawdon:' 

In  addition  to  this  exertion  of  military  autho- 
rity lord  Rawdon,  on  the  firfl  rumour  of  an 
advancing  American  army,  called  on  the  inhabi- 
tants in  and  near  Camden  to  take  up  arms  againfl 
their  approaching  countrymen,  and  confined  in 
the  common  gaol  thofe  who  refufed.  In  the 
midft  of  fummer  upwards  of  one  hundred  and 
fixty  perfons  were  fhut  up  in  one  prifon,  and 
twenty  or  thirty  of  them,  though  citizens  of  the 
mod  refpeclable  characters,  were  loaded  with 
irons.  Mr.  James  Bradley,  mr.  Strother,  colo- 
nel Few,  mr.  Kerfhaw,  captain  Boykin,  colonel 
Alexander,  mr.  Irvin,  colonel  Winn,  colonel 
Hunter  and  captain  John  Chefnut,  were  in  the 
number  of  thofe  who  were  fubjedled  to  thefe  in- 
dignities. The  lail  of  thefe  gentlemen,  though 
taken  in  Charleflon,  and  entitled  to  the  fecuritv 

of 


(     i35    ) 

of  his  perfon  and  property  by  a  folernn  capitu- 
lation, was  deprived  of  a  quantity  of  indigo 
equal  in  value  to  five  thoufand  dollars  ;  and  was 
alfo  chained  to  the  floor  for  a  confiderable  time 
on  a  fufpicion  of  his  having  violated  his  parole 
by  correfponding  with  the  Americans,  though 
the  charge  was  fupported  by  no  better  evidence 
than  the  information  of  one  of  his  flaves. 

The  friends  of  independence  having  once  more 
taken  the  field  in  South-Carolina,  a  party  of  the 
corps,  commanded  by  colonel  Sumpter,  confiding 
of  one  hundred  and  thirty-three  men,  on  the 
twelfth  of  July  1780  engaged  at  Williams'  plan- 
tation, in  the  upper  parts  of  South-Carolina, 
with  a  detachment  of  the  Britifli  troops  and  a 
large  body  of  tories,  commanded  by  captain 
Huck.  They  were  polled  in  a  lane,  both  ends 
of  which  were  entered  at  the  fame  time  by  the 
Americans.  In  this  unfavourable  poiition  they 
were  fpeedily  routed  and  difperied.  Colonel 
Fergufon,  of  the  Britifli  militia,  captain  Huck, 
and  feveral  others  were  killed.  This  was  the 
firft  advantage  gained  over  the  royal  forces  fmce 
their  landing  in  the  beginning  of  the  year.  At 
the  very  moment  this  unexpected  attack  was 
made,  a  number  of  women  were  on  their  knees 
vainly  foliciting  captain  Huck  for  his  mercy  in 
behalf  of  their  families  and  property.  During 
his  command  he  had  diftrefled  the  inhabitants 
by  every  fpecies  of  infult  and  injury.  He  had 
alfo   fhocked  them   with   his   profanity,    having 

been 


(     "36     ) 

been  often  heard  to  fay,  '  that  God  Almighty 
'  was  turned  rebel  ;  but  that  if  there  were  twenty 
*  Gods  on  their  fide  they  fhculd  all  be  conquer- 
'  ed.'  In  a  very  particular  manner  he  difplayed 
his  enmity  to  the  Prefbyterians,  by  burning  the 
library  and  dwellinghou-fe  of  their  clergyman  the 
rev.  mr.  Simpfon,  and  all  bibles  which  contained 
the  Scots  tranilation  of  the  pfalms.  Thefe  pro- 
ceedings, no  lefs  impolitick  than  impious,  infpir- 
ed  the  numerous  devout  people  of  that  diftricl: 
with  an  unufual  animation.  A  warm  love  for  in- 
dependence blended  itfelf  with  a  religious  fer- 
vour— and  thefe  two  pallions  reciprocally  added 
ftrength  to  each  other.  The  inhabitants  of  that 
part  of  the  ftate  generally  arranged  themfelves 
under  the  command  of  colonel  Sumpter,  and 
oppofed  the  Britifh  with  the  enthufiafm  of  men 
called  upon  to  defend  not  only  their  civil  liberties 
but  their  holy  religion.  The  effects  of  this  ar- 
dour were  very  fenfibly  felt.  Colonel  Sumpter 
was  foon  reinforced  to  the  number  of  fix  hun- 
dred men.  At  the  head  of  this  party,  on  the 
thirtieth  of  July  1780,  he  made  a  fpirited,  but 
unfuccefsful  attack  on  the  Britifh  poff.  at  Rocky- 
Mount.  Without  delay  he  marched  in  quefl  of 
other  Britifh  detachments,  and  in  eight  days  after 
fuccefsfully  attacked  one  of  their  ports  at  the 
Hanging  Rock,  in  which  was  a  considerable  force 
of  regulars  and  tories.  The  prince  of  Wales's 
regiment,  which  defended  this  place,  was  nearly 
annihilated  ;  and  a  large  body  of  tories,  which 
had  advanced  from  North-Carolina  under  colonel 

Brian, 


(     *37     ) 

Brian  was  completely  routed  and  difperfed.  The 
party  commanded  by  colonel  Sumpter  was  fo 
fhort  of  ammunition,  that  when  they  began  this 
attack  no  one  of  them  had  more  than  ten  bullets. 
In  the  latter  part  of  the  action  the  arms  and 
ammunition  which  were  taken  from  the  Britiih 
and  tories,  who  fell  in  the  beginning  of  it,  were 
turned  againft  their  aflbciates. 

It  had  been  for  fome  time  known  that  an 
American  army  was  marching  from  the  north- 
ward for  the  relief  of  their  fouthern  brethren. 
The  panick  occafioned  by  the  fall  of  Charlelton 
was  daily  abating.  The  whig  militia,  on  the  ex- 
tremities of  the  ftate,  formed  themfelves  into 
fmall  parties  under  leaders  of  their  own  choice, 
and  fome  times  attacked  detachments  of  the  Bri- 
tifh  army,  but  much  more  frequently  thofe  of 
their  own  countrymen,  who  were  turning  out  as 
a  royal  militia.  Thefe  American  parties  feverally 
acted  from  the  impulfe  of  their  own  minds. 
They  fet  themfelves  in  oppofition  to  the  Britifh 
without  the  knowledge  of  each  others  motions, 
and  without  any  preconcerted  general  plan.  Co- 
lonel Williams,  of  the  diftricl:  of  Ninety-Six,  in 
particular,  was  indefatigable  in  collecting  and 
animating  the  friends  of  Congrefs  in  that  fettle- 
ment.  With  thefe  he  frequently  harrafled  the 
conquerors.  On  the  eighteenth  of  Auguft  1780, 
he  attacked  a  confiderable  party  of  Britifh  and 
tories  at  Mufgrove's  mills,  on  the  Enoree  river. 
In  this  engagement  colonel  Innis,  of  the  South- 

Vol.  II.  T  Carolina 


(     «3»     ) 

Carolina  royalifts,  was  wounded,  and  the  whole 
of  .his  party  obliged  to  retire. 

During  the  fiege  of  Charlefton,  fourteen  hun- 
dred continental  troops,  confiding  of  the  Dela- 
ware and  Maryland  line,  commanded  by  major- 
general  Baron  De-Kalb,  were  by  Congrefs  ordered 
to  the  fouthward.  They  marched  from  head- 
quarters at  Morriftown,  in  New-Jerfey,  on  the 
fixteenth  of  April  1780,  embarked  at  the  Head 
of  Eik  in  May,  and  landed  foon  after  at  Peterf- 
burg  in  Virginia,  and  from  thence  proceeded  by 
land  through  the  country  towards  South-Carolina. 
Virginia  made  great  and  erTe&ual  exertions  to  ex- 
pedite the  movements  of  this  little  army,  but  in 
North-Carolina  little  or  no  preparations  were 
made  for  fupporting  the  troops  or  tranfporting 
their  baggage.  The  commifiarics  and  quarter- 
mailers  complained  that  the  want  of  calh  and  of 
credit,  were  infuperable  obftacles  to  the  difchargc 
of  their  duty.  The  American  general  found  it 
necefiary  to  make  large  detachments  for  impreiT- 
ing  provisions.  Their  mifapplied  violences  in 
many  cafes  diftreffed  the  inhabitants,  and  greatly 
injured  the  fervice.  The  country  was  thinly  in- 
habited and  poorly  cultivated.  The  laii  year's 
crop  was  nearly  expended,  and  the  prefent  one 
was  not  fumciently  ripe.  The  troops  fubfifted 
principally  on  lean  cattle  collected  in  the  woods. 
The  officers  were  lb  diftreffed  for  the  want  of 
flour,  that  they  made  ufe  of  hair-powder  to  thick- 
en their  foup,  but  foon  foun^l  a  more  favory  fuh- 

(tit.utc 


(     139    ) 

ftitute  in  green  corn.  Peaches  were  alio  ufed, 
and  became  a  feafonable  fupply.  The  whole 
army  was  fome  times  fupplied  for  twenty-four 
hours  in  this  way  without  cither  meat  or  flour. 
The  fufferings  and  the  virtue  of  the  American 
troops  on  this  occafion,  are  dated  in  a  letter  of 
Auguft  fourteenth,  1780,  from  major-general 
Baron  De-Kalb  to  Chevalier  De  La  Luzerne,  the 
minifter  plenipotentiary  from  his  molt  chriftian 
Majefly  to  the  United  States,  in  the  following 
words  :  '  You  may  judge  of  the  virtues  of  our 
6  fmall  army  from  the  following  facl :  we  have 
'  for  feveral  days  lived  on  nothing  but  peaches, 
*  and  I  have  not  heard  a  complaint.  There  has 
'  been  no  defertion.' 

A  considerable  number  of  the  militia  of 
North-Carolina  had  taken  the  field,  and  had 
agreed  to  rendezvous  at  Anfon  courthoufe  on 
the  twentieth  of  July,  that  they  might  be  in 
readinefs  to  co-operate  with  the  continental  army. 
On  the  approach  of  the  Americans  major  M'Ar- 
thur,  who  commanded  on  the  Peedee,  called  in 
his  detachments,  abandoned  his  pofl  on  the  Che- 
raw  hill,  and  marched  directly  to  join  the  main 
body  of  the  royal  army  at  Camden.  On  the 
day  that  the  Britifh  relinquiihed  this  part  of  the 
country,  the  inhabitants,  diftreffed  by  their  depre- 
dations, and  difgufted  with  their  conduct,  gene- 
rally took  arms.  Lord  Nairne,  and  one  hundred 
and  fix  Britifh  invalids,  going  down  the  Peedee, 
were  made  prifoners  by  a  party  of  the  Americans, 

commanded 


(      140     ) 

commanded  by  major  Thomas,  who  had  lately 
been  received  as  loyal  fubjecls.  A  large  boat 
coming  up  from  George-Town,  well  ftored  with 
neceffaries  for  major  Mc  Arthur's  party,  was  feized 
for  the  ufe  of  the  American  army.  All  the  new- 
made  Britifh  miJiiia-ohlcers,  excepting  colonel 
IViills,  were  made  prifoners  by  their  own  men. 
The  retreat  of  the  Britifh  from  their  out-polls 
to  Camden,  the  rapid  advances  of  an  American 
army,  and  the  impolitick  conduct  of  the  con- 
querors towards  their  new  fubjects,  all  concur- 
red about  this  time  to  produce  a  general  revolt 
in  favour  of  Congrefs.  For  fome  time  paft  the 
people  were  daily  growing  more  and  more  dif- 
fatisfied  with  the  Britifh.  Tired  of  war,  they 
had  fubmitted  to  their  government,  with  the  flat- 
tering expectation  of  bettering  their  condition  ; 
but  they  foon  found  that  they  had  fled  from  the 
icorching  heat  of  the  fun  into  the  confirming 
blaze  of  a  furnace.  The  protection  they  receiv- 
ed, as  the  recompenfe  of  their  fubmiilions,  was 
wholly  inadequate  to  the  purpofe  of  fecuring 
their  property.  When  the  Britifh  fir  ft  took  pof- 
feffion  of  the  country,  they  confidered  themfelves 
as  having  a  right  to  feize  on  the  property  of 
rebels.  Their  commiffaries  and  quartermafters 
took  provifions,  and  all  other  things  wanted  by 
the  army  where-ever  they  were  to  be  found. 
Though  things  taken  this  way  were  all  charged 
to  the  Britifh  government,  yet  very  few  of  the 
perfons  from  whom  they  were  taken  ever  received 
any  fatisfacYion.     After   the   ftate  had  generally 

fubmitted, 


(     Mi     ) 

fubmitted,  the  fame  practice  was  continued.  The 
rapacity  of  the  common  men,  the  indigence  and 
avarice  of  many  of  the  officers,  and  the  gains  of 
the  commifTaries  and  quartermafters,  all  concur- 
red to  forbid  any  check  to  this  lucrative  mode  of 
procuring  fupplies.  They  found  it  much  more 
profitable  to  look  on  the  inhabitants  in  the  light 
of  rebels,  whofe  property  was  forfeited,  than 
as  reclaimed  fubjects,  who  were  reinftated  in  the 
protection  of  government.  When  they  applied 
in  the  latter  character  to  claim  their  rights,  and 
to  remonftrate  againfl  Britifh  depredations,  they 
much  oftener  received  infults  than  redrefs  Peo- 
ple who  had  received  this  kind  of  treatment,  and 
who  believed  that  allegiance  and  protection  were 
reciprocal,  foon  conceived  themfelves  releafed 
from  their  late  engagements,  and  at  full  liberty 
to  rejoin  the  Americans. 

Though  the  inhabitants  of  Charlefton  had  not 
the  fame  opportunity  of  (hewing  their  refentment 
againft  their  conquerors,  yet  many  of  the  new- 
made  fubjects  and  the  prifoners  were  very  foon 
difgufted  with  their  conduct.  Every  ungenerous 
conftruction  was  put  on  an  ambiguous  capitula- 
tion, to  the  difadvantage  of  the  citizens,  and 
their  rights  founded  thereon,  were,  in  feveral  in- 
ftances,  mod  injurioufly  violated.  On  the  nine- 
teenth day  after  the  furrender,  a  quartermafter  of 
lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton's  legion,  of  the  name 
of  Tuck,  with  a  party  of  dragoons  of  that  corps, 
called  on  mr,  Samuel  Wyly,  an  inoffenfive  pri- 
vate 


(     H*     ) 

vate  militiaman,  and,  on  his  acknowledging  that 
he  went  as  a  volunteer  to  the  defence  of  Charles- 
ton, put  him  to  death  at  his  own  houfe  ftear 
Camden,  by  cutting  him  in  pieces  in  a  moft  bar- 
barous manner.  Though  Mr.  Wyly  produced 
a  certified  copy  of  his  parole  as  an  evidence  of 
his  being  entitled  to  the  protection  due  to  a  pri- 
foncr  taken  by  capitulation,  yet  it  availed  him 
nothing.  Tuck  and  his  party  fwore  they  would 
not  only  kill  him,  but  all  others  who  had  turned 
out  as  volunteers  to  oppofe  the  Britifh  forces. 
Continental  officers  were  (tripped  of  their  proper- 
ty, on  the  pretence  that  they  were  foldiers,  and 
had  no  right  to  claim  under  the  character  of  citi- 
zens. The  conquerors  deprived  the  inhabitants 
of  their  canoes  by  an  illiberal  conftru&ion  of  the 
article  which  gave  them  the  {flipping  in  the  har- 
bour. Many  Haves,  and  a  great  deal  of  proper- 
ty, though  fecured  by  the  capitulation,  were 
carried  off  by  fir  Henry  Clinton*s  army  in  June 
1780,  when  they  failed  from  Charlefton.  Im- 
mediately after  the  furrender,  five  hundred  ne- 
groes were  ordered  to  be  put  on  board  the  mips 
for  pioneers  to  the  royal  forces  in  New-York. 
Thefe  were  taken  where-ever  they  could  be 
found,  and  no  Satisfaction  was  made  to  their 
owners.  The  common  foldiers,  from  their  fuf- 
ferings  and  fervices  during  the  fiege,  conceived 
themfelves  entitled  to  a  licenfed  plunder  of  the 
town.  That  their  murmurings  might  be  foothed* 
the  officers  connived  at  their  reimburfing  them- 
felves for  their  fatigues  and  dangers   at  the  ex* 

pence 


(     '43     ) 

pence  of  the  citizens.  Almoft  every  private 
houfe  had  one  or  more  of  the  officers  or  privates 
of  the  royal  army  quartered  upon  them.  In  pro- 
viding for  their  accommodation  very  little  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  the  convenience  <jf  families. 
The  infolence  and  diforderly  conduct  of  perfons 
thus  forced  upon  the  citizens,  were  in  many  in- 
ftances  intolerable  to  freemen  heretofore  accuf- 
tomed  to  be  mailers  in  their  own  houfes.  The 
greateit  addrefs  mould  have  been  praclifed  to- 
wards the  inhabitants,  if  the  army  meant  to  fe- 
cond  the  views  of  the  pareni-ftate,  in  re-uniting 
the  revoked  colonies  to  her  government.  To  in- 
duce a  people  who  had  tailed  of  the  fweets  of 
independence,  to  return  to  the  condition  of  fub- 
jefts,  their  minds  and  affections,  as  well  as  their 
armies,  ought  to  have  been  conquered.  This 
more  delicate  and  difficult  taik  was  rarely  at- 
tempted. The  officers,  privates,  and  followers 
of  the  royal  army,  were  generally  more  intent 
on  amaffing  fortunes  by  plunder  and  rapine, 
than  on  promoting  a  re-union  of  the  diffevered 
members  of  the  empire.  The  general  complexi- 
on of  the  officers  ferving  in  the  royal  army  againit 
America,  was  very  different  from  what  had  been 
ufual  in  better  times.  In  former  wars  dignity,  ho- 
nour and  generofity,  were  invariably  annexed  to 
the  military  character.  Though  the  old  officers  of 
the  Britifh  regiments  in  America  were  for  the  moil 
part  gentlemen,  and  eminently  poffeffed  thefe 
virtues,  yet  feveral  vacancies,  both  at  the  com- 
mencement and  in  the  progrefs  of  the  American 

war, 


C     M4     ) 

war,  had  been  filled  up  by  a  new  fet  greatly  infe- 
rior in  fortune,  education  and  good  breeding. 
Several  new  corps  had  been  raifed  in  Ame  rica,in 
which  commiffions  had  been  promifed  by  publick 
advertifement  to  any  perfon  who  would  recruit 
a  given  number  of  men.  They  who  poffeffed 
molt  of  that  low  cunning,  which  is  necellary  to 
wheedle  the  vulgar,  were  of  courfe  moft  fuccefs- 
ful  in  procuring  thefe  commiffions.  From  an 
army  abounding  with  fuch  unworthy  characters, 
and  ftationed  among  a  people  whom  they  hated 
as  rebels,  and  from  the  plunder  of  whom  they 
hoped  to  make  fortunes,  it  was  not  reafonable 
to  expect  that  winning  behaviour  which  was 
neceffary  to  conciliate  the  affections  of  the  revolt- 
ed ftates.  The  royal  officers,  inftead  of  foothing 
the  inhabitants  into  good  humour,  by  adts  of 
beneficence  and  generofity,  often  aggravated  in- 
tolerable injuries  by  more  intolerable  infults  ;  in- 
ftead of  increafing  the  number  of  real  friends  of 
royal  government,  they  difgufted  the  few  that 
they  found  ;  inftead  of  gaining  the  affections  of 
the  people,  their  whole  conduct  tended  to  alie- 
nate them :  in  one  word,  they  did  more  to  re- 
eftablifh  the  independence  of  the  ftate  than  could 
have  been  effected  by  the  armies  of  Congrefs, 
had  the  conquerors  guided  themfelves  by  maxims 
of  found  policy.  The  high-fpirited  citizens  of 
Carolina  could  not  brook  thefe  oppreffions  and 
infults ;  but  moft  ardently  wilhed  to  rid  the  coun- 
try of  the  iniulting  oppreffors.  From  motives  of 
this  kind,    and  a  prevailing  attachment  to   the 

caufe 


(     14'5     ) 

caule  of  their  country,  many  broke  through  all 
ties  to  join  the  advancing  American  army,  and 
more  moft  cordially  wifhed  them  fuccefs. 

Major-general  Baron  De-Kalb  commanded 
the  continentals  fent  from  the  northward  till  the 
twenty-feventh  of  July,  when  major-general  Gates 
arrived  with  the  orders  of  Congrefs  to  take  the 
fupreme  command.  Great  were  the  expectations 
of  the  publick  from  this  illuftrious  officer.  The 
cloud  that  had  for  fome  time  overfhadowed  Ame- 
rican affairs  began  to  difperfe.  Nothing  fhort 
of  the  fpeedy  expulfion  of  the  Britifh  from 
the  ftate  came  up  to  the  wifhes  and  hopes  of  the 
friends  of  independence.  A  well-timed  procla- 
mation from  the  American  general  was  very  ge- 
nerally approved,  and  greatly  influenced  the 
fentiments  and  conduct  of  the  inhabitants. r  The 
continental  army  formed  a  juncYicn  with  the 
North-Carolina  militia  at  the  Crofs-Roads,  forty- 
five  miles  from  Camden,  on  the  tenth  of  Auguff. 
The  Britifh,  on  the  approach  of  general  Gates, 
concentred  their  whole  force  at  Camden.  No 
interruption  of  the  American  army  was  attempted 
any  where  but  at  Lynch's  creek,  and  even  this 
was  abandoned  upon  their  making  a  circuitous 
march  eo  the  right.  The  retreat  of  the  Britifh, 
and  the  extreme  fcarcity  of  provifions,  induced 
general  Gates  to  continue  his  march  to  Rugeley's 
mills,  about  thirteen  miles  from  Camden,  in 
which  pofition  he  had  the  profpedl  of  more  com- 

Vol  II.  U  fortable 

r  See  note  xvir. 


(     146     ) 

fortable  fupplies  from  the  well-cultivated  fettle* 
ment  of  Waxhaws.  While  the  American  army 
advanced  towards  Camden,  colonel  Sumpter  was 
to  the  weltward  of  the  Wateree,  and  daily  aug- 
menting his  corps  from  the  revolting  inhabitants 
who  enrolled  themfelves  under  his  ftandard.  On 
receiving  intelligence  that  an  efcort  of  clothing, 
ammunition,  and  other  (tores  for  the  garrifon  at 
Camden,  was  on  the  road  from  Charlefton,  and 
that  the  whole  mull  pafs  the  Wateree  ferry  under 
cover  of  a  fmall  redoubt  which  the  Britifh  occu- 
pied on  the  fouth  fide  of  the  river,  he  formed  a 
fuccefsful  plan  for  reducing  the  redoubt,  and 
capturing  the  convoy.  From  his  pofition  on  the 
fouth  fide  of  the  Wateree,  the  farther  hope  was 
indulged  of  his  intercepting  the  Britifh,  whofe 
defeat  or  retreat  was  confidently  expected  on  their 
way  from  Camden  to  Charlefton.  On  the  fif- 
teenth general  Stevens,  with  a  brigade  of  Vir- 
ginia militia,  joined  general  Gates.  The  whole 
of  the  American  army  now  amounted  to  three 
thoufand  fix  hundred  and  fixty-three,  of  which 
about  nine  hundred  were  continental  infantry, 
and  feventy  cavalry. 

The  arrival  of  this  force  being  quite  unex- 
pected, lord  Cornwallis,  bufily  employed  in  form- 
ing regulations  for  the  interior  police  of  the 
country,  was  diftant  from  the  fcene  of  action. 
No  fooner  was  he  informed  of  the  approach  of 
general  Gates,  than  he  prepared  to  join  his  arno 
at    Camden.     He   arrived,   and   fuperfeded   lord 

Rawdon 


(      -47     ) 

Rawdon  in  command  on  the  fourteenth.  1 1 ;s 
inferior  force,  confiding  of  about  feventeen  hun- 
dred infantry  and  three  hundred  cavalry,  would 
have  juftified  a  retreat ;  but,  confidering  that  no 
probable  event  of  an  action  could  be  more  in- 
jurious to  the  royal  interefl  than  that  meafure, 
he  chofe  to  flake  his  fortune  in  the  field  in  a 
conteft  with  the  conqueror  of  Burgoyne.  On 
the  night  of  the  fifteenth  he  marched  out  with 
his  whole  force  to  attack  the  American  army  ; 
and  at  the  fame  hour  general  Gates  put  his  army 
in  motion,  with  a  determination  to  take  an  eli- 
gible pofition  between  Sander's  creek  and  Green- 
Swamp,  about  eight  miles  from  Camden.  The 
advanced  parties  of  both  armies  met  about  mid- 
night, and  a  firing  commenced.  In  the  fkirmifh 
of  the  night  colonel  Porterfield,  a  very  gallant 
officer  of  the  ftate  of  Virginia,  received  a  mortal 
wound.  After  fome  time  both  parties  retreated 
to  their  main  bodies,  and  the  whole  lay  on  their 
arms.  In  the  morning  a  fevere  and  general  en- 
gagement took  place.  The  American  army  was 
formed  in  the  following  manner  :  the  fecond  Ma- 
ryland brigade,  commanded  by  brigadier-general 
Gift,  on  the  right  of  the  line,  flanked  by  a  mo- 
rafs  ;  the  North-Carolina  militia,  commanded  by 
major-general  Cafwell,  in  the  centre  ;  and  the 
Virginia  militia,  commanded  by  brigadier-gene- 
ral Stevens,  on  the  left,  flanked  by  the  North- 
Carolina  militia  light-infantry  and  a  morafs.  The 
artillery  was  polled  in  the  interftices  of  brigades, 
and  on  the  moft  advantageous  grounds.     Major- 

Qencral 


(     '48     ) 

general  Baron  De-Kalb  commanded  on  the  right 
of  the  line,  and  brigadier-general  Smallwood 
commanded  the  firfl  Maryland  brigade,  which 
was  polled  as  a  corps-de-referve  two  or  three 
hundred  yards  in  the  rear.  In  this  pofition  the 
troops  remained  till  dawn  of  day.  As  foon  as 
the  Britifh  appeared  about  two  hundred  yards  in 
front  of  the  North-Carolina  troops,  the  artillery 
was  ordered  to  fire,  and  brigadier-general  Stevens 
to  attack  the  column  which  was  difplayed  to  the 
right.  That  gallant  officer  advanced  with  his 
brigade  of  militia  in  excellent  order  within  fifty 
paces  of  the  enemy,  who  were  alfo  advancing, 
and  then  called  out  to  his  men,  e  my  brave  fel- 
'  lows,  you  have  bayonets  as  well  as  they,  we'll 
e  charge  them.'  At  that  moment  the  Britifh  in- 
fantry charged  with  a  cheer,  and  the  Virginians, 
throwing  down  their  arms,  retreated  with  the 
utmofl  precipitation.  The  militia  of  North-Ca- 
rolina followed  the  unworthy  example,  except  a 
few  of  general  Gregory's  brigade,  who  paufed 
a  very  little  longer.  A  part  of  colonel  Dixon's 
regiment  fired,  two  or  three  rounds,  but  the 
greater  part  of  the  whole  militia  fled  without 
firing  a  fingle  (hot.  This  precipitate  flight  was 
perhaps  occafioned  by  the  following  caufes  :  the 
troops  being  badly  fupplied,  had  for  fome  time 
fubfifted  on  fruit  fcarcely  ripe,  without  any  regu- 
lar rations  of  flefh,  flour  or  fpirituous  liquors.  The 
unexpeded  meeting  of  the  enemy,  their  lying 
for  fome  hours  on  their  arms,  with  the  appre- 
henfion  of  immediate  danger,  and  the  horrors  of 

the 


(     "49     ) 

the  night,  operating  on  militia  who  had  never 
been  in  action,  and  whofe  flrength  and  fpirits 
were  depreffed  by  their  preceding  low  regimen, 
occafioned  fo  general  a  panick  among  the  raw 
troops,  that  they  could  not  (land  before  bayonets. 
The  whole  left  wing  and  centre  being  gone,  the 
continentals  who  formed  the  right  wing,  and  the 
corps  of  referve,  engaged  about  the  fame  time, 
and  pave  the  Britifh  an  unexpected  check.  The 
fecond  brigade,  confiding  of  Maryland  and  De- 
laware troops,  gained  ground,  and  had  taken  no 
lefs  than  fifty  prifcners.  The  fir  ft  brigade  being 
confiderably  out-flanked,  were  obliged  to  retire  ; 
but  they  rallied  again,  and  with  great  fpirit  re- 
newed the  fight.  This  expedient  was  repeated 
two  or  three  times.  The  Britifh  directed  their 
whole  force  againft  thefe  two  devoted  corps,  and 
a  tremendous  fire  of  mufketry  was  continued  on 
both  fides,  with  great  perfeverance  and  obftinacy. 
At  length  lord  Cornwallis,  obferving  that  there 
was  no  cavalry  oppofed  to  him,  poured  in  his 
dragoons  and  ended  the  conteft.  Never  did  men 
behave  better  than  the  continentals  in  the  whole 
of  this  action  ;  f  but  all  attempts  to  rally  the  mi- 
litia were  ineffectual.  Lieutenant-colonel  Tarle- 
ton's  legion  charged  them  as  they  broke,  and 
purfued  them  as  they  were  fleeing.  Without 
having  it  in  their  power  to  defend  themfelves, 
they  fell  in  great  numbers  under  the  legionary 
fabres. 

Major- 
f  See  note  xvin. 


(     '5°     ) 

Major-general  Baron  De-Kalb,  an  illuftri- 
ous  German,  in  the  fervice  of  France,  who  had 
generoufly  engaged  in  the  fupport  of  the  Ame- 
rican independence,  and  who  exerted  himfelf 
with  great  bravery  to  prevent  the  defeat  of  the 
day,  received  eleven  wounds,  of  which,  though 
he  received  the  moil  particular  affiftance  from 
the  Britifh,  he  in  a  fhort  time  expired.  Congrefs, 
fenfible  of  his  exalted  merit,  ordered  a  monu- 
ment to  be  erecied  in  Annapolis  to  his  memory.  t 
Lieutenant-colonel  Du-BuyfTon,  aid-de-camp  to 
Baron  De-Kalb,  embraced  his  wounded  general, 
announced  his  rank  and  nation  to  the  furround- 
ing  foe,  and  begged  that  they  would  fpare  his 
life.  While  he  generoufly  expofed  himfelf  to 
fave  his  friend,  he  received  fundry  dangerous 
wounds,  and  was  taken  prifoner.  Brigadier-ge- 
neral Rutherford,  a  valuable  officer,  of  the  mod 
extenfive  influence  over  the  North  Carolina  mi- 
litia, furrendered  to  a  party  of  the  Britifh  legion, 
one  of  whom,  after  his  fubmiffion,  cut  him  in 
feveral  places.  Of  the  South-Carolina  line,  that 
brave  and  diftinguifhed  officer,  major  Thomas 
Pinckney,  aching  as  aid-de-camp  to  major-gene- 
ral Gates,  had  his  leg  mattered  by  a  mufket-bal!, 
and  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors. 

The  Americans  loft  eight  field-pieces,  the 
whole  of  their  artillery,  upwards  of  two  hundred 
waggons,  and  the  greateff  part  of  their  baggage. 
The  lofs  of  the  Britifh,  in  killed  and  wounded, 

was 
Sec  note  xix. 


(     "5'     ) 

Was  about  three  hundred.  The  royal  army  fought 
with  great  bravery  ;  but  their  fuccefs  was  in  a 
great  meafure  owing  to  the  precipitate  flight  of 
the  militia,  and  the  fuperiority  of  their  cavalry. 

The  militia  compofed  fo  great  a  part  of  the 
American  army,  that  general  Gates,  when  he 
faw  them  leave  the  field,  loft  all  hopes  of  victo- 
ry, and  retired  in  order  to  rally  a  fufficient  num- 
ber to  cover  the  retreat  of  the  continentals,  but 
the  further  the  militia  lied,  the  more  they  were 
difperfed.  Finding  nothing  could  be  done,  he 
continued  his  retreat  into  North-Carolina.  On 
his  way  he  was  foon  overtaken  by  an  officer  from 
colonel  Sumpter,  who  reported  that  the  colonel 
had  fully  fucceeded  in  his  enterprize  againft  the 
Britifh  poll  at  the  ferry,  had  captured  the  garri- 
fon,  and  intercepted  the  efcort  with  the  (lores  ; 
but  no  advantage  could  be  taken  of  this  event, 
as  the  fuccefsful  party  of  Americans  was  on  the 
oppohte  fide  of  the  river.  A  few  of  the  Virginia 
militia  were  halted  at  Hilliborough,  but  in  a  lit- 
tle time  'their  tour  of  feivice  was  out,  and  ail 
who  had  not  deferted  were  difcharsed.  The 
North- Carolina  militia  went  different  ways,  as 
their  hopes  led  or  their  fears  drove  them.  Seve- 
ral of  them  were  intercepted  by  their  countrymen, 
who,  though  they  had  affembled  under  the  pre- 
tence of  joining  general  Gates,  yet,  on  hearing 
of  his  defeat,  became  active  in  purfuing  the  fu- 
gitives from  his  army.  Almoft  all  the  American 
officers   were   feparated   from   their    commands. 

Every 


(      «*«      ) 

Every  corps  was  broken  in  aclion,  and  difperfed 
through  the  woods.  Major  Anderfon,  of  the 
third  Maryland  regiment,  was  the  only  infantry- 
officer  who  kept  together  any  number  of  men. 
The  retreat  of  the  heavy  baggage  was  delayed 
till  the  morning  of  the  action,  and  the  greateft 
part  of  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Britifh,  or 
was  plundered  in  the  retreat.  The  purfuit  was 
rapid  for  more  than  twenty  miles  ;  even  at  the 
diftance  of  forty  miles,  teams  were  cut  out  of 
the  waggons,  and  numbers  promoted  their  flight 
on  horfeback.  The  road  by  which  they  fled  was 
ftrewed  with  arms  and  baggage,  which  in  their 
hurry  and  trepidation  they  had  abandoned,  and 
covered  with  the  fick,  the  wounded  and  the 
dead. 

On  the  feventeenth  and  eighteenth  of  Auguft 
brigadiers  Smallwood  and  Gift,  and  feveral  other 
officers,  arrived  at  Charlotte.  At  this  place  alfo 
had  rendezvoufed  upwards  of  one  hundred  regu- 
lar infantry  of  different  corps,  befides  colonel 
Armand's  cavalry  and  a  fmall  partizan  corps  of 
horle,  which  took  the  field,  on  this  occafion, 
under  the  command  of  major  Davie.  Some 
provifions  having  been  collected  there,  proved 
a  mod  feafonable  refreshment.  The  drooping 
fpirits  of  the  officers  began  to  revive,  and  hopes 
were  entertained  that  a  refpectable  force,  might 
foon  again  be  aifembled  from  the  country  militia, 
and  from  the  addition  of  colonel  Sumpter's  vic- 
torious detachment.    All  thefe  profpecls  were  foon 

obfcured, 


(     '53    ) 

obfcured,  by  intelligence  that  arrived  on  the  nine- 
teenth of  the  complete  difperfion  of  that  corps. 
On  hearing  of  general  Gates's  defeat,  colonel 
Sumpter  began  to  retreat  up  the  fouth  fide  of  the 
Wateree,  with  his  prifoners  and  captured  ftores. 
Lord  Cornwallis  difpatched  lieutenant-colonel 
Tarleton,  with  his  legion  and  a  detachment  of 
infantry,  to  purfue  him.  This  was  done  with  fo 
much  celerity  and  addrefs,  that  he  was  overtaken 
on  the  eighteenth  at  Fifliing  Creek.  The  Britifli 
horfe  rode  into  their  camp  before  they  were  pre- 
pared for  defence.  The  Americans  having  been 
for  four  days  without  ileep  or  pro  virions,  were 
more  obedient  to  the  calls  of  nature  than  atten- 
tive to  her  firft  law — felf-prefervation.  Colonel 
Sumpter  had  taken  every  prudent  precaution  to 
prevent  a  furprize,  but  his  videttes  were  fo  fa- 
tigued, that  they  neglected  their  duty.  With 
great  difficulty  he  got  a  few  of  them  to  make  a 
fhort  (land,  but  the  greater  part  of  his  corps  fled 
to  the  river  or  the  woods.  The  Britifli  prifoners, 
about  three  hundred,  were  all  retaken  and  con- 
ducted to  Camden.  Colonel  Sumpter  loft  all  his 
artillery,  and  his  whole  detachment  was  either 
killed,  captured,  or  difperfed.  T 

Every  hope  of  making  a  Hand  at  Charlotte 
being  extinguifhed,  the  refolution  was  foon  taken 
of  retreating  to  Salifbury.  A  circumstantial  de- 
tail of  this  would  complete  the  picture  of  dif- 
trefs.     The  officers  fuffered  much  for   want   of 

Vol.  II.  W  horfes 

7  See  note  xx. 


(     *54    ) 

horfes  to  carry  off  their  wounded  companions. 
The  citizens  or"  that  part  of  the  north  ftate  were 
reduced  to  great  difficulties  in  removing  their 
families  and  effects.  It  was  expected  that  every- 
day would  bring  intelligence  of  lord  Cornwallis 
purfuing  his  fugitive  enemies.  The  inhabitants 
generally  meant  to  flee  before  the  approaching 
conquerors.  The  confufion  that  took  place 
among  all  orders  is  more  eahly  conceived  than 
expreffed. 

Though  much  cenfure  was  call  on  general 
Gates  for  this  unfortunate  action,  yet,  upon  a 
careful  examination  of  every  circumftance,  his 
chief  fault  feems  to  be  his  rifking  a  battle,  lie 
chofe  the  mod  advantageous  ground,  drew  up 
his  men  to  the  bed  advantage, u  but  to  make 
them  fight  was  beyond  his  power.  It  muff  be 
confefled  the  baggage  of  the  army  mould  have 
been  farther  in  his  rear,  a  place  of  rendezvous 
fixed  upon  in  cafe  of  a  defeat,  and  the  action, 
if  poffible,  delayed.  Orders  for  the  retreat  of 
the  baggage,  though  given  in  proper  time,  were 
not  executed.  The  other  matters,  from  the  great 
probability  of  fuccefs,  were  not  regarded  with 
fufficient  attention. 

The  lofs  of  Charleiton,  and  the  capture  of  an 
army    within   its    lines,    had    reduced    American 
affairs  in  South-Carolina  low ;  but   the   complete 
rout  of  a  fecond  army,  procured  with  great  diffi- 
culty 
11  See  note  xxi. 


I  155  ) 

culty  for  the  recovery  of  the  ftate,  funk  them 
much  lower,  and  filled  the  friends  of  indepen- 
dence with  fearful  anxiety  for  the  future  fate  of 
their  country. 

The  Britifh  were  unufually  elated,  and  again 
flattered  themfelves,  that  all  oppofition  in  South- 
Carolina  was  effectually  fubdued.  Though  their 
victory  was  complete,  and  there  was  no  army  to 
oppofe  them,  yet  the  extreme  heat  of  the  wea- 
ther, and  ficklinefs  of  the  feafon,  reftrained  them 
for  fome  time  from  purfuing  their  conquefls. 
Much  was  to  be  done  in  the  interior  police  of 
the  country.  To  crufh  that  fpirit  ot  oppofition 
to  Britifh.  government,  which  clifcovered  itfelf  on 
the  approach  of  an  American  army,  engaged  the 
attention  of  lord  Cornwallis. 

By  the  complete  difperfion  of  the  continental 
forces,  the  country  was  in  the  power  of  the  con- 
querors. The  expectation  or  aid  from  the  north- 
ward was  now  lefs  probable  than  immediately 
after  the  reduction  of  Charlcflon.  Several  of  the 
revolted  fubjefts  had  fallen  as  prifoners  into  the 
hands  of  the  Britifh,  and  the  property  of  others 
lay  at  their  mercy.  This  fituation  of  publick 
affairs  pointed  out  the  prefent  moment  of  tri- 
umph, as  the  mod  favourable  conjuncture  for 
breaking  the  fpirits  of  thofe  who  were  attached 
to  the  caufe  of  independence.  To  prevent  their 
future  co-operation  with  the  forces  of  Congrefs, 
a  feverer  policy  was  henceforward  adopted. 

UN  F 0  RTUN  ATE  L Y 


(     '56     ) 

Unfortunately  for  the  inhabitants  this  was 
taken  up  on  grounds  which  involved  thoufands 
in  diftrefs,  and  not  a  few  in  the  lofs  of  life.  The 
Britifh  conceived  themfelves  in  poffeffion  of  the 
rights  of  fovereignty  over  a  conquered  country, 
and  that  therefore  the  efforts  of  the  citizens  to 
affert  their  independence  were  chargeable  with  the 
complicated  guilt  of  ingratitude,  treafon  and  re- 
bellion. Influenced  by  thefe  opinions,  and  tranf- 
ported  with  indignation  againft  the  inhabitants, 
they  violated  rights  which  are  held  ficred  be- 
tween independent  hoftile  nations.  In  almoft 
every  diflricl  their  progrefs  was  marked  with 
blood,  and  with  deeds  fo  atrocious  as  reflected 
difgrace  on  their  arms.  Nor  were  thefe  barbari- 
ties perpetrated  in  a  fudden  fally  of  rage,  or  by 
officers  of  low  rank.  Major  Wemys,  of  the 
fixty-third  regiment  of  his  britannick  majefly's 
army,  deliberately  hung  mr,  Adam  Cufack  in 
Cheraw  diftrict,  who  had  neither  taken  parole  as 
a  prifoner,  nor  protection  as  a  Britifh  fubjeel:, 
though  charged  with  no  other  crime  than  refuf- 
ing  to  tranfport  fome  Britiih  officers  over  a  ferry, 
and  (hooting  at  them  acrofs  a  river.  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Tarleton  has  been  heard  to  fay,  *  he 
c  firmly  believed  that  diltrefling  the  inhabitants 
'  was  the  moft  effectual  mode  or  promoting  the 
'  interefl  of  his  royal  matter.'  The  immediate 
authors  of  executions  pleaded  no  lefs  authority 
than  that  of  earl  Cornwallis,  for  deliberately  fhed- 
ding  the  blood  of  their  fellow-men.  In  a  few 
days  after  the  defeat  of  general  Gates,  his  lord- 

fhip 


(     '57    ) 

ihip  ftained  his  military  fame  by  the  following 
letter,  addreffed  to  the  commandant  of  the  Britifh 
garrifon  at  Ninety-Six  : 

1  I  have  given  orders  that  all  the  inhabitants 
6  of  this  province,  who  have  fubfcribed  and  have 
'  taken  part  in  this  revolt,  mould  be  punifhed 
'  with  the  greatest  rigour  ;  and  alfo  thofe  who  will 
'  not  turn  out,  that  they  may  be  imprifoned,  and 
'  their  whole  property  taken  irom  them  or  de- 
'  ftroyed.  I  have  likewife  ordered,  that  compen- 
'  fation  fhould  be  made  out  of  their  eftates  to  the 
'  perfons  who  have  been  injured  or  oppreffed  by 
'  them.  I  have  ordered  in  the  moil  pofitive  man- 
4  ner,  that  every  militiaman,  who  has  borne  arms 
'  with  us,  and  afterwards  joined  the  enemy,  fhall 
?  be  immediately  hanged.  I  defire  you  will  take 
'  the  moil  vigorous  meafures  to  punifh  the  rebels 
'  in  the  diftrict  in  which  vou  command,  and  that 
c  you  obey  in  the  ftricleft  manner  the  directions 
'  I  have  given  in  this  letter  relative  to  the  inhabi- 
(  tants  of  this  country. 

(Signed)  '  Cornwallis.' 

Similar  orders  were  addreffed  to  the  com- 
manders of  different  pods,  and  executed  with 
the  lame  fpirit  with  which  they  were  dictated. 
At  or  near  Camden,  Samuel  Andrews,  Richard 
Tucker,  John  Miles,  Jofiah  Gayle,  Eleazer 
Smith,  with  fome  others  whofe  names  are  un- 
known, were  taken  out  of  gaol  and  hung  with- 
out 


(     *5*     ) 

out  any  ceremony.  Some  were  indulged  with  a 
hearing  before  a  court-martial,  iniiituted  by  lord 
Cornwallis  for  the  trial  of  prifoners ;  but  the 
evidences  againft  them  were  not  examined  on 
oath,  and  flaves  were  both  permitted  and  en- 
couraged to  accufe  their  maflers.  Not  only  at 
Camden,  but  in  the  other  parts  of  South-Caroli- 
na, and  at  Augufta  in  Georgia,  the  fame  bloody 

tragedies  were  acted,  and  feveral   of  the   inhabi- 
ts * 

tants  fell  facrinces  to  this  new  mode  of  warfare. 

The  warm  zeal  of  earl  Cornwallis,  to  an- 
nex the  {fates  of  America  to  the  Britifh  empire, 
prompted  him  to  meafures  not  only  derogatory  to 
his  character,  but  inconhitent  with  the  claims  of 
humanity.  The  prifoners  on  parole  had  an  un- 
doubted right  to  take  arms  ;  for,  by  proclamation, 
after  the  20th  of  the  preceding  June,  as  has  been 
ft  ate  d,  they  were  realeafed  from  every  engagement 
to  their  conquerors.  Of  thofe  it  may  be  affirmed, 
that  they  were  murdered  in  cold  blood.  The 
cafe  of  thofe  who  had  taken  Britifh  protection  is 
fomewhat  different.  His  lordfhip  could  allege, 
in  vindication  of  his  feverity  to  them,  an  appear- 
ance of  right,  but  it  was  of  that  too  rigid  kind 
which  hardens  into  wrong.  Thefe  men  were 
under  the  tie  of  an  oath  to  fupport  American 
independence  ;  but  had  been  overcome  by  the 
temptation  of  favirig  their  property  to  make  an 
involuntary  fubmiffion  to  the  royal  conquerors. 
By  a  combination  of  circumftances  they  were  in 
fuch  a  fituation  that  they  could  not  do  otherwife, 

without 


(     159     ) 

without  rifking  the  fupport  of  their  families. 
Experience  foon  taught  them  the  inefficacy  of 
thefe  protections.  Thefe  men  naturally  reafoned 
thus  :  '  that,  as  the  contract  was  fir  ft  violated  on 

*  the  part  of  the  conquerors,  it  could  not  be  fo 
4  highly  criminal  for  them  to  recede  from  it/ 
They  had  alfo  fubmitted  on  the  idea,  that  they 
mould  not  be  called  on  to  fight  again  ft  the  Ame- 
ricans ;  but  finding  themfelves  compelled  to  take 
up  arms,  and  under  the  neceflity  of  violating 
their  engagements  either  to  their  countrymen  or 
their  conquerors,  they  chofe  to  adhere  to  the 
former.  To  treat  men  thus  circumftanced  with 
the  fanguinary  feverity  of  deferters  and  traitors 
might  be  politick,  but  the  impartial  world  muft 
regret,  that  the  unavoidable  horrors  of  war 
mould  be  aggravated  by  fuch  deliberate  effufion? 
of  human  blood. 

After  fuch  cruel  executions,  the  deftruction 
of  property  is  fcarcely  deferring  of  notice.  Suf- 
fice it  therefore  only  to  quote  an  extracl  of  a  let- 
ter from  governor  Rutledge,  to  the  delegates  in 
Congrefs  from  South-Carolina,  dated  on  the 
eighth  of  December  1780,  which  was  in  the 
following  words  :  '  It  is  really  melancholy  to  fee 
f  the  defolate  condition  of  mr.  Hill's  plantation 
1  in  the  New  Acquifition  :  all  his  fine  iron-works, 
'  mills,  dwcllinghoufes,  buildings  of  every  kind, 

*  even  his  negro-houfes,  reduced  to  afhes,  and 
4  his  wife  and  children  in  a  little  log  hut.  I  was 
s  (hocked  to  fee  the  ragged  fhabby   condition   of 

*  our 


(     i6o    ) 

our  brave  and  virtuous  men,  who  would  not 
remain  in  the  power  of  the  enemy,  but  have 
taken  to  arms.  This,  however,  is  but  a  faint 
defcription  of  the  fufferings  of  our  country  ;  for 
it  is  beyond  a  doubt,  that  the  enemy  have  hanged 
many  of  our  people,  who,  from  fear  and  the  im- 
practicability of  removing,  had  given  paroles,  and 
who,  from  attachment  to  our  fide,  had  joined  it. 
Nay,  Tarleton  has,  fince  the  action  at  Black 
Storks,  hung  one  Johnfon,  a  magiftrate  of  re- 
fpe&able  character,  They  have  alfo  burnt  a  pro- 
digious number  of  houfes,  and  turned  a  vail 
many  women,  formerly  of  affluent  and  eafy  for- 
tunes, with  their  children  ahnoft  naked,  into  the 
woods.  Tarleton,  at  the  houfe  of  the  widow  of 
general  Piichardfon,  exceeded  his  ufual  barbari- 
ty ;  for,  having  dined  in  her  houfe,  he  not  only 
burned  it  after  plundering  it  of  every  thing  it  con- 
tained, but  having  driven  into  the  barns  a  num- 
ber of  cattle,  hogs  and  poultry,  he  confumed 
them,  together  with  the  barn  and  the  corn  in  it, 
in  one  general  blaze.  This  was  done  becaufe  he 
pretended  to  believe  that  the  poor  old  general 
was  with  the  rebel  army  ;  though,  had  he  open- 
ed his  grave  before  the  door,  he  might  have  i'ecn 
the  contrary.  Colonel  Charles-Cotefworth  Pinck- 
ney's  family,  are  turned  out  of  his  houfe.  In 
fhort,  the  enemy  feem  determined,  if  they  can, 
to  break  every  man's  fpirit  ;  if  they  cannot,  to 
ruin  him.  Engagements  of  capitulation  and  pro- 
clamations are  no  fecurity  againft  their  oppref- 
fions  and  cruelties.' 

Notwithstanding 


(     i6i     ) 

Notwithstanding  the  decifive  fuperiority 
of  the  Britifli  arms  in  the  fummer  of  1780,  fe- 
veral  of  the  citizens,  refpectable  for  their  numbers, 
but  more  fo  for  their  weight  and  influence,  con- 
tinued firm  to  the  caufe  of  independence.  It 
was  no  lefs  mortifying  to  lord  Cornwallis  than 
unfriendly  to  his  future  fchemes,  that  thefe  re- 
mained within  the  Britifh  lines  in  the  character 
of  prifoners.  Though  they  were  retrained  by 
their  paroles  from  doing  any  thing  injurious  to 
the  intereft  of  his  britannick  majefty,  yet  the  fi- 
lent  example  of  men  who  were  revered  by  their 
fellow-citizens,  had  a  powerful  influence  in  re- 
ftraining  many  from  exchanging  their  paroles  as 
prifoners,  for  the  protection  and  privileges  of  Bri- 
tifh fubjecls.  To  remove  every  bias  of  this  fort, 
and  to  enforce  a  general  fubmiflion  to  royal  go- 
vernment, lord  Cornwallis,  foon  after  his  victory 
at  Camden,  gave  orders  to  fend  out  of  the  pro- 
vince a  number  of  the  principal  citizens,  prifon- 
ers on  parole  in  Charlefton.  On  the  twenty- 
feventh  of  Augufl  Chriftopher  Gadfden,  efquire,  * 
the  lieutenant-governor  of  the  (late,  moil  of  the 
civil  and  militia  officers,  and  fome  others  of  the 
hearty  friends  of  America,  were  taken  up  very 
early  in  the  morning  out  of  their  houfes  and  beds 
by  armed  parties,  commanded  by  major  Benfon 
and  captain  M'Mahon,  and  brought  to  the  Ex- 
change, from  whence,  when  collected  together, 
they  were  removed  on  board  the  Sandwich  guard- 
fhip,  and  from  thence,  in  a  few  davs,  tranfported 

Vol.  II.  X  to 

*  See  note  xxn. 


(     i62     ) 

to  St.  Auguftine.  The  manner  in  which  this 
order  was  executed  was  not  lefs  painful  to  the 
feelings  of  gentlemen,  than  the  order  itfelf  was 
injurious  to  the  rights  of  prifoners,  entitled  to 
the  benefits  of  a  capitulation.  Guards  were  left 
at  their  refpective  houfes.  The  private  papers 
of  fome  of  them  were  examined.  Pveports  were 
immediately  circulated  to  their  difadvantage,  and 
every  circumfrance  managed  fo  as  to  induce  a 
general  belief,  that  they  were  all  apprehended 
for  violating  their  paroles,  and  for  concerting  a 
fcheme  for  burning  the  town,  and  maflacreing 
the  loyal  fubjects.  On  the  very  firft  day  of  their 
confinement  they  remonftrated  to  lieutenant-co- 
lonel Balfour,  the  commandant  of  Charleflon, 
averting  their  innocence,  and  challenging  their 
accufers  to  appear  face  to  face,  with  their  charges 
againfl  them. 

*  To  lieutenant-colonel  Nifbet  Balfour, 
6  commandant  of  Charleflon. 

6  The  memorial  of  feveral  perfons, 

'  Sheweth, 

*  That  they  are  citizens  of  Charleflon  ;    that 

•  by  the  articles  of  capitulation  agreed  to  by  fir 
«  Henry  Clinton,  citizens  were  to  be  confidered 

*  as  prifoners  of  war  on  parole,  and  to  be  fecur- 
6  ed  in  their  perfons  and  properties  whilft  they 
c  obferved  their  paroles. 

4  That  after  their  furrender  they  gave  their 

*  paroles 


(     >63     ) 

c  paroles  in  the  following  form,  viz.  acknowledg- 

*  ing  themfelves  to  be  prifoners  of  war,  upon 
'  parole,  to  his  excellency  fir  Henry  Clinton,  and 
'  thereby  engaged,  until  exchanged  or  otherwife 
'  releafed  therefrom,  to  remain  in  Charlefton, 
'  unlefs  permitted  to  go  out  by  the  commandant  ; 
'  and  that  they  fhould  not  in  the  mean-time  do, 
'  or  caufe  any  thing  to  be  done,  prejudicial  to 
'  the  fuccefs  of  his  majefly's  arms,  or  have  in- 
c  tercourfe  or  hold  correfpondence  with  his  ene- 
'  mies,  and  to  furrender  themfelves  when  requir- 
4  ed  ;  which  parole  your  memorialilts  have  en- 
'  deavoured  ftrictly  to  obferve,  nor  are  they  con- 
'  fcious  of  the  leaft  violation  of  it. 

'Notwithstanding  which,   on  Sunday  the 

*  twenty-feventh  inftant,  early  in  the  morning, 
'  your  memorialifts  were  fuddenly  arrelled,  and 
'  carried  to  inftant  confinement  into  the  Ex- 
'  change  ;  from  thence,  about  two  or  three  hours 
'  after,  they  were  put  into  boats,  and  carried  on 
'  board  the  Sandwich  guard-fhip,  near  fort  John- 
'  (Ion  ;  and  from  thence,  it  is  faid,  are  to  be 
4  fent  on  board  a  tranfport. 

'  Your  memorialifts  cannot  conjecture  the  rea- 
'  fon  of  fuch  extraordinary  feverity,  nor  by  what 
'  means  they  have  forfeited  thofe  privileges,  ex- 
'  prefsly  fecured  to  them  by  the  articles  of  capi- 
6  tulation. 

6  They  requeft  that  full  and  fpeedy  enquiry 

'  may 


(     *64     ) 

c  may  be  made,  and  wifh  to  know  what  is  the 

*  nature   of    their    offence,    and   who    are   their 
6  accufers. 

'  Charlefton,  Monday,  Auguft  27,   1780.' 

To  this  no  anfwer  was  directly  obtained  ;  but 
a  meffage  from  the  commandant,  delivered  offi- 
cially by  major  Benfon,  acknowledged  that  this 
extraordinary  ftep  had  been  taken  '  from  mo- 
'  tives  of  policy.'  This  relieved  the  prifoners 
from  the  apprehenfion  that  they  were  charged 
with  a  violation  of  their  paroles  ;  but  though 
they  obtained  this  private  fatisfa&ion,  the  royal 
Gazettes,  in  all  parts  of  the  Britim  dominions, 
reprefented  them  as  criminals,  apprehended  for 
being  concerned  in  the  moft  difhonourable  and 
mifchievous  practices.  On  the  firft  of  September 
following  general  Moultrie  remonftrated  to  lieu- 
tenant-colonel Balfour  againfl  this  proceeding  in 
a  letter  expreifed  in  the  following  words  : 

6  Sir, 

4  On  perufing  the  paper,  of  the  twenty-ninth 

*  of  Auguft,  of  Robertfon,  M'Donald  and  Came- 
'  ron,  publifhed  by  authority,  to  my  aftonifhment 
'  I  find  a  paragraph  to  this  effect  :  "  The  follow- 
fi{  ing  is  a  correct  lift  of  the  perfons  fent  on 
<c  board  the  Sandwich  yefterday  morning,"  and* 
fi  underneath,  the  names  of  a  number  of  the  moft 

*  refpectable  gentlemen,  inhabitants  of  this  ftate> 

*  moft  of  whofe  characters  1  am  fo  well  acquaint- 

■  ed 


(     »6S    ) 

*  ed  with  that  I  cannot  believe  they  would  be 

*  guilty  of  any  breach  of  their  paroles,  or  any 
c  article  of  the  capitulation,  or  done  any  thing 
'  to  juftify  fo  rigorous  a  proceeding  againft  them* 
'  I  therefore  think  it  my  duty,  as  the  fenior  con- 
'  tincntal  officer,  prifoner  under  the  capitulation, 

■  to  demand  a  releafe  of  thofe  gentlemen,  par- 
c  ticularly  fuch  as  are  entitled  to  the  benefit  of 
'  that  act.  This  harfh  proceeding  demands  my 
'  particular  attention,  and  I  do  therefore,  in  be- 

■  halt  of  the  United  States  of  America,  require 
6  that  they  be  admitted  immediately  to  return  to 
'  their  paroles,  as  their  being  thus  hurried  on 
'  board  a  prifon-fhip,  and  I  fear  without  being 
'  heard,  is  a  violation  of  the  ninth  article  of  the 

*  capitulation.     If  this   demand  cannot  be   com- 

*  plied  with,  I  am  to  requefl:  that  I  may  have 
c  leave  to  fend  an  officer  to  Congrefs,  to  repre- 
'  fent  this  grievance,  that  they  may  interpofe   in 

*  behalf  of  thefe  gentlemen  in  the  manner  they 

*  (hall  think  proper.' 

The  only  notice  taken  of  this  letter  of  general 
Moultrie  was  the  following  : 

'  Charlefton,  September  4,  1780. 

1  Sir, 

*  The  commandant,  lieutenant-colonel  Bal- 
1  four,  will  not  return  any  anfwer  to  a  letter 
c  wrote  in  fuch  exceptionable  and  unwarrantable 

*  terms   as  that  to  him  from  general  Moultrie, 

6  dated 


(     *66     ) 

c  dated  the  firft  inftant,  nor  will  he  receive  any 
'  further  application  from  him  on  the  fubject  of 
6  it. 

c  By  order  of  the  commandant, 

'  G.  Benson,  major  of  brigade. 
{  To  brigadier-general  Moultrie.' 

The  Britifh  endeavoured  to  juftify  this  remov- 
al by  alleging  the  right  of  the  victors  to  remove 
prilbners  whitherfoever  they  pleafe,  without  re- 
garding their  convenience.  Even  where  the 
vanquifhed  are  taken  at  unconditional  mercy, 
this  is  one  of  thofe  rigid  rights  of  which  a  ge- 
nerous conqueror  would  not,  but  in  cafes  of 
extreme  neceffity,  avail  himfelf.  From  officers 
of  liberal  minds,  the  humanity  of  mordern  ci- 
vilized nations  would  give  the  prifoner,  though 
furrendered  without  any  terms,  room  to  hope  for 
every  indulgence  compatible  with  the  intereft  of 
his  conqueror.  But  when  men  had  given  up 
their  arms  by  a  folemn  capitulation,  the  cafe  was 
much  ftronger.  In  the  furrender  of  Charleflon, 
the  plain  intention  and  fpirit  of  the  capitulation, 
with  refpeel  to  the  citizens,  was,  on  the  part  of 
the  Americans,  to  give  the  Britifh  quiet  poffef- 
fion  of  the  town,  fortifications,  Sec.  as  an  equi- 
valent for  their  granting  the  inhabitants  their 
property,  and  an  unmolefted  refidence  at  their 
homes,  on  the  condition  of  an  honourable  ob- 
fervance  of  parole.  This  is  exprefsly  mentioned 
in  the  cafe  of  the  country  militia  ;  and  with  re- 
gard to  the  citizens  of  the  town,  they  were  pro- 

mifed 


(     i«7     ) 

mifed  the  fame  fecurity  for  their  property  that 
the  country  militia  had,  and  on  the  fame  terms. 
Hence  it  was  generally  conceived,  that  the  right 
of  the  citizens  of  Charlefton  to  refide  at  their 
homes,  was  not  only  ftrongly  implied,  but  plain- 
ly expreffed  in  the  capitulation  :  but  as  the  article 
refpe&ing  the  inhabitants  of  the  town,  only  pro- 
miled  that  they  fhould  be  prifoners  on  parole, 
and  did  not  immediately  add  in  Charlefton,  the 
Britifh  commanders  found  a  falvo  for  their  ho- 
nour in  removing  gentlemen,  charged  with  no 
breach  of  the  capitulation,  from  their  houfes, 
eftates,  wives  and  children,  by  offering  them 
that  parole  in  St.  Auguftine,  to  which  they  had 
an  acknowledged  right  in  Charlefton.  Few  fuch 
inftances  can  be  produced  in  the  modern  hiftory 
of  any  civilized  nation,  with  whom  it  is  an  efta- 
blifhed  rule  to  conftrue  capitulations,  where  am- 
biguous, in  favour  of  the  vanquifhed.  The  con- 
querors, in  their  great  zeal  to  make  fubje&s, 
forgot  the  rights  of  prifoners.  To  exprefs.  his 
indignation  at  this  ungenerous  treatment,  lieute- 
nant-governor Gadfden  refufed  to  accept  an  of- 
fered parole  in  St.  Auguftine,  and,  with  the 
greateft  fortitude,  bore  a  clofe  confinement  in 
the  caftle  of  that  place  for  forty-two  weeks,  ra- 
ther than  give  a  fecond  one  to  a  power  which 
had  plainly  violated  the  engagement  contained 
in  the  firft.  The  other  gentlemen,  who  renewed 
their  paroles  in  St.  Auguftine,  had  the  liberty 
of  the  town,  but  were  treated  with  indignities 
.inimitable  to  their  former  rank  and  condition. 

Though 


(      i68     ) 

Though  fcveral  of  them  had  been  members  of 
Congrefs,  and  had  filled  fome  of  the  moft  ho* 
nourable  ftations  in  South-Carolina  ;  and  though 
they  had  all  given  their  paroles  on  the  honour 
of  gentlemen,  not  to  exceed  certain  prefcribed 
limits  ;  yet,  as  if  no  dependence  could  be  placed 
on  thefe  facred  ties,  they  were  ordered  every 
day,  by  lieutenant-colonel  Glazier,  to  appear  on 
the  publick  parade,  and  to  anfwer  to  their  names 
at  roll  calling.  For  upwards  often  months  they 
were  fecluded  from  their  wives  and  families,  and 
durfl  not  correfpond  with  them  without  fubjecYing 
every  letter  to  examination.  Deftitute  of  gold 
and  filver,  they  could  fcarcely  fupport  themfelves, 
and  they  were  lefs  able  to  provide  for  their  con- 
nexions, which  were  left  in  want  and  in  the 
power  of  their  conquerors.  Cut  off  from  all 
communication  with  their  countrymen,  they  could 
receive  no  intelligence  of  publick  affairs  but 
through  Britifh  channels.  In  this  forlorn  fitua- 
tion,  they  were  informed  of  feveral  decifive  bat- 
tles, which  were  reprefented  as  having  complete- 
ly annihilated  every  profpeel  of  American  inde- 
pendence, and  they  were  taught  to  expect  the 
fate  of  vanquifhed  rebels.  They  alfo  heard  from 
high  authority,  that  the  blood  of  the  brave 
but  unfortunate  Andre  would  be  required  at  their 
hands.  They  were  told  that  lieutenant-colonel 
Glazier,  commandant  of  the  garrifon  in  St.  Au- 
guftine,  had  announced  his  fixed  refolution  in- 
itantly  to  hang  up  fix  of  them,  if  the  exafperated 
Americans  ihould  execute  their   threats  of  put* 

ting 


(     ^9     ) 

ting  to  death  colonel  Brown,  of  the  Eaft-Florida 
rangers.  To  all  thefe  indignities  and  dangers  they 
fubmitted,  without  an  application  from  a  Tingle  in- 
dividual of  their  number  for  Britifh  protection. 

From  the  time  that  the  citizens  before  menti* 
oned  were  fent  off  from  Charlefton,  St  /.ugufline 
was  made  ufe  of  to  frighten  prifoners  to  petition 
for  the  privileges  of  fubjects.     They  who  delayed 
their  fub million  were  repeatedly  threatened   with 
banilhment  from  their  families  and  eltates,  to  the 
inhofpitable   Ihores  of  that  barren  country.     To 
convince  the  inhabitants  that  the  conquerors  were 
ferioufly  refolved  to  remove  from  the  country  all 
who   refufed   to   become  fubjects,    an   additional 
number   of    about  thirty   citizens,    who   frill  re- 
mained prifoners  on  parole,  was   fhipped  off  on 
the   fifteenth   of    November   following. x     Thefe 
were  treated  with  more  politenefs  than  the  firft 
fet.     The   only   charge   exhibited   againft    them, 
as  the  reafon  of  their  exile,  was,  that  '  they  dif- 
4  covered  no  difpofition  to  return  to  their  allegi- 
c  ance,   and  would,  if  they  could,  overturn   the 
£  Britifh  government.'     Lord  Cornwallis  did  not 
flop  here,    but   being   determined   to   ufe   every 
method  to  compel  the  re-eftablilhment  of  Britim 
government,  as  well  by  rewarding  its  friends,  as 
punifhing   its  oppofers,    his    lordmip    proceeded, 
very  foon  after  the  action  of  the  fixteenth,  to 
the  fequeftration  of  all  eftates  belonging  to   the 
decided  friends  of  America. y     In  the  execution 
Y  of 

x  Sec  note  xxiii.         ■'  See  note  xxiv. 


(     170    ) 

V 

of  this  bufinefs  John  Cruden,  efquire,  was  ap- 
pointed to  take  pofTeflion  of  the  eftates  of  parti- 
cular perfons,  defignated  in  warrants  ifiued  by 
earl  Cornwallis  and  lieutenant-colonel  Balfour. 
Thefe  were  announced  to  the  publick  in  notifica- 
tions, of  which  the  following  is  a  fpecimen  : 

'  In  confequence  of  the  powers  in  me  veiled, 
'  by  the  right  hon.  earl  Cornwallis,  and  warrants 
'  received  from  his  lordfliip  and  the  command- 
c  ant  of  Charlefton,  I  do  hereby  make  publick, 
'  to  all  whom  it  may  concern,  that  I  have  given 
'  the   necefiary    orders   for   the   feizure    of    the 

*  eftates,  both  real  and  perfonal,  of  thofe  perfons 

*  whole  names  are  under  mentioned,  excepting 
8  fuch  property  in  Charlefton  as  is  fecured  to 
'  thofe  who  wrere  in  the  town  at  the  time  of  the 

*  capitulation  ;  and  I  do  hereby  ftrictly  prohibit 
6  all  and  every  perfon  or  perfons  from  attempting 
'  to  conceal,  remove,  or  in  any  way  injure  the 
c  faid  property,  on  pain  of  being  punilhed  as 
6  aiding  and  abetting  rebellion. 

4  I  do  alfo  forbid  the  payment  of  debts  due  to 
'  fuch  perfons  whofe  names  have  been  before  or 

*  are  hereafter  mentioned,  and  whofe  eftates  are 
'  now  under  fequeftration  ;  and  I  am  warranted 
c  to  require,  that  all  and  every  his  majefty's  loyal 
'  fubjtch,  who  may  be  indebted  as  aforefaid,  do 
4  forthwith  furnifh  me  with  an  accurate  and  ex- 
c  a6l  ftate  of  the  fame  ;   and  mould  any  perfon 

*  or  perfons    conceal,   or    in   any   refpecl:   prove 

'  backward 


(     i?«     ) 

e  backward  in  delivering  to  me  fuch  information, 

*  they  will  be  confidered  in  the  fame  light  as 
'  thofe  who  may  attempt  to  remove,  conceal  or 
'  injure  the  moveable  property,  and  treated  ac- 

*  cordingly. 

'  And,  the  more  effectually  to  prevent  any 
6  collulive  practices,  I  do  hereby  promife  to  all 
1  thofe  who  may  make  difcoveries  of  the  conceal- 

*  ment  of  negroes,  horfes,  cattle,  plate,  houfe- 
c  hold  furniture,  books,  bonds,  deeds,  kc.  fo 
'  that  the  property  may  be  fecured,  and  the  de- 
'  linquents  punifhed,  a  generous  reward. 

'  Given  under  my  hand. 

(Signed)  c  John  Cruden.' 

The  names  of  perfons  whofe  eftates  were  or- 
dered for  fequeftration  were,  from  time  to  time, 
fubjoined. 

In  the  year  1778,  when  the  then  recent  cap- 
ture of  general  Burgoyne's  army,  and  the  alli- 
ance with  France,  infpired  all  ranks  of  men  in 
Carolina  with  confidence  in  the  final  effablifh- 
ment  of  their  independence,  the  legiflature  of 
that  (late  gave  to  all  the  friends  of  royal  govern- 
ment their  free  choice,  ot  either  joining  them  or 
of  going  where  they  pleafed,  with  their  families 
and  property.  In  the  year  1780,  when  the  Bri- 
tifh  arms  had  the  afcendant,  the  conquerors  gave 
no  alternative,  but  either  to  join  them,  and  to 

fight 


(     i7*    ) 

light  againft  their  countrymen  and  confciences, 
or  to  be  banifhed,  under  every  reftriction  of  pri- 
foners  of  war.  Inftead  of  being  allowed  to  carry 
their  eftates  with  them,  they,  whofe  property- 
made  it  worth  while,  were  (tripped  of  every 
thing  ;  and  all,  whether  their  eftates  were  fequef- 
tered  or  not,  were  deprived  of  the  privileges  of 
recovering  their  debts,  and  of  felling  or  remov- 
ing their  property  without  the  permiffion  of  the 
conquerors.  An  adherent  to  independence  was 
now  confidered  as  one  who  courted  exile,  pover- 
ty and  ruin.  The  temptation  was  too  great  to 
be  refilled  by  thofe  who  were  attached  to  their 
intereft  and  eafe.  Numbers  who  formerly  pro- 
fefled  great  zeal  in  the  fupport  of  their  country, 
and  who  continued  their  adherence  to  the  caufe 
of  America  after  the  furrender  of  Charlefton, 
yielded  to  thefe  temptations,  and  became  Britifh 
fubjects.  To  difcourage  the  other  dates  from 
any  further  attempts  in  behalf  of  Carolina,  an 
addrefs  to  lord  Cornwallis  was  drawn  up,  in 
which  the  fubfcribers  '  congratulated  him  for  his 
'  glorious  victory  at  Camden  ;  and  exprefled  their 
6  indignation  at  Congrefs  for  disturbing  the  citi- 
*  zens  of  Carolina,  who  were  reprefented  as  hav- 
c  ing  broken  off  from  the  union,  and  re-united 
'  themfelves  to  the  JBritiih  empire/  z  Though 
every  method  was  ufed  to  obtain  figners  to  this 
addrefs,  yet  no  more  than  one  hundred  and  fixty- 
four  could  be  procured.  Notwithftanding  thefe 
difcouragements,  the  genius  of  America  rofe  fu- 

perior 

z  See  note  xxv. 


(     *73    ) 

perior  to  them  all.  At  no  time  did  her  fons  ap- 
pear to  greater  advantage,  than  when  they  were 
deprefied  by  fucceflive  misfortunes.  They  feem- 
ed  to  gain  ftrength  from  their  lofles,  and,  inftead 
of  giving  way  to  the  prefiiire  of  calamities,  to 
oppofe  them  with  more  determined  refolution. 


CHAPTER 


(     174     ) 

CHAPTER      TWELFTH. 

Of  colonel  Fergufon's  defeat.  Lieutenant-colonel  Tar- 
Ieton's  defeat.  Of  the  retreat  of  the  American 
army  into  Virginia.  Of  their  return  to  North- 
Carolina.  Of  the  battle  of  Guilford  courthoufe. 
Of  lord  Cornwallis's  march  to  Wilmington.  Ge- 
neral Greene's  purfuit,  and  fubfequent  return  to 
South-Carolina,  Of  the  reduction  of  fort  Watfon. 
Of  the  battle  of  Hobkirk's  hill  near  Camden.  Of 
the  evacuation  of  Camden.  Of  the  reduction  of 
fort  Motte.  Fort  Granby.  Fort  Cornwallis.  Of 
the  fiege  of  Ninety -Six.  Of  the  retreat  of  the 
American  army.  Of  the  battle  of  Eutaw.  The 
retreat  of  the  Britijh  army  to  the  vicinity  of 
Charhfion,  and  the  diflrejfes  of  the  American 
army. 

HITHERTO  the  Britifh  arms  to  the  fouth- 
ward  have  been  attended  with  almoft  un- 
interrupted fuccefs.  The  royal  flandards  we 
have  feen  overfpreading  all  the  country,  penetrat- 
ing into  every  quarter,  and  triumphing  over  all 
oppolition.  Their  defeats  at  the  Hanging-Rock 
and  at  Williams's,  in  the  upper  parts  of  South- 
Carolina,  made  but  little  impreffion  on  an  army 
grown  familiar  with  victories.  Checks  indeed 
they  were,  but  nothing  more,  and  the  only 
checks  they  had  fuftained  fince  their  landing  in 
the  flate.  The  Britifh  miniftry,  by  this  flatter- 
ing pol'ture  of  aifairj,  were  once  more  intoxicated 

with 


(     '75    ) 

with  the  delufive  hopes  of  fubjugating  America* 
New  plans  were  formed,  and  great  expectations 
indulged  of  fpeedily  re-uniting  the  difTevered 
members  of  the  empire.  The  rafhnefs  of  gene- 
ral Burgoyne,  and  the  languor  of  fir  William 
Howe,  were  afTigned  as  the  only  caufes  of  that 
fhame  and  difappointment  which  had  already  dif- 
graced  five  fuccemve  campaigns.  It  was  now 
afferted  with  a  confidence  bordering  on  preemp- 
tion, that  fuch  troops  as  fought  at  Camden,  put 
under  fuch  a  commander  as  lord  Cornwallis, 
would  foon  extirpate  rebellion  fo  effectually  as  to 
leave  no  veftige  of  it  in  America.  The  Britifli 
miniftry  and  army,  by  an  impious  confidence  in 
their  own  wifdom  and  prowefs,  were  duly  pre- 
pared to  give,  in  their  approaching  downfal,  an 
ufeful  leflbn  to  the  world. 

The  difafter  of  the  army  under  general  Gates, 
overfpread,  at  firft,  the  face  of  American  affairs 
with  a  difmal  gloom.  But  the  day  of  profperity 
to  the  United  States  began,  as  will  appear  in  the 
fequel,  from  that  moment  to  dawn.  Their  prof- 
peds  brightened  up  while  thofe  of  their  enemies 
were  obfeured  by  difgrace,  broken  by  defeat, 
and  at  lafl  covered  with  ruin.  Elated  with  their 
victory,  the  conquerors  grew  more  infolent  and 
rapacious,  while  the  real  friends  of  independence, 
thoroughly  alarmed  at  their  danger,  became  re~ 
folute  and  determined.  We  have  feen  Sumpter 
penetrating  into  South-Carolina,  and  recommenc- 
ing a  military  oppofition  to  Britifh  government. 

Soon 


(     "76    ) 

Soon  after  that  event  he  was  promoted  by  go- 
vernor Rutledge  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general. 
About  the  fame  time  Marion  was  promoted  to 
the  fame  rank,  and,  in  the  northeaftern  extremis 
ties  of  the  ftate,  fuccefsfully  profecuted  the  fame 
plan.  This  valuable  officer.,  to  whom  Carolina 
is  much  indebted,  had  retired  from  Charleflon 
during  the  fiege,  having  mod  fortunately  for  his 
country  fraclured  his  leg,  which  rendered  him 
incapable  of  commanding  his  regiment.  After 
the  furrender  of  the  metropolis,  he  retreated  to 
North-Carolina.  On  the  advance  of  general 
Gates,  he  obtained  a  command  of  fixteen  men — > 
with  thefe  he  penetrated  through  the  country, 
and  took  a  pofition  near  the  Santee.  From  this 
Itation  he  fallied  out,  captured  a  Britifh  guard, 
and  refcued  a  party  of  continental  prifoners, 
who,  having  been  taken  on  the  fixteenth  of  Au- 
gufl  1780,  were  on  their  way  from  Camden  to 
Charleflon.  On  the  defeat  of  general  Gates  he 
was  compelled  to  abandon  the  ftate  ;  but  after 
an  abfence  of  ten  days  he  returned.  Unfurni (li- 
ed with  the  means  of  defence,  he  was  obliged 
to  take  poffeflion  of  the  faws  of  the  fawmills,  and 
to  convert  them  into  horfemens'  fwords.  So 
much  was  he  diflreffed  for  ammunition,  that  he 
has  engaged  when  he  had  not  three  rounds  to 
each  man  of  his  party.  At  other  times  he  has 
brought  his  men  into  view,  though  without  am- 
munition, that  he  might  make  a  mew  of  numbers 
to  the  enemy.  For  feveral  weeks  he  had  under 
his  command  only  feventy  men,  all  volunteers 

from 


(     >77    ) 

from  the  militia.  At  one  time  hardfhips  and 
dangers  reduced  that  number  to  twenty-five; 
yet,  with  this  inconliderable  force,  he  fecured 
himfelf  in  the  midft  of  furrounding  foes.  Va- 
rious methods  were  attempted  to  draw  off  his  fol- 
lowers. Major  Wemys  burned  fcores  of  houfes, 
belonging  to  the  inhabitants  living  on  Peedee, 
Lynch's  creek  and  Black  river,  who  were  fuppof- 
ed  to  do  duty  with  him,  or  to  be  fubfervient  to 
his  views.  This  meafure  had  a  contrary  effect 
from  what  was  expecled.  Revenge  and  defpair 
co-operated  with  patriotifm  to  make  thefe  ruined 
men  keep  the  field.  The  devouring  flames  fent 
on  defencelefs  habitations  by  blind  rage  and  bru- 
tal policy,  increafed  not  only  the  zeal,  but  the 
number  of  his  followers.  The  impoliticly  con- 
duel  of  the  Britiih  on  other  occafions  gained  him 
frequent  reinforcements.  On  one  occafion  ma- 
jor Wemys  collected  foine  hundreds  of  the  fenci- 
ble  inhabitants,  refiding  near  the  Santee,  and  in 
an  harangue  to  them  fet  forth,  '  that  the  Britiih 
4  were  come  to  reicue  them  from  tyranny  and 
'  opprefiion.'  While  he  amufed  them  with  his 
eloquence,  he  had  a  party  out  who  feized  all 
their  horfes.  The  enraged  countrymen  walked 
home,  but  foon  after  many  of  them  repaired  to 
general  Marion.  For  feveral  months  he  and  his 
party  were  obliged  to  fleep  in  the  open  air,  and 
to  fhelter  themfelves  in  the  thick  receflcs  of  deep 
Swamps.  From  thefe  retreats  he  (allied  out  when- 
ever an  opportunity  of  haraffitig  the  enemy  or 
of  ferving  his  country  prefented  itfelf.  This  wor- 
Vol.  II.  Z  thy 


(     578    ) 

thy  citizen,  on  every  occafion,  paid  the  greateft 
regard  to  private  property,  and  reflrained  his  men 
from  every  fpecies  of  plunder.  On  the  whole, 
he  exhibited  a  rare  inftance  of  difinterefted  pa- 
triotifm  in  doing  and  fuffering  every  thing  fubfer- 
vient  to   the  independence  of  his  country. 

Opposition  to  Britifh  government  was  not 
wholly  confined  to  the  parties  commanded  by 
general  Sumpter  and  general  Marion.  It  was  at 
no  time  altogether  extinct  in  the  extremities  of 
the  ft  ate.  The  inhabitants  of  that  part  of  South- 
Carolina,  which  is  called  the  New  Acquifition 
from  the  circumftance  of  its  being  gained  from 
North-Carolina  by  a  late  fettlement  of  the  bound- 
ary-lines between  the  two  provinces,  never  were 
paroled  as  prifoners,  nor  did  they  take  protection 
as  fubje&s.  From  among  thefe  people  general 
Sumpter  had  recruited  a  confiderable  part  of  his 
men.  After  his  defeat  on  the  eighteenth  of  Au- 
guft  1780,  feveral  of  them  repaired  to  that  fet- 
tlement, and  kept  in  fmall  parties  for  their  own 
defence.  Some  of  them  alio  joined  major  Davie, 
an  enterprifmg  young  gentleman  who  command- 
ed fifty  or  fixty  volunteers,  who  had  equipped 
themfclves  as  dragoons.  This  was  the  only  Ame- 
rican corps  which,  at  that  time,  had  not  been 
beaten  or  difperfed.  The  difpoikion  to  revolt, 
which  had  been  excited  on  the  approach  of  ge- 
neral Gates's  army,  was  not  extinguished  by  its 
defeat.  By  that  check  the  fpirit  of  the  people 
was  over-awed,  but  not  iubdued.     The  ieverity 

with 


(     >79     ) 

with  which  revolters  who  were  taken  had  been 
treated,  induced  many  others  to  perfevere,  and 
to  feek  fafety  in  fwamps. 

Early  in  September  1780  colonel  Clark  col- 
lected a  party,  and  inarched  through  the  upper 
parts  of  South-Carolina  on  his  way  to  Georgia. 
A  few  joined  him  in  Ninety-Six,  but  the  more 
prudent  difcouraged  him  from  his  ill-timed  en- 
terprize.  He,  however,  profecuted  his  defign, 
and  made  a  bold  attempt  on  the  Britifh  poll  at 
Augufta,  but  was  foon  obliged  to  flee  out  of  the 
country.  This  premature  infurrection  paved  the 
way  to  a  much  more  ferious  and  general  revolt. 
Colonel  Brown,  who  commanded  at  Augulla, 
being  relieved  from  his  fears,  treated  with  the 
utmoft  feverity  thofe  of  the  inhabitants  who  had 
joined  colonel  Clark,  or  who  were  fuppofed  to 
have  favoured  his  defigns.  Sufpicion  began  to 
fpread  her  baneful  poifon.  The  Britifh,  having 
loft  all  confidence  in  their  new  fubjedts,  confined 
fome,  and  threatened  others,  who  were  entirely 
innocent  of  Clark's  infurreclion.  Thefe  feveri- 
ties  difgufted  the  people,  and  actually  brought 
on  that  revolt  which  they  were  intended,  to  pre- 
vent. Some  leading  men  were  obliged,  in  felf- 
-defence,  to  break  with  their  conquerors,  and 
refume  their  arms   in  oppofition  to  them. 

From   the  time   of  the  general  fubmiiiion   of 
the   inhabitants   in   the   fummer   of    17S0,   pains 
were  taken  to  increafe  the  royal  force  by  the  co- 
operation 


(     i8o     ) 

operation  of  the  yeomanry  of  the  country.  Com- 
miflions  in  the  militia  were  given  by  the  Britifh 
commanders  to  fuch  of  the  inhabitants  as  they 
fuppofed  had  influence,  and  were  mod  firmly 
attached  to  their  intereft.  They  perfuaded  the 
people  to  embody  by  reprefenting  to  the  unin- 
formed that  American  affairs  were  entirely  ruined, 
and  that  farther  oppofition  would  only  be  a  pro- 
longation of  their  diftrefTes,  if  not  their  utter  ruin. 
They  endeavoured  to  reconcile  thofe  who  had 
families  and  were  advanced  in  life  to  the  bear- 
ing of  arms,  by  confiderations  drawn  from  the 
necefiity  of  defending  their  property  and  of  keep- 
ing their  domefticks  in  proper  fubordination. 
From  young  men  without  families  more  was  ex- 
pected. Whilfl  lord  Cornwall's  was  reftraincd 
from  active  operations  by  the  exceflive  heats  and 
unhealthy  feafon  which  followed  his  victory  at 
Camden,  colonel  Fergufon,  of  the  feventy-firft 
Britifh  regiment,  had  undertaken  personally  to 
vifit  the  Settlements  of  the  difafFected  to  the  Ame- 
rican caafe,  and  to  train  their  young  men  for 
Service  in  the  field.  With  thefe,  at  a  proper 
feafon,  he  was  to  join  the  main  army,  and  to 
co-operate  with  it  in  the  reduction  of  North-Ca- 
rolina. This  corps  had  been  chiefly  collected 
from  the  remote  parts  of  the  State,  and  was  in- 
duced to  continue  for  fome  length  of  time  near 
to  the  weftern  mountains,  with  the  expectation 
of  intercepting  colonel  Clark  on  his  retreat  from 
Georgia.  Among  thofe  who  joined  colonel  Fer- 
gufon were  a  considerable  proportion  of  thofe  li- 
centious 


(     i8i     ) 

centious  people  who  have  collected  themfelves 
out  of  all  parts  of  America  into  thefe  remote 
countries,  and  were  willing  to  take  the  opportu- 
nity of  the  prevailing  confufion  to  carry  on  their 
ufual  depredations.  As  they  marched  through 
the  country  on  the  pretence  of  promoting  the 
fervice  of  his  Britannick  majefty,  they  plundered 
the  whig  citizens.  Violences  of  this  kind,  fre- 
•quently  repeated,  induced  many  perfons  to  confult 
their  own  fafety  by  fleeing  over  the  mountains.  By 
fuch  lively  representations  of  their  Sufferings  as 
the  diftrefled  are  always  ready  to  give,  they  com- 
municated an  alarm  to  that  hardy  race  of  repub- 
licans who  live  to  the  weftward  of  the  Alleghany. 
Hitherto  thefe  mountaineers  had  only  heard  of 
war  at  a  diftance,  and  had  been  in  peaceable 
poffeffion  of  that  independence  for  which  their 
countrymen  on  the  fea-coaft  were  contending. 
Alarmed  for  their  own  fafety  by  the  near  ap- 
proach of  colonel  Fergufon,  and  roufed  by  the 
violences  and  depredations  of  his  followers,  they 
embodied  to  check  the  neighbouring  foe.  This 
was  done  of  their  own  motion,  without  any  requi- 
sition from  the  governments  of  America,  or  the 
officers  of  the  continental  army.  Being  all 
mounted  and  unincumbered  with  baggage,  their 
motions  were  rapid.  Each  man  fet  out  with  bis 
blanket,  knapfack  and  gun,  in  quell  of  colonel 
Fergufon,  in  the  fame  manner  he  was  ufed  to 
purfue  the  wild  beafts  of  the  forefL  At  night 
the  earth  afforded  them  a  bed,  and  the  Heavens 
a  covering  :  the  running  ftream   quenched   their 

thirit, 


(        IS2       ) 

third,  while  a  few  cattle,  driven  in  their  rear,  to- 
gether with  the  fupplies  acquired  by  their  guns, 
fecured  them  provifion.  They  foon  found  out 
the  encampment  of  colonel  Fergufon.  This  was 
on  an  eminence  of  a  circular  bafe,  known  by  the 
name  of  King's  Mountain,  fituated  near  the  con- 
fines of  North  and  South-Carolina.  Though 
colonel  Campbell  had  a  nominal  command  over 
the  whole,  their  enterprize  was  conduced  with- 
out regular  military  lubordination,  under  the  di- 
rection of  the  four  colonels,  Cleveland,  Shelby, 
Sevier  and  Williams,  each  of  whom  reflectively 
led  on  his  own  men.  It  being  apprehended  that 
colonel  Fergufon  was  haflening  his  march  down 
the  country  to  join  lord  Cornwallis,  the  Ameri- 
cans felecled  nine  hundred  and  ten  of  their  belt 
men,  and  mounted  them  on  their  fleeted  horfes. 
"With  this  force  they  came  up  with  colonel  Fer- 
gufon on  the  feventh  of  October  1780.  As  they 
approached  the  royal  encampment,  it  was  agreed 
to  divide  their  force.  Some  afcendcd  the  moun- 
tain, while  others  went  round  its  bafe  in  oppofite 
directions.  Colonel  Cleveland,  who  led  one  of 
the  detachments  round  the  mountain,  in  his  pro- 
grefs,  difcovered  an  advanced  picquet  of  the  roy- 
al army.  On  this  occafion  he  addreffed  his  party 
in  the  following  plain  unvarnifhed  language  :  '  My 
'  brave  fellows,  we  have  beat  the  tories,  and  we 
1  can  beat  them.  They  are  all  cowards.  If  they 
6  had  the  fpirit  of  men,  they  would  join  with 
c  their  fellow-citizens  in  fupporting  the  indepen- 
*  dence   of  their   country.     When   engaged  you 

'  are 


(     '33     ) 

4  are  not  to  wait  for  the  word  of  command  from 

*  me.  I  will  mew  you  by  my  example  how  to 
'  fight.  I  can  undertake  no  more.  Every  man 
4  muft  confider  himfelf  as  an  officer,  and  act  from 
4  his  own  judgment.  Fire  as  quick  as  you  can, 
'  and  fland  your  ground  as  long  as  you  can. 
4  When  you  can  do  no  better,  get  behind  trees 
4  or  retreat  ;  but  I  beg  of  you  not  to  run  quite 
4  off.     If  we  are  repulfed,  let  us  make  a  point  to 

*  return  and  renew  the  fight.     Perhaps  we   may 

*  have  better  luck  in  the  fecond  attempt  than  the 
4  firft.  If  any  of  you  are  afraid,  fuch  have  leave 
4  to  retire,  and  they  are  requeued  immediately 
4  to  take  themfelves  off.'  A  firing  commenced. 
Some  of  the  Americans  were  on  horfeback, 
others  on  foot.  Some  behind  trees,  and  others 
expofed.  None  were  under  the  reftraints  of 
military  difcipline,  but  all  were  animated  with 
the  enthufiafm  of  liberty.  The  picquet  foon 
gave  way,  and  were  purfued  as  they  retired  up  the 
mountain  to  the  main  body.  Colonel  Fergufon, 
with  the  preateft  bravery,  ordered  his  men  to 
charge.  The  Americans  commanded  by  colonel 
Cleveland  followed  his  advice,  and,  having  fired  as 
long  as  they  could  with  fafety,  they  retired  from 
the  approaching  bayonet.  They  had  fcarcely 
given  way  when  the  other  detachment,  com- 
manded by  colonel  Shelby,  having  completed 
the  circuit  of  the  mountain,  opportunelv  arrived, 
and  from  an  unexpected  quarter  poured  in  a 
well-directed  fire.  Colonel  Fergufon  defided 
from  the  purfuit,  and  engaged  with  his  new  ad- 

verfaries. 


(     i84    ) 

verfaries.  The  Britifh  bayonet  was  again  fuc- 
cefsful, and  caufed  them  alfo  to  fall  back.  By 
this  time  the  party  commanded  by  colonel  Camp- 
bell had  afcended  the  mountain,  and  renewed  the 
attack  from  that  eminence.  Colonel  Fergufon, 
whole  conduct  was  equal  to  his  courage,  pre- 
fented  a  new  front,  and  was  again  fuccefsful ; 
but  all  his  exertions  were  unavailing.  At  this  mo- 
ment the  men  who  began  the  attack,  no  lefs  obe- 
dient to  the  fecond  requefl:  of  their  commander 
in  returning  to  their  polls,  than  they  were  to 
the  firft  in  fecuring  themfelves  by  a  timely  re- 
treat, had  rallied  and  renewed  their  fire.  As 
often  as  one  of  the  American  parties  was  driven 
back,  another  returned  to  their  ftation.  Refin- 
ance on  the  part  of  colonel  Fergufon  was  in  vain  ; 
but  his  unconquerable  fpirit  refufed  to  furrender. 
After  having  repulfed  a  fucceflion  of  adverfaries 
pouring  in  their  fire  from  new  directions,  this 
diftinguifhed  officer  received  a  mortal  wound. 
No  chance  of  efcape  being  left,  and  all  profpect 
of  fuccefsful  refiftance  being  at  an  end,  the  fe- 
cond in  command  fued  for  quarters.  The  killed, 
wounded  and  taken,  exceeded  eleven  hundred, 
of  which  nearly  one  hundred  were  regulars. 
The  afiailants  had  the  honour  of  reducing  a  num- 
ber fuperior  to  their  own.  The  Americans  loft 
comparatively  few,  but  in  that  number  was  that 
diftinguifhed  militia-officer,  colonel  Williams, 
who  has  already  been  mentioned  as  uncommonly 
acYive  in  heading  the  whig  citizens  of  the  diftrict 
of  Ninety-Six,  in  the  date  of   South-Carolina. 

len 


(     »85    ) 

Ten  of  thefe  men  who  had  furrendered  were 
hanged  by  their  conquerors.  They  were  pro- 
voked to  this  meafure  by  the  feverity  of  the  Bri- 
tifh,  who  had  lately  hanged  a  greater  number  of 
Americans  at  Camden,  Ninety-Six  and  Augufta. 
They  alfo  alleged,  that  the  men  who  fuffered 
were  guilty  of  crimes  for  which  their  lives  were 
forfeited  by  the  laws  of  the  land. 

This  unexpected  advantage  gave  new  fpirits 
to  the  defponding  Americans,  and  in  a  great 
degree  fruftrated  a  well-concerted  fcheme  for 
flrengthening  the  Britifh  army,  by  the  co-opera- 
tion of  the  inhabitants  who  were  difaffected  to 
the  caufe  of  America. 

It  was  fcarcely  poffible  for  any  event  to  have 
happened,  in  the  prefent  juncture  of  affairs,  more 
unfavourable  to  the  views  of  lord  Cornwallis, 
than  this  reverfe  of  fortune.  The  fall  of  colonel 
Fergufon,  who  poifeffed  fuperior  talents  as  a  par- 
tizan,  was  no  fmall  lofs  to  the  royal  caufe.  In 
addition  to  the  accomplishments  of  an  excellent 
officer,  he  was  a  moil  exact  markfman,  and  had 
brought  the  art  of  rifle-mooting  to  an  uncom- 
mon degree  of  perfection.  He  had  invented  a 
gun  of  that  kind  on  a  new  confhuction,  which 
is  faid  to  have  far  exceeded  every  thing  before 
known.  The  total  rout  of  the  royalifts,  who 
had  joined  colonel  Fergufon,  operated  as  a  check 
on  their  future  exertions.  The  fame  timid  cau- 
tion which  made  them  averfe  from  joining  their 

Vol.  II.  A  a  countrymen, 


(     i86     ) 

countrymen,  in  oppofmg  the  claims  of  Great- 
Britain,  reftrained  them  from  rifking  any  more 
in  fupport  of  the  royal  caufe.  From  this  time 
forward  many  of  them  waited  events,  and  re- 
ferred themfelves  till  the  Britifh  army,  by  their 
own  unaffrfted  efforts,  fhould  gain  a  decided 
fuperiority. 

In  a  few  weeks  after  the  general  action  near 
Camden,  on  the  fixteenth  of  Augufl  1780,  lord 
Cornwallis  left  a  fmall  force  in  that  village,  and 
marched  with  the  main  army  to  Charlotte. 
Whilft  they  lay  there,  general  Sumner  and  ge- 
neral Davidfon,  with  a  confiderable  body  of 
North-Carolina  militia,  took  poll  in  the  vicinity, 
and  annoyed  their  detachments.  Major  Davie, 
whofe  corps  was  greatly  increafed  by  ftanch 
volunteers  from  the  lower  country,  was  particu- 
larly fuccefsful  in  intercepting  their  foraging- 
parties  and  convoys.  Riflemen  frequently  pene- 
trated near  the  Britifh  camp,  and  from  behind 
trees  took  care  to  make  fure  of  their  object;,  fo 
that  the  late  conquerors  found  their  fituation 
very  uneafy,  being  expofed  to  unfeen  danger  if 
they  attempted  to  make  an  excurfion  of  only  a 
few  hundred  yards  from  their  encampment.  The 
defeat  of  colonel  Fergufon,  added  to  thefe  circum- 
ftances,  gave  a  ferious  alarm  to  lord  Cornwallis, 
and  made  him,  while  at  Charlotte,  apprehenfive 
for  his  own  fafety.  He  therefore  retreated,  and 
fixed  his  next  pofition  at  Winnfborough.  As  he 
retired,  the  militia  took  feveral  waggons  loaded 

with 


(     i87     ) 

with  (lores,  and  fingle  men  often  rode  up  within 
gun-fhot  of  his  army,  difcharged  their  pieces, 
and  made  their  efcape. 

The  panick  occafioned  by  the  reduction  of 
Charlefton,  and  the  defeat  of  general  G?fes,  be- 
gan to  wear  off.  The  defeat  of  colonel  Fer- 
gufon,  and  the  confequent  retreat  of  lord  Corn- 
wallis  from  Charlotte  to  Winniborough,  encou- 
raged the  American  militia  to  repair  to  the  camps 
of  their  refpe&ive  commanders.  The  neceflity 
of  the  times  induced  them  to  fubmit  to  the 
ftri&er  difcipline  of  regular  foldiers.  The  legif- 
lature  of  North-Carolina  put  the  militia  of  their 
ilate  under  the  command  of  general  Smallwood, 
of  the  continental  army. 

Early  in  October,  major-general  Gates  de- 
tached brigadier-general  Morgan  from  Hillfoo- 
rough,  with  three  hundred  Maryland  and  Dela- 
ware troops,  and  eighty  dragoons,  to  aid  the 
exertions  of  the  whig  citizens  of  Mecklenburgh 
and  Rowan  counties.  In  an  excurfion  from  this 
detached  pofition,  lieutenant-colonel  Wafhington 
penetrated  with  a  fmall  force  to  the  vicinity  of 
Camden,  and,  on  the  fourth  of  December  1780, 
appeared  before  colonel  Rugely's.  This  gentle- 
man, having  taken  a  commiffion  in  the  Britim 
militia,  had  made  a  flockade-fort  round  his  houfe, 
in  which  he  had  collected  one  hundred  and 
twelve  of  the  men  under  his  command.  The 
appearance  of  the  force,  commanded  by  lieute- 
nant- 


(     i88     ) 

iiant-color.el  Wafliington,  produced  an  immedi- 
ate furrender  of  this  whole  party.  A  pine  log 
enforced  the  propriety  and  neceflity  of  their 
fpeedy  unrefifting  fubmiiiion.  This  harmlefs 
timber,  elevated  a  few  feet  from  the  furface  of 
the  earth  by  its  branches  which  ftuck  in  the 
ground,  was  moulded  by  the  imagination  of 
the  garrifon  into  artillery,  completely  equipped 
with  all  the  apparatus  of  death. 

General  Sumpter,  foon  after  the  difperfion 
of  his  force  on  the  eighteenth  of  Auguft  1780, 
as  has  been  before  related,  collected  a  corps  of 
volunteers.  About  thirty  of  his  party  re-joined 
him  immediately  after  that  event.  In  three  days 
more,  .one  hundred  of  the  whig-citizens  in  the 
vicinity,  on  his  requifition,  rendezvoufed  at  Su- 
gar Creek,  and  put  themfelves  under  his  com- 
mand. With  thefe,  and  other  occafional  rein- 
forcements, though  for  three  months  there  was 
no  continental  army  in  the  flate,  he  conftantly 
kept  the  field  in  fupport  of  American  indepen- 
dence. He  varied  his  pofnion  from  time  to  time 
about  Enoree,  Broad  and  Tyger  rivers,  and  had 
frequent  fkirmithes  with  his  adverfaries.  Having 
mounted  his  followers,  he  infefted  the  Britifh 
with  frequent  incurfions,  beat  up  their  quarters, 
intercepted  their  convoys,  and  io  harafled  them 
with  fnccefiive  alarms,  that  their  movements 
could  not  be  made  but  with  caution  and  difficul- 
ty. On  the  twelfth  of  November  1780,  he  was 
attacked  at  Bread  river  by  major  Weyms,  com- 
manding 


(     i89     ) 

manding  a  corps  of  infantry  and  dragoons.     In 
this  action  the  Britifh   were  defeated,  and  their 
commanding  officer  taken  prifoner.     Though  ma- 
jor Weyms  had  perfonally  fuperintended  the  exe- 
cution of  mr.  Adam  Cufack,  after  ordering  him 
to  be  hung,  and  though  in  his  pocket  was  found 
a  memorandum  of  feveral  houfes  burned  by  his 
command,  yet  he  received  every  indulgence  from 
his  conquerors.     On  the  twentieth  of  the  fame 
month,  general  Sumpter  was  attacked  at  Black 
Storks,  near   Tyger  river,  by  lieutenant-colonel 
Tarleton,   at   the   head   of  a   confiderable   party. 
The  action  was  fevere  and  obflinate.     The  killed 
and   wounded   of    the  Britifh   was    confiderable. 
Among   the   former   were    three    officers,    major 
Money,    lieutenants     Gibfon    and    Cope.      The 
Americans   loft   very   few,  but   general  Sumpter 
received   a  wound,    which,    for   feveral   months, 
interrupted  his   gallant   enterprizes   in   behalf  of 
the  ftate.     His  zeal  and  activity  in  animating  the 
American  militia  when  they  were  difcouraged  by 
repeated  defeats,  and  the   bravery  and  good  con- 
duct he  difplayed  in  fundry  attacks  on  the  Britifh 
detachments,  procured  him   the   applaufe   of  his 
countrymen,  and  the  thanks  of  Congrefs. aa 

The  continental  army  which  had  been  collect- 
ed, at  Hillfborough,  after  their  difperfion  on  the 
lixteenth  of  Auguft,  moved  down  to  Charlotte 
in  the  latter  end  of  the  year  1780.  Congrefs 
authorized  general  Wafhington  to  appoint  an  of- 
ficer, 
sa  See  note  xxvi. 


(     19°     ) 

fleer,  to  take  the  command  in  the  fouthern  diftrift. 
His  excellency  nominated  major-general  Greene, 
a  native  of  the  ftate  of  Rhode-Ifland,  to  this 
important  truft  ;  and  in  confequence  thereof  he 
arrived  in  Charlotte  the  fecond  day  of  December 
1780.  This  illuftrious  officer  was  univerfally 
acknowledged  to  poffefs  great  military  talents, 
particularly  a  penetrating  judgment,  and  a  deci- 
five  enterprifmg  fpirit.  Great  were  the  difficul- 
ties he  had  to  encounter.  The  principal  part  of 
his  ftanding-force  confifted  of  the  few  continen- 
tals who  had  efcaped  from  the  defeat  near  Cam- 
den on  the  fixteenth  of  Auguft  1780.  On  the 
eighth  of  December,  fix  days  after  general 
Greene  took  the  command,  the  returns  of  the 
fouthern  army  were  nine  hundred  and  feventy 
continentals,  and  one  thoufand  and  thirteen  mili- 
tia. The  continentals  were  without  pay,  and 
almofl:  without  clothing.  All  fources  of  fupply 
from  Charlefton  were  fhut  up,  and  no  imported 
article  could  be  obtained  but  from  a  diftance  of 
near  two  hundred  miles.  Though  the  American 
force  was  fmall,  yet  the  procuring  of  provifions 
for  its  fupport,  was  a  matter  of  the  greateff.  diffi- 
culty. The  paper  currency  was  fo  depreciat- 
ed, that  it  was  wholly  unequal  to  the  purchafe 
of  neceflaries  for  the  fuffering  foldiers.  Spe- 
cie could  not  be  procured.  Though  general 
Greene  was  authorized  to  difpofe  of  a  few  bills, 
drawn  by  Congrefs  on  their  minifter  at  the  court 
of  France,  on  a  credit  given  him  by  that  court, 
yet,  fuch  was  the  fituation  of  the  country,  that 

very 


(     '9<     ) 

very  little  relief  could  be  obtained  from  this 
quarter,  and  the  greateft  part  of  the  bills  were 
returned  unfold.  The  confufion  and  diforder 
which  prevailed  near  the  feat  of  war  increafed 
the  difficulty  of  procuring  fupplies.  The  govern- 
ment of  North-Carolina  had  adopted  an  incon- 
venient fyftem  of  collecting  provifions.  The 
flate  was  divided  into  little  diftricts,  in  which 
commiflaries  and  quarter  mafters  were  duly  ap- 
pointed, but  not  connected  with  each  other  un- 
der a  common  head  of  the  department.  General 
Greene's  experience  in  the  bufinefs  of  quarter- 
mafler  enabled  him  to  point  out  the  defects  of 
this  arrangement,  and  to  introduce  fuch  falutary 
alterations  as  the  publick  fervice  required.  The 
good  effects  of  this  new  fyftem,  united  under  one 
head,  were  quickly  felt.  The  want  of  money 
{till  remained  an  infuperable  obftacle  to  the  pur- 
chafing  of  provifions.  The  only  refource  left  for 
fupplying  the  American  army  was  by  impreifment. 
The  country  had  been  fo  completely  ravaged,  that 
all  which  could  be  obtained  even  in  that  way,  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  army,  was  far  ftiort  of  a  fuffi- 
ciency.  To  fupply  the  army,  and  plcafe  the 
inhabitants,  was  equally  neceffary.  To  feize 
upon  their  property,  and  preferve  their  kind 
affections,  was  a  moft  delicate  point,  and  yet  of 
the  utmoft  moment,  as  it  furnifhed  the  army  with 
provifions  without  impairing  the  difpofition  of 
the  inhabitants  to  co-operate  with  the  continental 
troops  in  recovering  the  country.  This  grand 
object  called  for  the  united  efforts  of  both.  There- 
fore,. 


(     *92     ) 

fore,  that  the  bufinefs  of  impreflment  might  be 
conducted  in  the  leafl  offenfive  manner,  it  was 
transferred  from  the  military  to  the  civil  officers 
of  the  ftate.  This  was  not  only  more  effectual, 
but  it  alfo  prevented  two  other  evils  of  danger- 
ous confequence — the  corruption  of  the  discipline 
of  the  army — and,  the  mifapplication  of  property 
impreffed  for  the  publick  fervice. 

With  an  inconfiderable  army,  miferably  pro- 
vided, general  Greene  took  the  field  againfl  a 
fuperior  Britifh  regular  force,  which  had  march- 
ed in  triumph  two  hundred  miles  from  the  fea- 
coaft,  and  was  flufhed  with  fuccefiive  victories 
through  a  whole  campaign.  To  face  an  hofl  of 
difficulties,  the  American  general  had  the  juftice 
of  his  caufe,  his  own  valour  and  good  conduct, 
a  very  refpeclable  cavalry,  and  the  Maryland  and 
Delaware  continentals  who  had  ferved  upwards 
of  four  years,  and  who,  for  their  numbers,  were 
equal  to  any  troops  in  the  world. 

Many  of  the  inhabitants  who,  from  neceffity, 
had  fubmitted  to  the  Britifh  government,  mod 
cordially  wiihed  him  good  fpeed  ;  but  the  unfuc- 
cefsful  attempt  of  general  Gates  to  recover  the 
country,  made  the  cautious  and  timid,  for  fome 
time,  very  flow  in  repairing  to  the  flandard  of 
liberty. 

Soon  after  general  Greene  took  the  command, 
he  divided  his  force,  and  fent  a  rcfpcctable  de- 
tachment. 


(     J93     ) 

tachment,  under  general  Morgan,  to  the  weflern 
extremities  of  South-Carolina,  and  marched  on 
the  twentieth  of  December  with  the  main  body 
to  Hicks's  creek,  on  the  north  fide  of  the  PeeJee, 
oppofite  to  Cheraw  hill.  This  divifion  of  the  lit- 
tle American  army  into  two  partb,  io  remote  rrom 
each  other  that  they  could  not  co-operate,  was 
rilking  much  ;  but  the  neceffity  of  the  cafe  gave 
no  alternative.  The  continental  army  was  too 
inconiiderable  to  make  fuccefsful  oppofition  to 
the  fuperior  numbers  of  lord  Cornwallis  without 
the  mofl  powerful  co-operation  of  the  militia  of 
the  country.  To  give  them  an  opportunity  of 
embodying  it  was  neceiTary  to  cover  both  extre- 
mities of  the  ftate. 

After  the  general  fubmimon  of  the  militia  in 
the  year  1780,  a  revolution  took  place  highly 
favourable  to  the  interefts  of  America.  The 
refidence  of  the  Britim  army,  inftead  of  increaf- 
ing  the  real  friends  to  royal  government,  dimi- 
nifhed  their  number,  and  added  new  vigour  to  the 
oppofite  party.  In  the  diflrict  of  Ninety-Six, 
moderate  meafures  were  at  firll  adopted  by  the 
Britim  commanders,  but  the  effects  of  this  were 
fruftrated  by  the  royalifts.  A  great  part  of  thofe 
who  called  themfelves  the  King's  friends,  had 
been  at  all  times  a  banditti,  to  whom  rapine  and 
violence  were  familiar.  On  the  refcoration  of 
royal  government,  thefe  men  preferred  their  claim 
to  its  particular  notice.  The  conquerors  were  ih 
far  impofed  on  by   them,    that   they   promoted 

Vol.  II.  B  b  fome 


(     J94     ) 

fome  of  them  who  were  of  the  mofl  infamous 
c  raclers.  Men  of  fuch  bafe  minds  and  merce- 
nary principles,  regardlefs  of  the  capitulation, 
gratified  their  private  refentments,  and  their  rage 
for  plunder,  to  the  great  diftrefs  of  the  new- 
made  iubjects,  and  the  greater  injury  of  the 
royal  intereft.  Violences  of  this  kind  made  fome 
men  break  their  engagements  to  the  Britifh,  and 
join  the  Americans.  Their  revolt  occafioned 
fufpicions  to  the  prejudice  of  others  who  had 
no  intention  of  following  their  example.  Fears, 
jealoufies  and  diftruft,  haunted  the  minds  of  the 
conquerors.  All  confidence  was  at  an  end.  Se- 
vere meafures  were  next  tried,  but  with  a  worfe 
efTjc"t.  Lieutenant-colonel  Balfour,  an  haughty 
and  imperious  officer,  who  commanded  in  that 
did  net,  was  more  calculated,  by  his  infolence 
and  overbearing  conduct,  to  alienate  the  inhabi- 
tants from  a  government  already  beloved,  than 
to  reconcile  them  to  one  which  was  generally 
difliked.  By  an  unwarrantable  ftretch  of  his  au- 
thority, he  ifTued  a  proclamation,  by  which  it  was 
declared,  '  that  every  man  who  was  not  in  his 
'  houle  by  a  certain  day,  mould  be  fubject  to 
6  military  execution.'  The  Britifh  had  a  pod  in 
Ninety-Six  for  thirteen  months,  during  which 
time  the  country  was  filled  with  rapine,  violence 
and  murder.  Applications  were  made  daily  for 
redrefs,  yet  in  that  whole  period  there  was  not 
a  fmgle  inftance  wherein  punifliment  was  inflicted 
either  on  the  foldiery  or  tories.  The  people  foon 
found  that  there  was  no  fecurity  for  their  lives, 

liberties 


(     195     ) 

liberties  or  property,  under  the  military  govern- 
ment of  Britifh  officers,  which  fubjected  them 
to  the  depredations  of  a  malicious  mercenary 
banditti,  falfely  calling  themfelves  the  friends  of 
royal  government.  The  peaceable  citizens  were 
reduced  to  that  uncommon  diftrefs,  in  which 
they  had  more  to  fear  from  oppreffion  than  refin- 
ance ;  they  therefore  moft  ardently  wifhed  for 
the  appearance  of  an  American  force.  Under 
thefe  favourable  circumstances  general  Greene 
detached  general  Morgan  to  take  a  pofition  in 
the  weftern  extremity  of  the  (late.  There  he 
arrived  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  December  1780. 
On  the  twenty-ninth  he  difpatched  lieutenant- 
colonel  Wafhington,  with  his  own  regiment,  and 
two  hundred  militia-horle,  commanded  by  lieu- 
tenant-colonel M'Call,  to  attack  a  body  of  to- 
nes who  were  plundering  the  whig  inhabitants. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Wafhington  came  up  with 
them  on  the  thirtieth,  near  Hammond's  flore- 
houfe,  and  charged  them,  on  which  they  all  fled 
without  making  any  refiftance.  Many  were  kill- 
ed or  wounded,  and  about  forty  taken  prifoners. 

On  the  next  day  lieutenant-colonel  Wafhing- 
ton detached  cornet  James  Simons,  with  a  com- 
mand of  eleven  regulars  and  twenty-five  militia, 
to  purfue  the  fugitives,  and  to  furprize  a  fort  a 
few  miles  diftant,  in  which  general  Cunningham 
commanded  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  Britifh 
militia.  This  fort,  fituated  feventeen  miles  from 
Ninety-Six,    was    ftrongly    picquctted   in   every 

direction ; 


(     *&     ) 

direction  ;  and,  befides  containing  a  great  deal 
of  plunder  taken  from,  the  whig  inhabitants,  was 
well  ftored  with  forage,  grain  and  other  provifi- 
ons  for  the  life  of  the  Britifh  army.  As  foon  as 
the  Americans  were  difcovered, ,  general  Cun- 
ningham and  all  his  men  abandoned  the  fort. 
Cornet  Simons  ftationed  his  detachment,  and, 
advancing  with  a  flag,  demanded  their  furrender. 
General  Cunningham  requefted  time  to  confult 
his  officers,  and  five  minutes  were  given  him  for 
that  purpofe.  In  that  fhort  fpace  the  whole  party 
of  tories  ran  off,  and  difperfed  themfelves  through 
the  woods.  Cornet  Simons,  after  deflroying  the 
fort,  and  all  the  provifions  in  it,  which  he  could 
not  carry  away,  rejoined  lieutenant-colonel  Wafh- 
ington  without  any  moleftation. 

These  fucceffes,  the  appearance  of  an  Ame- 
rican army,  a  fin  cere  attachment  to  the  caufe  of 
independence,  and  the  impolitick  conduct  of  the 
Britifh,  induced  feveral  perfons  to  refume  their 
arms,  and  to  act  in  concert  with  the  detachment 
of  continentals.  Lord  Cornwallis  wifhed  to  drive 
general  Morgan  from  this  ftation,  and  to  deter 
the  inhabitants  from  joining  him.  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Tarleton,  at  the  head  of  a  thoufand  regu- 
lars, was  ordered  to  execute  this  bufmefs.  The 
Britim  had  two  field-pieces,  and  the  fuperiority 
of  numbers  in  the  proportion  of  five  to  four,  and 
particularly  of  cavalry,  in  the  proportion  of  three 
to  one.  Befides  this  inequality  of  force,  two 
thirds  of  the  troops  under  general  Morgan  were 

militia. 


(     197     ) 

militia.  With  thefe  fair  profpects  of  fuccefs 
lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton,  on  the  feventeenth 
of  January  178 1,  engaged  general  Morgan,  with 
the  expectation  of  driving  him  out  of  the  coun- 
try. General  Morgan  had  obtained  early  intel- 
ligence of  Tarleton's  force  and  advances,  and 
drew  up  his  men  in  two  lines.  The  whole  of 
the  fouthern  militia,  with  one  hundred  and  ninety 
from  North  Carolina,  under  major  M'Dowel, 
were  put  under  the  command  of  colonel  Pickens. 
Thefe  formed  the  firfl  line,  and  were  advanced 
a  few  hundred  yards  before  the  fecond,  with  or- 
ders to  form  on  the  right  of  the  fecond  when 
forced  to  retire.  The  fecond  line  confided  of 
the  light-infantry,  under  lieutenant-colonel  How- 
ard, and  a  fmall  corps  of  Virginia  militia  rifle- 
men. Lieutenant-colonel  Waihington,  with  his 
cavalry,  and  about  forty-five  militiamen  mounted 
and  equipped  with  fwords,  under  lieutenant-colo- 
nel M'Call,  were  drawn  up  at  fome  diltance  in 
the  rear  of  the  whole.  The  Americans  were 
formed  before  the  Britifh  appeared  in  fight. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton  halted  and  formed 
his  men  when  at  the  diflance  of  about  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  yards  from  the  front  line  of  gene- 
ral Morgan's  detachment.  As  foon  as  the  Bii- 
tifh  had  formed  they  began  to  advance  with  a 
fhout,  and  poured  in  an  inceffant  fire  of  mufketry. 
Colonel  Pickens  directed  the  militia  under  his 
command  not  to  fire  till  the  Britim  were  within 
forty  or  fifty  yards.  This  order,  though  executed 
with  great  firmnefs  and  fuccefs,  was  not  fufficient 

to 


(     i93     ) 

to  repel  the  advancing  foe.  The  American  mili- 
tia were  obliged  to  retire,  but  were  foon  rallied 
by  their  officers.  The  Eritilli  advanced  rapidly 
and  engaged  the  fecond  line,  which,  after  a  mod 
obftinate  conflict,  was  compelled  to  retreat  to  the 
cavalry.  In  this  crifis  of  the  battle  lieutenant- 
colonel  Wafhington  made  a  fuccefsful  charge 
upon  lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton  who  was  cut- 
ting down  the  militia.  Lieutenant-coionel  How- 
ard, almoft  at  the  fame  moment,  rallied  the  con- 
tinental troops,  and  charged  with  fixed  bayonets. 
The  example  was  inftantly  followed  by  the  mili- 
tia. Nothing  could  exceed  the  aftonifhment  and 
confufion  of  the  Britifh,  occafioned  by  thefe  un- 
expected charges.  Their  advance  fell  back  upon 
their  rear,  and  communicated  a  panick  to  the 
whole.  In  this  moment  of  confufion  lieutenant- 
colonel  Howard  called  to  them  '  to  lay  down 
c  their  arms,*  and  promifed  them  good  quarters. 
Upwards  of  five  hundred  accepted  the  offer,  and 
furrendered.  The  firft  battalion  of  the  feventy- 
firft  regiment,  and  two  Britifh  light-infantry  com- 
panies laid  down  their  arms  to  the  American 
militia.  Previous  to  this  general  furrender,  three 
hundred  of  the  corps,  commanded  by  lieutenant- 
colonel  Tarleton,  had  been  killed,  wounded  or 
taken.  Eight  hundred  (tand  of  arms,  two  field- 
pieces,  and  thirty-five  baggage-waggons,  alio  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Americans.  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Waihington  purfued  the  Britifh  cavalry 
for  feveral  miles,  but  a  great  part  of  them  efcap- 
ed.     The  Americans  had  only  twelve  men  killed, 

and 


(     *99    ) 

and  fixty  wounded.  General  Morgan,  whofe 
great  abilities  were  difcovered  by  the  judicious 
difpofition  of  his  force,  and  whofe  activity  was 
confpicuous  through  every  part  of  the  action, 
obtained  the  univerfal  applaufe  of  his  country- 
men. And  there  never  was  a  commander  better 
fupported  than  lie  was  by  the  officers  and  men 
or  bis  detachment.  The  glory  and  importance 
of  this  action  refounded  from  one  end  of  the 
continent  to  the  other.  It  re-animated  the  de- 
fponding  friends  of  America,  and  feemed  to  be 
like  a  refurrection  from  the  dead  to  the  fouthern 
ftates. 

General  Morgan's  good  conduct  on  this  me- 
morable day  was  honoured  by  Congrefs  with  a 
gold  medal.  That  illuftrious  afTembly,  on  this 
occafion,  prefented  alfo  a  medal  of  filver  to  colo- 
nel Wafhington,  another  to  lieutenant-colonel 
Howard,  a  fword  to  colonel  Pickens,  a  brevet 
majority  to  Edward  Giles,  the  general's  aid-de- 
camp, and  a  captaincy  to  baron  Glafback,  who 
had  lately  joined  the  light-infantry  as  a  volun- 
teer. bb  This  aclion  reflected  fo  much  honour 
on  the  American  arms,  that  general  Morgan 
tranfmitted  to  Congrefs  an  official  account  of  the 
names  of  the  continental  officers  who  mared  in 
the  glory  thereof. cc  The  Britiih  legion,  hitherto 
triumphant  in  a  variety  of  hVirmifhes,  en  this  oc- 
cafion loft  their  laurels,  though  they  were  fup- 
ported by  the  feventh  regiment,  one  battalion  of 

the 

bb  See  note  xxyii.  cc  See  note  xxviii. 


(       200       ) 

the  feventy-firft,  and  two  companies  of  light- 
infantry.  Lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton  had  hi- 
therto acquired  diftinguifhed  reputation,  bul_he 
was  greatly  indebted  for  his  military  fame  to  good 
fortune  and  accident.  In  all  his  previous  en- 
gagements he  either  had  the  advantage  of  fur- 
prizing  an  incautious  enemy — of  attacking  them 
when  panick-ftruck  after  recent  defeats — or  of 
being  oppofed  to  undifciplined  militia.  He  had 
gathered  no  laurels  by  hard  fighting  againft  an 
equal  force.  His  repulfe  on  this  occafion  did 
more  effential  injury  to  the  Britifh  intereft  than 
was  compenfated  by  all  his  victories. 

Tarl Eton's  defeat  was  the  firft  link,  in  a 
grand  chain  of  caufes,  which  finally  drew  down 
ruin,  both  in  North  and  South-Carolina,  on  the 
royal  intereft.  The  feries  of  victories,  which  had 
followed  the  Britifh  arms  in  the  firft  nine  months 
of  the  year  1780,  had  been  confidered  by  the 
fanguine  royalifts  as  decifive  with  refpect  to  the 
molt  fouthern  colonies,  and  had  led  to  the  for- 
mation of  extenfive  plans  for  the  year  178 1. 
To  favour  their  execution,  major-general  Leflie, 
with  about  three  thoufand  men,  was  detached 
from  New-York  to  the  Chefapeak.  It  was  ex- 
pected that  this  force  would  not  only  create  a 
diverfion  in  Virginia,  but  alfo  intercept  any  fuc- 
cours  that  might  be  fent  from  the  American 
northern  army  to  the  fouthward.  The  diftance 
between  the  royal  armies  in  Virginia  and  South- 
Carolina  was  too  great  for  an  active  co-operation. 

Lord 


(       301       ) 

Lord  Cornwallis  therefore  ordered  general  Leflie 
to  proceed  without  delay  from  the  Chefapeak  to 
Charledon,  and  to  march  direclly  from  thence 
with  fifteen  hundred  men  to  join  the  royal  army 
under  his  own  immediate  command.  To  facilitate 
the  intended  operations  againft  North-Carolina  and 
Virginia,  major  Craig,  with  a  detachment  of  about 
three  hundred  men  from  the  garrifon  of  Charlef- 
ton,  one  frigate,  and  two  floops  of  war,  took 
porfelTion  of  Wilmington,  in  the  former  (late,  ear- 
ly in  the  year  1781,  and  about  the  fame  time 
the  latter  was  again  invaded  by  a  confiderable 
force  from  New- York,  commanded  by  general 
Arnold.  This  is  the  fame  Arnold  who,  after 
diftinguifhing  himfelf  as  an  American  officer  for 
the  firfl  live  years  of  the  war,  changed  fides  in 
the  year  1780,  and  was  immediately  thereon 
promoted  by  the  Britiih  to  the  rank  of  brigadier- 
general. 

The  eftablifhment  of  a  Brkim  poil  on  Cape 
Fear  river,  befides  the  diverfion  it  afforded,  was 
well  calculated  to  furnim  the  royal  army,  while, 
in  North-Carolina,  with  fuppli.es  by  the  eafieft 
and  fafeft  conveyance.  Jt  was  prefumed  that  the 
invafion  of  Virginia  would  confine  the  attention 
of  its  inhabitants  to  their  own  domeftick  defence  ; 
and  that  the  two  Carolinas,  thus  unfupported, 
would  be  difcouraged  from  perfevering  in  refin- 
ance. 

Lord  Cornwallis,  though  preparing  to  extend 
Vol.  IT.  C  c  his 


(       202       ) 

his  conquefb  northward,  was  not  inattentive  to 
the  fecurity  of  South-Carolina.  Befides  the  force 
at  Charlefton,  he  left  a  considerable  body  of 
troops,  under  the  command  of  lord  Rawdon. 
Thefe  were  principally  ftationed  at  Camden,  from 
which  central  fituation  they  might  be  eafily  drawn 
forth  to  defend  the  frontiers,  or  to  fupprefs  inter- 
nal infurrecYions. 

While  thefe  arrangements  were  making,  the 
year  178 1  commenced,  with  the  fairefl  profpects 
to  the  friends  of  Britifh  government.  The  ad- 
mirers of  lord  Cornwallis  flattered  themfelves 
that  his  victory  at  Camden  was  but  the  dawn  of 
his  glory — that  his  exertions  in  the  approaching 
campaign  would  immortalize  his  name  as  the 
conqueror  of  America.  The  determined  refift- 
ance  of  the  inhabitants  of  North- Carolina,  in 
iront  of  the  royal  army,  was  as  little  thought  of 
as-  the  unconquerable  difaffeclion  of  the  citizens 
of  South-Carolina  in  its  rear.  Great  dependence 
was  placed  on  the  expected  co-operation  of  the 
loyalifts.  Their  numbers  and  zeal  for  royal  go- 
vernment had  been  represented  as  fo  confiderable, 
that  North-Carolina  was  fcarcely  confidcred  in 
any  other  light  than  as  the  road  to  Virginia.  A 
junction  with  the  forces  under  general  Arnold 
was  expected  at  fo  early  a  day  as  to  give  time  for 
profecuting  farther  operations  againfl  Maryland 
and  Pennfylvania.  The  fanguine  expectations  of 
fome  went  fo  far,  as  to  count  upon  a  junction 
with  the  royal  army  in  New-York,  and  the  fub- 

jugation 


(     2°3     ) 

jugation  of  every  ft  ate  to  the  fouthward  of  Hud- 
ibn's  river,  before  the  clofe  of  the  campaign. 
Whilft  lord  Cornwallis  was  anticipating,  in  ima- 
gination, a  rich  harveft  of  glory,  from  a  rapid 
fucceflion  of  victories,  he  received  the  intelli- 
gence, no  lefs  unwelcome  than  unexpected,  of 
the  complete  overthrow  of  the  detachment  led 
by  lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton.  So  contempti- 
ble, from  their  conduct  at  Camden,  was  his 
lordfhip's  opinion  of  the  American  militia — fo 
unlimited  was  his  confidence  in  the  courage  and 
abilities  of  lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton,  that,  of 
all  improbable  events,  none  feemed  to  him  more 
improbable  than  that  an  inferior  force,  two  thirds 
militia,  mould  gain  fuch  a  decifive  advantage 
over  his  favourite  hero.  This  unexpected  event 
led  to  (till  more  ferious  confluences.  The  royal 
army  was  effentially  injured  in  its  future  move- 
ments, for  want  of  the  light  troops  loft  on  that 
occafion.  Befides,  it  precipitated  the  invafion 
of  North-Carolina  before  the  fchemes  fubfervient 
to  that  grand  defign  were  fully  completed.  Lord 
Cornwallis,  with  the  expectation  of  regaining  the 
prifoners  taken  on  the  feventeenth  of  January  at 
the  battle  of  the  Cowpens,  and  to  obliterate  the 
impreffion  made  by  that  engagement,  inftantly 
began  thofe  marches  and  countermarches,  which, 
after  various  conflicts  and  innumerable  hardfhips, 
ultimately  terminated  in  the  furrender  of  his 
whole  army. 

The  rapid  movements  of  the  JBritiih,  under 

the 


(      204      ) 

the  expectation  of  retaking  their  captive  fellow - 
ioidiers,  induced  general  Greene  immediately  to 
retreat  from  Hicks's  creek,  left,  by  croiCng  the 
upper  fources  of  the  Peedee.  they  mould  get 
between  him  and  general  Morgan,  or  intercept 
his  army  before  it  could  reach  Virginia.  Had 
lord  Cornwailis  fucceeded  in  this  lcheme,  he  could 
have  interrupted  reinforcements  and  fupplies  bom- 
"mrr  from  Virginia,  and  micht  have  reduced  ere- 
neral  Greene  to  the  necefiity  of  fighting  to  a 
great  difadvantage,  and  witnout  any  place  of 
fafety  for  a  retreat.  In  this  critical  fituation  ge- 
neral Greene  rode  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles 
through  the  country  to  join  general  Morgan  on 
the  Catawba — that,  by  being  in  front  of  lord 
Cornwailis,  he  might  bed.  direct  the  motions  of 
both  divifions  of  his  army.  Major  Hyrne  had 
been  previoufiy  detached  to  receive  the  Britifh 
prifoners,  with  orders  to  conduct  them  to  Vir- 
ginia. Guilford  courthoufe  was  fixed  upon  as 
the  place  of  rendezvous  for  the  two  divifions  of 
the  Americans  ;  and  general  Huger,  who  com- 
manded the  main  armv,  was  ordered  to  retreat 
thither.  To  favour  an  expeditious  mirch  the 
heavy  baggage  was  directed,  after  filing  off  from 
the  route  which  general  Huger  was  to  purfue,  to 
make  all  poilible  difpatch  for  Hilliborough,  and 
to  pal's  the  Roanoke  at  Taylor's  ferry.  This  cir- 
eiimfrancc  enabled  the  army  to  move  with  rapi- 
dity, and  to  crofs  the  Dan  without  the  lofs  of 
baggage  or  (tores. 


The 


(     205     ) 

The  retreat  from  the  Peedee  commenced  on 
the  twenty-eighth  of  January  1781,.  and  was 
conducted  under  circumflances  requiring  the  ut- 
mofi  exeitions  of  patience.  The  Americans 
underwent  hardfhips  almoft  incredible.  Many  of 
them  performed  this  march  without  fhoes  over 
frozen  ground,  and  through  flinty  roads,  which 
fo  gamed  their  naked  feet,  that  the  fpouting 
blood  marked  every  ft ep  of  their  progrefs.  They 
were  fome  time  without  meat,  often  without  flour, 
and  always  without  fpirituous  liquors.  In  this 
extreme  feafon  alfo,  with  very  little  clothing,  they 
were  every  day  reduced  to  the  necemty  of  ford- 
ing deep  creeks,  and  of  remaining  wet  without 
any  change  of  clothes,  till  the  heat  of  their  bo- 
dies, and  occafional  fires  in  the  woods,  dried 
their  tattered  rags.  Their  march  led  them 
through  a  barren  country,  which  fcarcrly  afford- 
ed neceflaries  for  a  few  draggling  inhabitants. 
They  were  alfo  retarded  with  apparently  unfur- 
mountable  difficulties  horn  heavy  rains,  deep 
creeks,  broken  bridges,  bad  roads  and  poor 
horfes.  They  fubmitted  to  all  thefe  difficulties 
without  the  lofs  of  a  fmgle  fentinel  by  defertion. 
Lord  Cornwallis  deifroyed  his  fuperiluous  bag- 
gage, and  every  thing  which  was  not  necellary 
in  action,  or  to  the  ex'ulence  of  the  troops.  No 
waggons  were  referved,  excepting  thole  loaded 
with  hofpital-ftores,  fait,  and  ammunition,  and 
four  empty  ones  for  the  ufe  of  the  fick.  The 
royal  army  fubmitted  to  unul'ual  trials  and  hard- 
ihips, with  a  molt  general  and  cheerful  acqui- 
escence. 


(       206       ) 

efcence.  They  beheld,  without  murmuring,  their 
mod  valuable  baggage  deftroyed,  their  fpirituous 
liquors  (laved,  when  they  we're  entering  on  a 
fervice  in  which  it  would  be  much  wanted,  and 
under  circumftances  which  precluded  every  prof- 
peel:  of  future  fupply. 

The  Britifh  had  urged  the  purfuit  of  general 
Morgan  with  fo  much  rapidity,  that  they  came 
to  the  ford  of  the  Catawba  on  the  evening  of  the 
fame  day  that  the  Americans  had  crofled.  Be- 
fore the  next  morning  a  heavy  fall  of  rain  had 
made  it  impaffable.  The  Americans,  confiding 
in  the  protection  of  Heaven,  confidered  this 
event  as  a  fpecial  interpofition  of  Providence  in 
favour  of  their  righteous  caufe.  It  is  certain 
that  if  the  rifing  of  the  river  had  taken  place  a 
few  hours  earlier,  general  Morgan,  with  his 
whole  detachment,  and  five  hundred  prifoners, 
could  have  fcarcely  had  any  chance  of  efcape. 
The  Americans  having  effected  their  pafTage  be- 
fore the  rain,  major  Hyrne  proceeded  with  the 
prifoners,  and  general  Morgan  continued  on  the 
north  banks  of  the  Catawba,  to  oppofe  the  paf- 
fage  of  the  Britifh  army.  At  this  crilis  general 
Greene  joined  general  Morgan,  and  prevented 
his  going  over  the  mountains  which  was  intend- 
ed, and  directed  the  movements  of  the  detach- 
ment lateiy  under  his  command,  fo  as  to  favour 
the  fcheme  of  forming  a  junction  at  Guilford 
courthoufc  with  the  main  army  under  general 
linger. 

As 


(     i°7    ) 

As  ibon  as  the  paffage  of  the  Catawba  was 
practicable,  lord  Cornwallis  made  preparations 
for  croffing.  The  more  effectually  to  deceive 
the  Americans  he  made  a  feint  of  palling  at  feve- 
ral  different  fords  ;  but  the  real  attempt  was 
made  very  early  in  the  morning  of  the  fir  ft  of 
February,  at  a  ford  near  M'Cowan's,  the  north 
banks  of  which  were  defended  by  a  guard  of 
militia,  under  the  command  of  general  Davidfon. 
The  Britifh  marched  through  the  river  upwards 
of  live  hundred  yards  wide,  and  about  three  feet 
deep,  fuftaining  the  fire  from  the  oppofing  mili- 
tia, which  they  never  returned  till  after  landing, 
they  formed  on  the  fhore.  The  early  fall  of  the 
brave  general  Davidfon  difpirited  his  party,  who, 
feeking  fafety  in  a  precipitate  flight,  left  the  Bri- 
tifh to  effect  their  paffage  without  the  oppofition 
which  was  at  firfh  expected.  The  militia,  through- 
out the  neighbouring  fettlements,  who  had  hi- 
therto only  heard  of  the  dangers  of  war,  were 
totally  difpirited.  Though  general  Greene  rifked 
himfelf  at  a  diftance  from  his  troops  to  excite 
them  to  arms,  yet  very  few  of  them  could  be 
perfuaded  to  take  or  keep  the  field.  A  fmall 
party,  collected  at  Torrans's  houfe,  about  ten 
miles  from  the  ford,  was  foon  difperfed  by  lieute- 
nant-colonel Tarleton.  All  the  fords  were  aban- 
doned, and  the  whole  royal  army,  with  their 
baggage  and  artillery,  croffed  over  without  any 
farther  oppofition. 

A  military  race  now  commenced  between 

the 


(     *o8     ) 

the  purfuing  Britifli  and  the  fleeing  Americans. 
The  latter  retreated  as  expeditioufly  as  poflible, 
and  croffed  the  Yadkin  partly  in  flats  and  partly 
by  fording  on  the  fecond  and  third  days  of  Fe- 
bruary, and  fecured  the  boats  on  the  north  fide. 
Though  lord  Cornwallis  was  clofe  in  the  rear, 
yet  the  want  of  boats,  and  the  rapid  rifing  of  the 
river,  from  preceding  rains,  made  his  crofling 
impoflible.  This  fecond  hair-breadth  efcape  was 
confidered  by  the  Americans  as  a  frefh  evidence 
that  their  caufe  was  favoured  by  Heaven.  They 
viewed  it  in  every  point  of  light  with  pious  gra- 
titude, and  frequently  remarked,  that  if  the  rifing 
of  the  river  had  taken  place  a  few  hours  earlier, 
it  would  have  put  general  Morgan's  whole  de- 
tachment in  the  power  of  a  greatly  fuperior  army  ; 
if  a  few  hours  later,  that  the  paflage  of  it  would 
have  been  effected  by  lord  Cornwallis,  fo  as  to 
have  enabled  him  to  get  between  the  two  divifi- 
ons  of  the  American  army,  a  circumftanee  which 
might  have  been  of  fatal  confequence  to  both. 
That  the  Americans  with  their  prifoners  fhould, 
in  two  fucceflive  inftances,  effect  their  paflage, 
while  the  Rritifh,  whofe  advance  was  often  in 
fight  of  the  rear  of  their  retreating  enemy,  feem- 
ed  to  be  providentially  reftrained,  affe&ed  the 
devout  people  of  that  fettlement  with  lively  thank- 
iulnefs  to  Heaven,  which  added  frefh  vigour  to 
their  exertions  in  behalf  of  their  country. 

The  Britifli  having  failed  in  their  fcheme  of 
eroding  at  the  trading  ford  on  the  Yadkin,   were 

obliged 


(     2°9     ) 

obliged  to  march  to  the  upper  fords  which  are 
generally  paffable.  This  gave  time  for  the  junc- 
tion of  the  two  divifions  of  the  American  army. 

While  matters  were  in  this  fituation  between 
the  two  main  armies,  general  Marion,  though 
furrounded  with  enemies,  had  defended  himfelf 
with  a  few  faithful  militia  in  the  fwamps  and  mo- 
raffes  of  the  fettlements  near  Charlefton,  and 
was  frequently  fallying  out  from  his  hiding- 
places,  and  enterprifing  fomething  in  behalf  of 
his  country.  Having  mounted  his  followers, 
their  motions  were  rapid,  and  their  attacks  un- 
expected. With  thele  light  troops  he  intercepted 
the  Britifh  convoys  of  provifions,  infefted  their 
out-pofts,  beat  up  their  quarters,  and  harafTed 
them  with  fuch  frequent  alarms,,  that  they  were 
obliged  to  be  always  on  their  guard.  On  the 
twenty-ninth  of  January  1781  he  fent  two  fmali 
detachments  of  militia-dragoons,  under  the  com- 
mand of  major  Poftell  and  captain  Poftell,  to 
crofs  the  Santee.  The  former  deftroyed  a  great 
quantity  of  valuable  ftores  at  Manigauk's  ferry  ; 
the  latter  did  the  fame  at  another  place  in  the 
vicinity.  Thence  he  marched  to  Reithfield  near 
Monk's  Corner,  where  he  deftroyed  fourteen 
waggons  loaded  with  foldiers'  clothing  and  bag- 
gage, befides  feveral  other  valuable  itores,  and 
took  forty  prifoners,  chiefly  Britifh  regulars,  and 
effected  the  whole  without  any  lofs. 

General  Greene  and  general  Huger  formed 
Vol.  II.  D  d  a 


(     "o     ) 

a  junction  on  the  feventh  of  February  1781, 
near  Guilford  courthoufe.  Though  this  was  ef- 
fected, their  whole  number  was  fo  much  inferior 
to  the  Britifli,  that  general  Greene  could  not, 
with  any  propriety,  rifk  an  action.  In  this  criti- 
cal fituation  he  called  a  council  of  officers,  who 
unanimoufly  concurred  in  opinion,  that  he  ought 
to  retire  over  the  Dan,  and  to  avoid  a  general 
action  till  he  was  reinforced.  Lord  Cornvvallis, 
well  knowing  the  inferiority  of  the  American 
army,  conceived  hopes,  by  getting  between  ge- 
neral Greene  and  Virginia,  to  cut  off  his  retreat 
— intercept  his  fupplies  and  reinforcements — and 
oblige  him  to  fight  while  he  was  hemmed  in 
by  the  great  rivers  in  the  weft,  the  fea  on  the 
earl,  lord  Rawdon  in  the  fouth,  and  the  main 
royal  army  in  the  north.  To  this  end  his  lord- 
mi  p  kept  the  upper  country,  where  only  the  ri- 
vers are  fordable,  fuppofing,  from  information, 
that  his  adverfaries,  from  the  want  of  a  fufficient 
number  of  flats,  could  not  make  good  their  paf- 
fage  in  the  deep  water  ;  or,  in  cafe  of  that  at- 
tempt, he  prefumed  he  would  overtake  and  force 
general  Greene  to  an  action  before  the  Ameri- 
can army  could  crofs.  In  the  profecution  of  this 
plan,  lord  Cornwallis  was  completely  baffled. 
The  advantages  refulting  from  the  feafon  of  the 
year,  and  from  the  face  of  the  country,  inter- 
fered with  rivers  and  creeks,  were  fo  improved 
by  general  Greene  as  to  elude  his  lordfhip.  The 
Cervices  of  the  light  army  were  never  more  eflen- 
tially  necefiary  or  confpicuous  than  on  this  re- 
treat. 


(  **«  ) 

treat,  To  increafe  its  force,  the  legion,  com- 
manded by  lieutenant-colonel  Lee,  was  therefore 
incorporated  with  it,  and  the  regular  battalion  of 
infantry,  under  the  command  of  lieutenant-colo- 
nel Howard,  was  filled  up — The  whole,  includ- 
ing thofe  two  corps,  the  cavalry  commanded  by 
lieutenant-colonel  Wafhington,  and  a  fmall  corps 
of  Virginia  riflemen,  under  major  Campbell, 
amounted  to  about  feven  hundred  of  the  flower 
of  the  American  army.  The  command  of  this 
light  corps  was  given  to  colonel  Williams,  com- 
mandant of  the  Maryland  line,  and  deputy  ad- 
jutant-general of  the  American  army.  The  ma- 
noeuvres of  this  valuable  detachment,  in  fecond- 
ing  the  views  of  general  Greene,  reflected  the 
greater!:  honour  on  its  leader,  and  contributed 
much  to  fruftrate  the  fchemes  of  earl  Cornwallis. 
The  retreat  commenced  from  Guilford  court- 
houfe  the  tenth  of  February.  The  better  to 
avoid  a  rapid  purfuit,  the  main  and  light  army 
took  different  routes.  The  next  day  the  latter 
had  a  rencounter  with  the  van  of  the  Britifh  army, 
in  which  an  officer  and  fix  or  feven  of  lieutenant- 
colonel  Tarleton's  legion  were  made  prifoners, 
and  feveral  were  killed.  Frequent  fkirmifhes 
and  the  manoeuvres  which  were  praclifed  to  mif- 
lead  lord  Cornwallis,  with  regard  to  the  route  that 
the  main  army  was  to  purfue,  had  the  defired 
effect,  and  gave  general  Greene  time  to  fend  for- 
ward his  baggage.  The  defign  of  the  American 
general,  notwithstanding  he  aiTumed  appearances 
of  confidence,  became  every  day  more  apparent. 

Lord 


(   *12   ) 

Lord  Cornwallis  grew  more  ardent,  and  urged 
his  purfuit  with  fo  much  rapidity,  that  the  Ame- 
rican light  troops  were,  on  the  fourteenth,  com- 
pelled to  retire  upwards  of  forty  miles.  By  the 
mod  indefatigable  exertions  general  Greene  had 
that  day,  without  any  lofs  or  interruption,  tranf- 
ported  his  main  army,  artillery  and  baggage  into 
Virginia,  by  crofling  Boyd's  and  Irwin's  ferries  on 
the  Dan,  and  perfonally  waited  the  arrival  of  the 
light  troops,  all  of  which  he  faw  fafe  over  the 
river  that  night — fo  rapid  was  the  purfuit,  and  fo 
narrow  the  efcape,  that  the  van  of  the  Britilh  juft 
arrived  as  the  rear  of  the  Americans  had  croffed. 
The  hardihips  and  difficulties  which  the  royal 
army  had  undergone  in  this  rapid  march,  were 
exceeded  by  the  mortification  that  al!  their  toils 
and  exertions  were  in  vain.  They  conceived  it 
next  to  impoffible  that  general  Greene  could 
efcape  without  receiving  a  decifive  blow  ;  they 
therefore,  with  vigour  and  perfeverance,  encoun- 
tered and  furmounted  diftreifes  and  difficulties  of 
which  they,  who  refide  in  cultivated  countries, 
can  form  no  adequate  ideas.  After  thefe  fuffer- 
ings,  when  they  fancied  themfelves  within  grafp 
of  their  object,  they  difcovered  that  all  their 
hopes   were   fruftrated. 

Though  lord  Cornwallis  failed  in  his  main 
object,  yet  he  conlbied  himfelf  with  the  idea 
that  he  had  driven  the  rebel  army  out  of  the 
province,  and  that  there  was  now  no  force  in 
North-Carolina  to  prevent  the  loyal  inhabitants 

from 


(    **3     ) 

from  making  good  their  promife  of  a  general 
rifing  in  favour  or  Britifh  government.  His  lord- 
fhip  being  in  no  condition  to  invade  fo  powerful 
a  (late  as  Virginia,  defifted  from  any  farther 
purfuit  of  the  American  army.  And  in  order 
to  encourage  the  loyalifls,  he  retired  to  Hillf- 
borough,  and  there  e  reeled  the  royal  ftandard, 
and  to  it  invited,  by  proclamation,  all  his  friends 
to  repair. dd  Seme  particular  caufes  had  ope- 
rated in  North -CaroHna  very  favourably  to  his 
lordfhip's  expectations.  A  few  years  before  the 
commencement  of  the  American  war  a  large 
body  of  men,  under  the  denomination  of  Regu- 
lators, oppreifed  with  the  mal-praclices  of  fome 
avaricious  individuals,  had  forcibly  oppofed  the 
adminiftration  of  civil  government  under  the  offi- 
cers of  the  crown.  Thefe  infurgents,  though 
numerous,  being  undifcipiined,  and  for  the  mod 
part  without  arms,  were  eafily  diiperfed  by  go- 
vernor Tryon  at  the  head  of  the  incorporated 
militia  of  the  country.  Some  of  their  leaders 
were  killed  in  aftion,  others  were  hanged,  and 
all  of  them  were  involved  in  diftrefs.  7  his  large 
body,  having  fo  recently  experienced  the  power 
of  royal  government,  never  heartily  acquiefced 
in  the  meafures  of  Congrefs.  They  confidered 
them  as  fimilar  in  their  origin,  and  mo  ft  likely 
to  be  fo  in  their  confequences,  to  their  own  un- 
fortunate fchemes  of  regulation.  Thefe  diiTen- 
tients,  from  the  general  voice  of  America,  were 
artfully  managed  by  the  royal  governors  Tryon 

and 

dd  See  note  xxix. 


(     iU    ) 

and  Martin,  and  formed  into  a  party  for  the  fup- 
port  of  Britim  government.  There  was  alfo 
a  numerous  fettlement  of  Scotch  Highlanders  in 
that  ftate,  particularly  at  Crofs-Creek,  who,  in 
common  with  a  majority  of  their  countrymen 
elfewhere,  were  inimical  to  the  caufe  of  America. 
From  thefe,  and  other  caufes  which  operated  on 
the  timid,  the  felfifh  and  uninformed,  the  friends 
of  royal  government  were,  at  this  particular  pe- 
riod, more  numerous  perhaps  in  North-Carolina 
than  in  any  other  of  the  Hates.  A  fair  oppor- 
tunity was  now  given  for  their  manifefling  to  the 
world,  whether  they  oppofed  American  meafures 
from  ignorance,  cowardice,  intereft,  or  from  a 
virtuous  love  of  the  old  conflitution.  To  coun- 
teract his  lordmip's  fcheme  of  embodying  the 
tories,  the  American  army  very  fuddenly,  on  the 
twenty-third  day  of  the  fame  month,  re-croifed 
the  Dan,  and  immediately  after  fome  light  troops, 
commanded  by  general  Pickens  and  lieutenant- 
colonel  Lee,  were  detached  in  purfuit  of  lieute- 
nant-colonel Tarleton.  This  officer,  with  a  con- 
siderable force  of  cavalry  and  infantry,  had 
crofTed  over  Haw  river  to  countenance  the  royal- 
ifts,  and  encourage  them  to  an  infurrecYion.  Co- 
lonel Pyles,  at  the  head  of  three  hundred  and 
fifty  tories,  on  their  way  to  join  the  Britim,  fell 
in  with  this  light  American  party,  and  as  he  had 
no  fufnicion  of  their  having  re-crofled  the  Dan, 
mi  (look  them  for  the  detachment  commanded  by 
lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton.  The  Americans  at- 
tacked them,    labouring   under  this  miflake,  to 

great 


(     115     ) 

great  advantage,  and  cut  them  down  as  they 
were  making  ardent  protestations  of  loyalty,  and 
aflerting,  '  that  they  were  the  very  belt  friends 
c  of  the  King.'  Men  of  this  character  much  more 
rarely  found  mercy  than  the  regular  foldiers  from 
Europe.  They  were  confidcred  by  the  whig 
Americans  as  men,  who  not  only  wanted  fpirit 
to  defend  their  natural  rights,  but  who  co-ope- 
rated with  foreigners  to  fix  the  chains  of  flavery 
on  themfelves  and  their  countrymen.  On  this 
occafion  they  fuffered  the  extremity  of  military 
vengeance.  About  the  fame  time  lieutenant-colo- 
nel Tarleton  cut  down  fcveral  of  them  as  they 
were  coming  to  join  the  Britifh  army,  mistaking 
them  for  rebel  militia  of  the  country.  The  re- 
crofring  of  general  Greene  induced  lord  Cornwal- 
lis  to  decamp  from  Hillfborough,  within  fix  days 
after  the  proclamation  in  which  he  had  called  on 
his  friends  to  rendezvous  at  that  place.  His  lord- 
fhip  continued  for  many  days  to  manoeuvre  in 
that  part  of  the  country  where  colonel  Pyles  was 
defeated,  that  the.royaiifts  might  have  an  oppor- 
tunity to  join  him  \  but,  to  his  great  mortificati- 
on, he  found  nothing,  as  he  expreffed  it  in  his 
official  defpatches,  but  '  timid  friends  cr  invete- 
4  rate  enemies/  The  advocates  for  roval  govern- 
ment  were  fo  difcouraged  by  this  feries  of  ad- 
verfe  accidents,  that  they  could  not  be  induced 
to  act  with  confidence.  Their  fituation  over  a 
large  extent  of  country  was  fo  difperfed,  that  it 
was  not  eafy  to  bring  them  to  unite  in  any  com- 
mon plan.     They  had  not  the  advantage  of  a 

fuperintending 


(    *i«    ) 

fuperintending  congrcfs  to  give  fyftem,  or  concert 
to  their  fchemes.  While  each  party  purfued  fe- 
parate  meafures,  all  were  obliged  to  fubmit  to  the 
American  governments.  Confiderable  numbers 
of  them  were  on  their  way  to  join  lord  Cornwal- 
lis,  but  being  (truck  with  terror  at  the  unexpected 
return  of  the  American  army,  and  with  the  un- 
happy fate  of  their  brethren,  they  returned  home 
to  wait  events. ee  Lord  Cornwallis  found  himfelf 
no  lefs  difappointed  in  his  expectations  of  great 
aid  from  the  loyalifts  in  North-Carolina,  than  he 
had  been  in  his  former  fchemes  of  compelling 
general  Greene  to  an  engagement. 

The  retreat  of  the  Americans  to  Virginia  at 
length  roufed  the  people  of  that  ftate  from  their 
lethargy.  During  the  three  preceding  years  the 
Virginians  had  greatly  fallen  off  from  that  military 
ardour  and  love  of  their  country  which  diftinguifh- 
ed  them  in  the  years  i  yy6  and  1  yyy.  The  firft  heat 
of  paflion  being  over,  they  were  fond  of  recurring 
to  their  beloved  eafe,  and  of  refuming  their  ufual 
habits  of  life.  Their  exertions,  as  well  againft 
the  invaders  within  their  own  limits,  as  in  aid 
of  the  diftreffed  fouthern  Hates,  were  far  below 
the  martial  character  which  they  had  eftablifhed 
in  the  firft  years  of  the  war,  and  ftill  farther  fhort 
of  what  the  citizens  of  North  and  South-Carolina 
expected  from  the  extenfive,  opulent  and  power- 
ful dominion  of  Virginia.  The  gains  of  com- 
merce, and  the  airy  fchemes  fuggefted  by  fpecu- 

lations, 
ec  See  note  xxx. 


lations,  and  an  unfettled  value  of  money,  co- 
operating with  the  temporary  fecurity  which  a 
great  part  of  the  ftate  enjoyed,  had  rendered 
many  of  them  inattentive  to  the  general  caufe 
of  America.  Danger,  brought  to  their  doors, 
awakened  them  to  a  fenfe  of  their  duty — great 
numbers  of  militia  turned  out,  but  few  of  them 
were  armed,  and  fewer  ftill  could  be  perfuaded 
to  crofs  into  North -Carolina.  From  the  whole 
a  fmall  brigade,  confiding  of  between  four  or 
five  hundred  men,  commanded  by  general  Ste- 
vens, was  all  of  the  reinforcement  the  American 
general  received  while  in  Virginia,  that  came 
with  him  over  the  Dan.  It  was  riiking  much  to 
turn  about,  and  face  the  Britifh  army,  with  this 
trifling;  reinforcement ;  but  fuch  was  the  critical 
fituation  of  North-Carolina,  that  it  would  have 
been  rifking  much  more  to  have  delayed.  The 
deciiive  enterprifing  general  Greene  formed  the 
bold  refolution  or  re-crofting,  and  of  manceu-. 
vering  in  the.  face  of  a  fuperior  foe,  till  his  ex- 
pected reinforcements  fhould  come  up.  The 
two  armies  once  more  encamped  in  the  vicinity 
of  each  other.  The  refpective  commanders  al- 
moft  daily  changed  their  pofition,  endeavouring 
to  gain  feme  advantage.  During  three  weeks 
there  was  a  complete  trial  of  military  fkill.  In 
the  movements  on  this  occafion,  native-genius 
fairly  carried  the  palm  from  the  arts  and  difci- 
pline  of  regular  military  education.  It  was  the 
intereft  of  general  Greene  to  avoid  an  action  till 
he  was  reinforced,  but  at  the  fame  time  to  keep 
Vol.  II.  E  e  the 


(     «8     ) 

the  field  fo  near  his  antagonifl  as  would  prevent 
his  foraging  to  advantage — and  his  receiving  re- 
inforcements from  the  tories  of  North-Carolina. 
All  this  was  done  with  an  inferior  army,  till  the 
Americans  were  reinforced  with  another  brigade 
of  militia  from  Virginia,  commanded  by  general 
Lawfon,  and  four  hundred  regulars  raifed  for 
eighteen  months,  befides  two  brigades  of  militia 
from  North-Carolina,  one  commanded  by  gene- 
ral Butler,  the  other  by  general  Eaton.  The 
whole  of  thefe  reinforcements  arrived  about  the 
eleventh  of  March.  Soon  after  which  the  gene- 
ral diifolved  the  conftitution  of  the  light  army, 
with  expreflions  of  great  obligations  to  colonel 
Williams,  and  the  officers  and  men  of  that  corps, 
for  their  good  conduct  in  the  late  dangerous  cri- 
fis.  Another  arrangement  then  took  place.  The 
army  marched  to  Guilford  courthoufe,  and  every 
preparation  was  made  for  an  engagement.  On 
this  occafion  general  Greene  iffued  the  following 
order :  '  The  great  probability  of  coming  to  a 
'  general  action,  in  a  fhort  time,  muft  be  a  con- 
'  fideration  that  will  induce,  every  good  officer 
'  and  foldier  to  do  his  duty  ;  and,  if  order  and 
*  difcipline  are  maintained,  fo  great  confidence 
'  has  the  general  in  the  bravery  of  his  troops, 
'  that  he  flatters  himfelf  the  efforts  of  his  coun- 
c  trymen  will  be  favoured  by  Heaven,  and  crown- 
c  ed  with  fuceefs.'  The  American  general  having 
now  a  fuperionty  of  numbers,  efpecially  of  caval- 
ry, determined  no  longer  to  avoid  an  aaion.  'Hie 
fate   of  both  Carolinas  was  in   feme  degree  fuf- 

pended 


(     219     ) 

penned  on  the  iflue  of  this  important  engage- 
ment. Had  the  American  army  been  unfuccefs- 
ful,  as  in  the  preceding  battle  of  Camden,  Vir- 
ginia would  have  become  the  fouthern  frontier, 
and  roval  government  would  have  inftantly  been 
rp-eftablifhed  in  North-Carolina,  and  greatly 
ftrengthened  in  South-Carolina.  Had  the  Britifh 
army  been  routed,  the  confequences  to  them 
would  have  been  much  more  fata!.  Far  from 
their  (hipping,  and  deftitute  of  fupplies,  they 
would  have  found  it  difficult,  perhaps  impoflible, 
to  have  made  good  their  retreat.  To  them  a 
defeat  mult  have  been  completely  ruinous  ;  but 
as  general  Greene  had  fuch  a  fuperiority  of  ca- 
valry as  fecured  him  from  almofl  the  poflibility  of 
an  irretrievable  misfortune,  his  being  beaten 
could  be  no  more  than  a  partial  evil.  The  great- 
eft  part  of  his  army  confifted  of  militia,  who  do 
all  at  a  fingle  effort — are  loon  difgufted — and 
find  reafon  for  defertion  if  kept  long  inactive. 
He  had  therefore  much  more  to  hope  than  to 
fear  from  a  general  action.  This  accordingly 
took  place  on  the  fifteenth  of  March  1781,  near 
Guilford  courthoufe. 

The  American  army  confided  of  four  thou- 
fand  four  hundred  and  ninety-one  men,  of  which 
two  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fifty-three  were 
militia  of  North- Carolina  and  Virginia,  one  thou- 
fand and  fixty  from  the  fir  ft  ftate,  and  fixteen 
hundred  and  ninety-three  from  the  laft — The 
Britifh  of  about  two  thoufand  four  hundred  men, 

chiefly 


(       220       ) 

chiefly  troops  grown  veteran  in  victories.  The 
American  army  was  drawn  up  in  three  lines ;  the 
front  compofed  of  North-Carolina  militia,  under 
the  command  of  general  Butler  and  general  Ea- 
ton ;  the  fecond  of  Virginia  militia,  commanded 
by  general  Stevens  and  general  Lawfon  ;  the 
third  and  laft  of  the  Maryland  and  Virginia 
continentals,  amounting  to  fourteen  hundred  and 
ninety  rank  and  file,  commanded  by  general  Hu- 
ger  and  colonel  Williams.  Lieutenant-colonel 
Wafhington,  with  his  cavalry,  and  a  corps  of 
Delaware  light-infantry,  and  fome  riflemen  under 
colonel  Lynch,  covered  the  right  flank.  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Lee,  with  his  legion,  and  fome 
riflemen  under  colonel  Campbell,  the  left.  After 
a  briik  cannonade  in  front,  the  Britifh  advanced 
in  three  columns,  the  Hellians  on  the  right,  the 
guards  in  the  centre,  and  lieutenant-colonel 
Wcbfter's  brigade  on  the  left,  and  attacked  the 
front  line.  This  gave  way  when  their  adverfa- 
ries  were  at  the  diftance  of  one  hundred  and  for* 
ty  yards.  Some  of  the  North-Carolina  militia, 
who  compofed  this  line,  fired  once,  but  a  great 
number  ran  away  without  firing  or  being  fired 
upon.  All  exertions  of  their  officers  to  rally 
them  were  ineffectual.  The  Virginia  militia  be- 
haved  much  better — kept  up  their  tire  till  they 
were  ordered  to  retreat,  and  did  great  execution. 
General  Stevens  had  polled  forty  riflemen  at 
equal  diftances,  twenty  paces  in  the  rear  of  his 
brigade,  with  orders  to  ihoot  every  man  who 
ftiould  leave  his  poit.     This  gallant  officer,  though 

he 


(       221       ) 

he  received  a  wound  through  the  thigh,  did  not 
quit  the  field.  He  had  the  addrefs  to  prevent 
his  brigade  from  receiving  any  bad  impreflions 
from  the  retreating  North-Carolinians,  by  giving 
out  that  they  had  orders  to  retire  after  difcharg- 
ing  their  pieces.  To  cheriih  this  idta  he  ordered 
the  militia,  under  his  command,  to  open  their 
files  to  favour  their  pafTage.  The  continental 
troops  were  lad  engaged,  and  Huger  fought  with 
great  fpirit.  Towards  the  clofe  of  the  adion,  a 
charge  was  made  on  the  Britifh  guards  by  the 
cavalry  of  lieutenant-colonel  Wafhington  and  the 
Maryland  troops,  commanded  by  colonel  Gunby 
and  lieutenant-colonel  Howard,  with  fuch  execu- 
tion that  the  whole  corps  was  nearly  annihilated. 
After  a  fevere  conflict  of  an  hour  and  a  half, 
the  difcipline  of  veteran  troops  carried  the  point 
again!!  numbers.  General  Greene  abandoned 
the  field  to  his  rival,  ftill  however  fhewing  a  good 
face  ;  he  retreated  no  farther  than  over  the  Ree- 
dy Fork,  a  diflance  of  three  miles.  The  Ame- 
ricans loft  four  fix-pounders  which  had  been  in 
the  poffeiTion  of  both  armies  in  different  flages 
of  the  action.  This  victory  cod  the  Britifh  dear. 
Their  killed  and  wounded  exceeded  fix  hundred 
men.  The  guards  loft  colonel  Stuart,  with  the 
captains  Schutz,  Maynard  and  Goodriche,  be- 
fides  fubalterns.  Colonel  Webfter,  an  officer  of 
diftinguifhed  reputation,  died  ol  his  wounds,  to 
the  great  injury  of  the  fervice,  and  the  univerfal 
regret    of    the   royal    army.      Brigadier-generals 

OTIara 


(        222        ) 

O'Hara  and  Howard,  and  lieutenant-colonel  Tar- 
leton,  with  feveral  other  officers,  were  wounded. 

About  three  hundred  of  the  continentals  and 
one  hundred  of  the  Virginia  milit'm  were  killed 
and  wounded,  among  the  former  was  major  An- 
derfon,  of  the  Maryland  line,  a  valuable  officer, 
and  the  fame  who  behaved  fo  well  in  general 
Gates's  defeat.  Among  the  latter  were  general 
Huger  and  general  Stevens.  The  early  eti  it 
of  the  North-Carolinians  faved  them  from  much 
lofs.  Though  the  Americans  had  fewer  killed 
and  wounded  than  the  Br'.tiih,  yet  their  army 
fuftained  a  greater  diminution  by  the  numerous 
fugitives  from  the  militia,  who  no  more  re-joined 
the  camp.  Lord  Cornwallis  fuffered  fo  feverclv, 
that  he  was  in  no  condition  to  improve  the  ad- 
vantage he  had  gained.  The  Britifh  had  only 
the  name,'  the  Americans  all  the  good  confe- 
quences  of  a  victory.  General  Greene  retreated, 
and  lord  Cornwallis  kept  the  field  ;  but,  notwith- 
standing, the  Britifh  interefl,  in  North-Carolina, 
was  ruined  by  this  action.  Three  days  after  the 
battle  lord  Cornwallis  ivTned  a  proclamation,  fet- 
ting  forth  his  complete  victory,  and  calling  on  all 
loyal  fubjects  to  (land  forth,  and  take  an  active 
part  in  reftoring  good  order  and  government; 
and  offering  a  pardon  and  protection  to  all  rebels, 
murderers  excepted,  who  would  furrender  them- 
felves  on  or  before  the  twentieth  day  of  April. ff 
On  the  day  on  which  this  proclamation  was  iffued, 

his 
if  Sec  note  xxxi. 


(       223       ) 

his  lordfhip  left  his  hofpital  and  feventy-fivc 
wounded  men  with  the  numerous  loyalifts  in  the 
vicinity  of  Guilford,  and  began  a  march  to- 
wards the  fea-coaft,  which  had  the  appearance 
of  a  retreat.  Thirteen  days  before  the  expirati- 
on of  this  act  of  grace  he  had  reached  his  fhip- 
ping  at  Wilmington,  all  the  upper  country  re- 
maining in  the  power  of  general  Greene's  army. 
Amnefties  in  civil  wars,  net  only  mew  the  greateff. 
generofity,  but  are  productive  of  the  bed  conie- 
quences  when  they  follow  great  fucceflcs,  and 
are  iilued  by  the  power  that  has  gained  a  decided 
fuperiority.  The  prefent  was  introduced  with 
a  recital  to  this  purpole  ;  but  the  well-known 
fituation  of  the  conquerors  induced  even  their 
friends  to  believe,  that  their  difpofition  to  re- 
ceive protection  and  afiiitance  from  the  rovalifts 
of  North-Carolina  far  exceeded  their  abilities  to 
extend  it  to  them.  Much  in  particular  was  ex- 
pected from  the  numerous  Scotch  Highlanders, 
fettled  at  Crofs-Creek,  who  had  uniformly  op- 
pofed  American  meafures.  Lord  Cornwallis, 
though  he  marched  through  their  fcttlements, 
iound  the  inhabitants,  to  his  great  mortification, 
generally  unwilling  to  give  their  perfonai  fervices 
in  the  field,  and  their  country  poor  and  unable 
to  afford  fupplies  for  his  diftreffed  army.  Gene- 
ral Greene  no  fooner  received  authentick  infor- 
mation of  the  movement  of  lord  Cornwallis,  than 
he  immediately  put  his  army  in  motion  to  follow 
him.  This  puriuit  was  continued  as  far  as  Ram- 
fay's  mill,  on  Deep  River,  with  fuch  rapidity  that 

the 


(       224       ) 

the  American  army  arrived  foon  after  the  depar- 
ture of  the  Britim.  In  this  march  provifions  were 
fo  fcarce,  that  the  American  foidiers  ^leaned  the 
flaughter-pens  of  their  adverfaries,  and  fed  on 
the  garbage  which  in  common  is  the  deftined  re- 
pad  for  turkey-buzzards,  and  other  obfeene  birds. 
After  a  delay  of  near  three  weeks  at  Wilmington, 
the  Britiih  army  marched  from  that  place  by  a 
route  which  left  it  doubtful,  whether  their  inten- 
tion was  to  return  to  South-Carolina  or  to  pro- 
ceed to  Virginia.  Had  his  lordfhip  adopted  the 
firfi  plan,  he  might  have  prolonged  the  fubjeclion 
of  South-Carolina  and  Georgia,  but  his  enter- 
prifing  fpirit  could  not  endure  inaction,  and  he 
had  too  much  pride  to  turn  back.  He  was,  be- 
fides,  induced  to  proceed,  from  an  opinion  that 
folid  operations  in  Virginia  would  be  the  moft 
effectual  plan  for  fecuring  the  royal  conquefls  in 
South-Carolina,  and  effecting  the  fub minion  of 
North-Carolina. 

Lord  Cornwaliis  met  with  no  oppofition  of 
confequence  in  marching  from  Wilmington  to 
Peterfburg.  On  the  twentieth  of  May  he  formed 
a  junction  with  the  Britifh  forces  in  Virginia, 
commanded  by  major-general  Philips  and  briga- 
dier-gcr.eral  Arnold.  Before  and  alter  his  lord- 
fhip's  arrival,  the  royal  army  traverfed  a  great 
part  of  that  (late,  plundering  the  inhabitants,  and 
laying  wafte  the  country.  ss  At  length,  in  the 
clofe   of   the   campaign,    his  lordfhip,    with  the 

force 
s°  See  note  xxxtiv 


(    "-5    ) 

force  under  his  command,  was  furrounded  and 
captured  in  York-Town  ;  events  which  fhall  be 
more  particularly  related  in  the  next  chapter. 
I  now  follow  the  progrefs  of  the  continental 
army. 

Before  it  was  certainly  known  that  lord 
Cornwallis  had  determined  to  proceed  to  Virgi- 
nia, the  bold  refolution  of  re-commencing  military 
operations  in  South- Carolina  was  formed  by  ge- 
neral Greene.  This  was  one  of  the  times  in 
which  more  is  to  be  done  by  a  wife  plan  of  ope- 
rations than  by  numbers.  Had  the  American 
army  followed  his  lordfhip,  the  fouthern  fcates 
would  have  conceived  themfelves  conquered  ;  for 
their  hopes  and  fears  prevailed  juft  as  the  army 
marched  north  or  fouth.  Though  lord  Corn- 
wallis marched  through  North-Carolina  to  Vinri- 

o  o 

nia,  yet  as  the  American  army  returned  to  South- 
Carolina  the  people  confidered  that  movement  of 
his  lordfhip  more  in  the  light  of  a  retreat  than  a 
conqueft.  Had  general  Greene  retired  before 
lord  Cornwallis,  the  people  would  have  been  dif- 
pirited,  and  many  would  have  joined  the  royal 
army.  Thefe,  with  the  large  reinforcements  lord 
Cornwallis  would  have  received,  not  only  from 
South-Carolina,  but  from  the  Irifh  troops  that 
arrived  in  Charlefton  in  a  few  weeks  r.fter  his 
departure  from  Wilmington,  together  with  his 
having  a  fecure  retreat  into  North-Carolina,  might 
have  faved  his  lordfhip  from  the  cataftrophe  of 
York-Town. 

Vol.  II.  F  f  It 


(       22.6       ) 

It  was  no  fooner  known  in  South-Carolina 
that  lord  Cornwallis  had  left  the  flate  in  purfuit 
of  the  American  army,  than  general  Sumpter, 
who  had  ju(l  recovered  from  his  wound,  collected 
a  force  to  penetrate  into  t.he  heart  of  the  country, 
as  well  with  the  defign  of  diftra&ing  the  views 
of  the  Britilh,  as  of  encouraging  the  friends  of 
independence.  To  this  end,  early  in  February 
1 78 1,  he  croffed  the  Congaree,  and  appeared  in 
force  before  fort  Granby,  and  deftroyed  its  ma- 
gazines. Lord  Rawdon  advanced  from  Camden 
for  the  relief  of  the  pod,  on  which  general  Sump- 
ter retreated  ;  but  immediately  appeared  before 
another  Britiih  pod  near  colonel  Thomfon's.  On 
the  fecond  day  after  this  excurfion,  he  attacked 
and  defeated  an  efcort  convoying  fome  waggons 
and  (lores  from  Charlefton  to  Camden.  Thir- 
teen of  the  Britifh  detachment  were  killed,  and 
fixty-fix  were  taken  prifoners.  The  captured 
flores  were  fent  in  boats  down  the  Congaree  ; 
but  on  their  paflage  they  were  re-taken.  Gene- 
ral Sumpter,  with  three  hundred  and  fifty  horle- 
men,  fwam  acrofs  the  Santee,  and  proceeded 
to  fort  Watfon  at  Wright's  Bluff;  but  on  lord 
Rawdon's  marching  from  Camden  for  its  relief, 
he  retired  to  Black  River.  On  his  return  he  was 
attacked  near  Camden  by  major  Frazer,  at  the 
head  of  a  confiderable  force  of  Britiih  regulars 
and  militia.  The  major  loft  twenty  of  his  men, 
and  was  obliged  to  retreat.  General  Sumpter, 
having  by  this  excurfion,  fatisfied  the  friends  of 
independence  in  the  centre  of  the  flate,  that  their 

caufe 


(     227     ) 

caufe  was  not  defperate,  retired  in  fafety  to  the 
borders  of  North-Carolina.  Hitherto  all  his  en- 
terprizes  had  been  effected  by  volunteers  from 
the  militia ;  but  the  long  continued  fervices  in 
the  field  which  were  required,  pointed  out  the 
propriety  of  a  more  permanent  corps.  General 
Sumpter,  therefore,  in  March  1781,  with  the 
approbation  of  general  Greene,  enlifted  three 
fmali  regiments  of  regular  (late-troops,  to  be 
employed  in  conftant  fervice  for  the  fpace  of  ten 
months.  With  thefe,  and  the  returning  conti- 
nental army,  as  fhall  fhortly  be  related,  the  war 
re-commenced  in  South-Carolina  with  new  vi- 
gour, and  was  carried  on  with  more  regularity. 

General  Greene  having  determined  to  re- 
turn to  South-Carolina,  he  fent  orders  to  general 
Pickens  to  collect  the  militia  of  his  brigade,  and 
to  prevent  fupplies  from  going  to  the  Britilh  gar- 
rifons  at  Ninety-Six  and  Augufta.  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Lee,  with  his  legion,  and  part  of  the 
fecond  Maryland  brigade,  was  ordered  to  ad- 
vance before  the  continental  troops,  to  co-operate 
with  general  Marion. 

About  the  time  that  thefe  preparations  were 
making  to  renew  the  war  in  South-Carolina,  fe- 
venty-fix  exiles,  who  had  been  compelled  to  feek 
refuge  with  general  Marion,  on  the  north  fide  of 
Santee,  re-croffed  that  river,  with  the  bold  defign 
of  re-vifiting  their  own  fettlements.  Some  of 
them  were  from  the  militia  on  the  fea-coft  of 

Carolina 


(       228       ) 

Carolina  to  the  fouthward  of  Charlefton,  and 
others  from  Georgia.  The  firft  commanded  by 
colonel  Harden,  the  latter  by  colonel  Baker. 
On  their  way  they  fell  in  with  about  twenty-five 
of  the  royal  militia  at  Four  Moles,  and  captured 
the  whole  of  them.  The  privates  were  paroled, 
and  their  officers  carried  off.  As  they  marched 
through  the  country,  parties  were  fent  to  the 
houfes  of  the  officers  of  the  royal  militia,  fome 
of  whom  were  taken,  and  others  fled  to  Charlef- 
ton. Colonel  Harden  had  two  or  three  fuccefsful 
fkirmifhes  with  detachments  of  the  Britiih,  but 
his  capital  manoeuvre  was  the  furprize  of  fort 
Balfour,  at  Pokataligo.  By  his  addrefs  and  good 
management  in  this  enterprize  three  Britifh  colo- 
nels of  militia,  Fenwick,  Lechmere,  and  Relfal, 
with  thirty-two  regular  dragoons,  and  fifty-fix 
privates  of  the  royal  militia,  furrendered  on  the 
twelfth  of  April  1781,  to  this  handful  of  return- 
ing exiles,  without  any  lofs  on  their  part.  Colo- 
nel Harden  had  his  party  coniiderably  increafed 
by  daily  accefiions  of  the  people  inhabiting  the 
fouthern  iea-coafr.  of  Carolina.  With  their  aid 
he  prolecuted,  in  that  part  of  the  ftate,  the  fame 
fuccefsful  plan  of  oppofition  to  the  Britifh  which 
was  begun  much  earlier  in  the  north-weflern  and 
north-eaflern  extremities  under  the  aufpiccs  of 
his  gallant  co-adjutors  Sumpter  and  Marion. 

On  the  feventh  of  April  general  Greene  march- 
ed, with  the  main  army,  from  Deep  River,  in 
North- Carolina,   towards  Camden.     The  Britifh 

were 


(       229       ) 

were  no  lefs  alarmed  than  furprized  when  they 
heard  that  lieutenant-colonel  Lee  had  penetrated 
through  the  country,  and  in  eight  days  effected 
a  junction  with  general  Marion  near  the  Santee, 
and  that  the  main  body  of  the  Americans  en- 
camped on  the  nineteenth  of  April  before  Cam- 
den. To  fecure  the  provifions  that  grow  on  the 
fertile  banks  of  the  Santee  and  Congaree  rivers, 
the  Britifti  had  erected  a  chain  of  polls  in  their 
vicinity.  One  of  the  mod  important  of  thefe 
was  on  an  eminence,  known  by  the  name  of 
Wright's  Bluff,  and  called  fort  Watfon.  This 
was  clofely  inverted  on  the  fifteenth  of  April 
1781  by  about  eighty  militiamen  under  general 
Marion,  and  by  the  continentals  commanded  by 
lieutenant-colonel  Lee.  Neither  party  had  any 
other  means  of  annoyance  or  defence  but  muf- 
ketry.  Though  the  ground  on  which  the  fort 
flood  was  an  Indian  mount,  thirty  or  forty  feet 
high,  yet  the  befiegers,  under  the  direction  of 
colonel  Maham,  erected,  in  a  few  days  on  an 
unufual  plan,  a  work  much  higher.  From  this 
eminence  the  American  riflemen  fired  into  the 
fort  with  fuch  execution,  that  the  befieged  durfl 
not  ihew  themfelves.  On  the  twenty-third  the 
garrifon,  confiding  of  one  hundred  and  fourteen 
men,  commanded  by  lieutenant  M'Kay,  furren- 
dered  by  capitulation. 

Camden,  before  which  the  main  army  was 
encamped,  is  a  village  fituated  on  a  plain  covered 
on  the  fouth  and  eaft  fides  by  the  "Wateree,  and 

a 


(     23°     ) 

a  creek  which  empties  itfelf  into  that  river.  On 
the  weftern  and  northern  by  fix  ftrong  redoubts. 
It  was  defended  by  lord  Rawdon  with  about  nine 
hundred  men.  The  American  army,  confifting 
of  about  feven  hundred  continentals,  was  unequal 
to  the  tafk  of  carrying  this  pod  by  florin,  or  of 
completely  invehVmg  it.  The  general  therefore 
took  a  good  pofition  at  Hobkirk's  hill,  about  a 
mile  diftant,  in  expectation  of  favourable  events, 
and  with  a  view  of  alluring  the  garrifon  out  of 
their  lines.  Lord  Rawdon  armed  his  muficians, 
drummers,  and  every  thing  that  could  carry  a 
firelock,  and  with  great  fpirit  filiied  on  the  twen- 
ty-fifth. An  engagement  enfued.  Victory  for 
fome  time  very  evidently  inclined  to  the  fide  of 
the  Americans  ;  but,  in  the  progreis  of  the  acti- 
on, the  fortune  of  the  day  was  changed,  and  the 
Britifh  kept  the  field.  Lieutenant-colonel  Wafh- 
ington  was  ordered  to  turn  the  right  flank  of  the 
Britifh,  and  to  charge  in  their  rear.  While  he 
executed  this  order,  he  was  lb  confident  of  the 
fuccefs  of  the  main  army,  that  he  divided  his 
men  into  fmall  parties,  and  made  them  take  fuch 
pofitions  as  he  thought  moft  eligible  for  intercept- 
ing the  fugitives  on  their  retreat  to  Camden.  At 
one  time  he  had  in  his  pofiefiion  upwards  of  two 
hundred  ;  but  he  relinquished  the  greateft  part 
of  them  on  feeing  the  American  army  retreat. 
On  this  unexpected  reverfe  of  fortune  he  paroled 
the  officers  on  the  field  of  battle — collected  his 
men — wheeled  round — and  made  his  retreat  good, 
with  the  lofs  of  three  men,  and  at  the  fame  time 

brought 


(     *3*     ) 

brought  off  near  fifty  prifoners.  In  this  action 
the  lofs  of  the  Americans  in  killed,  wounded 
and  miffing,  was  about  two  hundred.1,11  The 
Britifh  had  one  officer  killed,  and  eleven  taken 
prifoners.  General  Greene  retreated,  in  good 
order,  with  his  artillery  and  baggage,  to  Gun 
Swamp,  about  five  miles  from  the  place  of  action. 
In  the  evening  after  this  action  lieutenant-colonel 
Wafnington  marched  with  fifty  men  of  the  ca- 
valry within  a  mile  of  the  Britifh  army,  and  after 
fending  forward  a  fmall  party,  concealed  his  prin- 
cipal force  in  the  woods. '  As  foon  as  the  ad- 
vanced fmall  party  was  difcovered,  major  Coffin, 
at  the  head  of  about  forty  of  the  Irifh  volunteers, 
purfued  them  a  confiderable  diflance.  After  the 
Britifh  party  had  paffed  the  American  cavalry 
which  was  concealed,  the  latter  rufhed  from  the 
woods,  and  charged  them  fo  brifkly  in  the  rear, 
that  they  loft  upwards  of  twenty  of  their  number* 

Very  foon  after  the  action  on  the  twenty-fifth 
of  April,  general  Greene,  knowing  that  the 
Britifh  garrifon  could  not  fubfift  long  in  Camden 
without  frefh  fupplies  from  Charleston  or  the 
country,  detached  a  reinforcement  to  general 
Marion  on  the  road  to  Nelfon's  ferry,  and,  on 
the  third  of  May.,  crofted  the  Wateree,  and  took 
occafionally  fuch  pofitions  as  would  moft  effectu- 
ally prevent  fuccours  from  going  into  the  town 
from  that  quarter.  On  the  feventh  of  May  lord 
Rawdon  received  a  confiderable  reinforcement  by 

the 
hh  See  note  xxxiir. 


(   *32   ) 

the  arrival  of  the  detachment  under  lieutenant- 
colonel  Watfon.  With  this  increaie  of  force  he 
attempted,  on  the  day  following,  to  compel  ge- 
neral Greene  to  another  a&ion,  but  foon  found 
that  this  was  impracticable.  Failing  in  his  defign, 
he  returned  to  Camden,  and  on  the  tenth  burned 
the  gaol,  mills,  many  private  houfes,  and  a  great 
deal  of  his  own  baggage — evacuated  the  poll — 
and  retired  with  his  whole  army  to  the  fouth  of 
the  Santee,  leaving  about  thirty  of  his  own  Tick 
and  wounded,  and  as  many  of  the  Americans, 
who,  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  April,  had  fallen  into 
his  hands.  Lord  Rawdon  difcovered  as  great 
prudence  in  this  evacuation  of  Camden  as  he  had 
fhewn  bravery  in  its  defence.  The  fall  of  fort 
Watfon  broke  the  chain  of  communication  with 
Charieflon,  and  the  pofitions  of  the  American 
army  intercepted  all  fupplies  from  the  country. 
The  return  of  general  Greene  to  the  fouthward 
being  unexpected,  the  (lores  of  the  garrifon  were 
not  provided  for  a  fiege.  Lord  Rawdon  had  the 
honour  of  faving  his  men,  though  he  loft  the 
poft,  the  country,  and  the  confidence  of  the  to- 
nes. He  offered  every  affiftance  in  his  power  to 
the  friends  of  Britilh  government  who  would  ac- 
company him  ;  but  it  was  a  hard  alternative  to 
the  new-made  fubjeds,  to  be  obliged  to  abandon 
their  property,  or  to  be  left  at  the  mercy  of  their 
exafperated  countrymen.  Several  families  never- 
thelefs  accompanied  his  lordfhip.  Thefe  were 
cruelly  neglected  after  their  arrival  in  Charieflon. 
They  built  themfelves  huts  without  the  works. 

Their 


( .   233     ) 

Their  fettlement  was  called  llawdon-Town,  which, 
from  its  poverty  and  wretchednefs,  became  a 
term  of  reproach.  Many  women  and  children, 
who  lived  comfortably  on  their  farms  near  Cam- 
den, ioon  died  of  want  in  thefe  their  new  habita- 
tions. 

This  evacuation  animated  the  friends  of  Con- 
grefs,  and  gave  a  very  general  alarm  to  the  Bri- 
tain. The  former  had  been  called  upon  for  their 
perfonal  fervices,  to  a/lift  in  regaining  the  country, 
but  were  diiheartened  by  the  repulfe  of  general 
Greene  from  bciore  Camden;  but,  from  the  mo- 
ment that  lord  Rawdon  evacuated  this  place,  their 
numbers  daily  increafcd,  and  the  Britiih  ports 
fell  in  quick  fucceiiion.  On  the  day  after  the. 
evacuation  of  Camden,  the  garriibn  of  Orange- 
burgh,  confiding  of  ftventy  Britiih  militia,  and 
twelve  regulars,  furrendered  to  general  Sumpter. 
The  next  day  fort  Motte  capitulated.  After  the 
furrender  of  fort  Watfon,  general  Marlon  and 
lieutenant-colonel  Lee  crofled  the  Santee,  and 
moved  up  to  this  poll,  which  lies  above  the 
Fork  on  the  fouth  fide  of  the  Congaree,  where 
they  arrived  on  the  eighth  of  May.  The  ap- 
proaches were  carried  on  fo  rapidly  that  a  houfe 
in  the  centre  of  the  fort  was  fet  on  fire  the  fourth 
day  after  they  began  the  entrenchments,  and 
the  garrifon,  which  confided  of  one  hundred  and 
fixty-hve  men,  commanded  by  lieutenant  M'Pher- 
icn,  was  compelled,  after  a  brave  defence,  to 
furrender  at  difcretion.     On   this   occafion  mrs. 

Vol,  II.  G  g  Motte 


(     234     ) 

Motte  difplayed  an  eminent  example  of  difintc- 
refted  patriotifm.  The  Britilh  had  built  their 
works  round  her  dwellinghoufe,  on  which  me 
removed  to  a  neighbouring  hut.  When  fhe  was 
informed  that  firing  the  houfe  was  the  eafieft 
mode  of  reducing  the  garrifon,  fhe  prefented  the 
befiegers  with  a  quiver  of  African  arrows,  to  be 
employed  for  that  purpofe.  Skewers  armed  with 
combuftible  materials  were  alfo  ufed,  and  with 
more  effect.  Succefs  foon  crowned  thefe  expe- 
riments, and  her  joy  was  inexpreffible  that  the 
reduction  of  the  poft  was  expedited,  though  at 
the  expence  of  her  property.  Two  days  after 
this  furrender,  the  Britifh  evacuated  their  poll  at 
Nelfon's  ferry — blew  up  their  fortifications — and 
deftroyed  a  great  part  of  their  ftores.  The  day 
following,  fort  Granby,  near  Friday's  ferry,  about 
thirty  miles  to  the  weftward  of  fort  Motte,  fur- 
rendered  by  capitulation.  Very  advantageous 
terms  were  given  by  the  affailants  in  confequence 
of  information  that  lord  Rawdon  was  marching: 
to  its  relief.  This  was  a  poft  of  more  confe- 
quence than  the  others,  and  might  have  been 
better  defended  j  but  the  offer  of  fecurity  to  the 
baggage  of  the  garrifon,  in  which  was  included 
an  immenle  quantity  of  plunder,  haftened  the 
furrender.  For  fome  time  before  it  had  been 
greatly  haraffed  by  colonel  Taylor's  regiment  of 
militia,  and  had  alfo  been  inverted  by  general 
Sumpter.  On  the  night  of  the  fourteenth  of 
May,  lieutenant-colonel  Lee  erected  a  battery 
within  fix  hundred  yards   of  its  out-works,  on 

which 


C     *35     ) 

which  he  mounted  a  fix-pounder.  After  the 
third  difcharge  from  this  field-piece,  major  Max- 
well capitulated.  His  force  confifted  of  three 
hundred  and  fifty-two  men,  a  great  part  of  whom 
were  royal  militia.  His  works  were  a  parapet 
round  a  houfe,  defended  by  four  baftions,  a  fofTe 
and  abbatis,  with  two  pieces  of  artillery.  In 
thefe  feveral  forts  a  confiderable  quantity  of  va- 
luable (lores  fell  into  the  pofleffion  of  the  Ame- 
ricans. Lord  Rawdon,  having  retreated  towards 
Charlefton  by  the  way  of  Nelfon's  ferry,  marched 
up  the  Santee  to  relieve  major  Maxwell  ;  but, 
after  he  had  advanced  fourteen  miles,  he  met 
the  garrifon  in  the  character  of  prifoners,  on 
which  he  immediately  retired.  General  Marion, 
with  his  brigade  of  militia,  marched  to  George- 
Town,  and  began  regular  approaches  againft  the 
Britifh  poft  in  that  place.  On  the  fir  ft  night  after 
the  Americans  had  broken  ground,  their  adver- 
faries  evacuated  their  works,  and  retreated  to 
Charlefton.  In  a  fhort  time  after  this  evacuation 
one  Manfon,  an  inhabitant  of  the  country  who 
had  joined  the  Britifh,  appeared  in  an  armed  vef- 
fel  before  George-Town,  and  demanded  permim- 
on  for  his  men  to  land.  This  being  refufed  by 
a  fmall  party  of  American  militia,  he  fent  a  few 
of  his  men  afhore,  under  cover  of  his  guns,  and 
fet  fire  to  fome  of  the  houfes  next  to  the  water. 
He  then  directed  his  crew  to  fire  at  the  burning 
houfes,  in  fuch  a  direction  as  prevented  the  inha- 
bitants from  either  extinguiihing  the  flames  or 
removing  their  property.     Forty-two  houfes,  in 

this 


(     »J6     ) 

this  flourifhing  town,  were,  on  this  occafion,  re- 
duced to  allies. 

In  the  rapid  manner  juft  related  the  Britiih  loft 
fix  polls,  and  abandoned  all  the  north-eaftern  ex- 
tremities of  the  flatc.  They  (fill  retained  pof- 
feflion  of  Ninety-Six  in  South-Carolina,  and 
Augufta  in  Georgia  ;  the  reduction  of  thefe  pods 
was  the  next  object  with  the  Americans. 

As  the  affairs  in  the  upper  country,  on  the 
Georgia  and  Carolina  fide  of  the  river  Savannah, 
were  unconnected  with  the  tran factions  of  that 
part  of  the  (fate  which  adjoins  North-Carolina, 
they  now  require  a  particular  detail. 

After  the  fucccffes  of  the  royal  army,  the  de- 
termined friends  of  America,   in  the  upper  coun- 
try o<f  Georgia,  lied  over  the  mountains,  or  over 
the  river  Savannah,  to  the  more  northerly  ffates. 
Great  numbers,  both  there  and  on   the  Carolina 
fide,  fubmitted  to  the  conquerors.     The  inhabi- 
tants of  the  latter  obtained   verv  generous   terms 
of:    capitulation,    in    confequence  of  which   they 
thought  themfelves  fecured  in   their  perfons   and 
property  ;  but  the  rapine,  and  impoliticly  conduce 
or  the   Britifh   in   compelling   the  inhabitants   to 
take  up  arms  againft  their  countrymen,  very  foon 
produced  a  thorough   difpofition   to   revolt.     As 
the  Britiih  collected  their  force  to   purfue   their 
intended  northern  conquefts,  they  left  this  part 
of  the  country  with  a  feeble  garrifon.     Colonel 

Clark, 


(     *37     ) 

Clark,  a  refugee  from  Georgia,  took  advantage 
of  thefe  incidents,  and,   at   the  head   of  a  party 
of   exiles,    returned    to    Georgia    in    September 
1780,    and   laid   'fiege   to   Augufta.     Lieutenant- 
colonel    Cruger,    with    a    detachment    from    the 
Britifh   garrifon   at  Ninety-Six,   marched  to  the 
relief   of    colonel  Brown,    commanding   in   Au- 
gufta.    By   their  joint  exertions   this   premature 
infurrection  was  foon  quelled.     Clark  was  obliged 
to  flee,  and  thofe  of  his  adherents,  who  fell  into 
the    hands   of    colonel   Brown,    experienced   the 
fevc-reft  confequences  of  their  ill-timed  enterprize. 
Oppofition,  though  checked  by  this  want  of  fuc- 
cefs,    was     not     extinguifhed.      Parties,     arming 
themfelves    againfl    the    Britifh,    daily    increafed 
in  the  extremities  of  the   ftate.     This  was  done 
in  different  places,  without  any  concert  between 
the  people,  and  often  without  any  knowledge   of 
each    other's    motions    or    intentions.      Captain 
M'Koy  collected  a  few  bold  adventurers,  and  took 
feveral  pofitions  on  the  banks   of  the  Savannah, 
from  which  he  frequently  fallied,  and  made  prize 
of  boats  going  up  the  river  with  fupplies  for  the 
garrifon  at  Augufta.     After  fome  captures  of  this 
kind,  colonel  Brown  detached  lieutenant  Kemp, 
with  twenty-five  regulars,  and  twenty  militiamen, 
to    attack  him.     Captain    M'Koy   engaged  them 
near  Matthew's  Bluff,   killed  the  officer  and   fif- 
teen privates,  and  difperfed  the  remainder.     Soon 
after  this  colonel  Brown  marched  with  a  hundred 
Indians  and  the  greatest  part  of  his  whole  force 
to   drive  him  from  his   ufual   ftations.     Colonel 

Harden, 


(     '38     > 

Harden,  with  fome  of  the  adjacent  American 
militia,  who  had  lately  revolted  from  their  con- 
querors, joined  M'Koy  in  this  hour  of  diitrefs  ; 
but  their  combined  force  was  defeated,  and,  for 
a  little  time,  their  followers  were  difperfed.  Af- 
ter thefe  advantages  the  royal  conquerors  laid 
wade  the  fcttlements  on  the  banks  of  Savannah 
river  for  forty  miles  up  and  down,  and  for  feve- 
ral  miles  acrofs  the  country.  They  dripped  the 
inhabitants,  both  men  and  women,  of  their 
clothes — turned  them  out  of  doors  in  the  midfl 
of  winter — and  then  fet  fire, to  their  houles.  Not- 
withflanding  all  thefe  feverities,  captain  M'Koy 
foon  returned  to  his  old  ftation,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Savannah,  and  had  the  addrefs  to  keep 
together  a  party  furlicient  to  intercept  fupplies 
going  up  the  river  to  the  Britilh  garrifon  at  Au- 
gufta.  I  now  return  to  trace  the  progrefs  of  the 
continental  army. 

Agreeably  to  a  plan  fettled  at  Deep  River, 
when  the  refolution  was  formed  of  returning  to 
South-Carolina,  general  Pickens  and  colonel 
Clark,  with  a  body  of  militia,  had  for  fome 
time  continued  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Auguf- 
ta.  Lieutenant-colonel  Lee,  the  day  after  the 
furrender  of  fort  Granby,  began  his  march  for 
that  place,  and  in  four  days  completed  it.  Fort 
Galphin,  on  the  Carolina  fide  of  the  Savannah 
river,  with  feventy  men,  a  field-piece,  and  valua- 
ble (tores,  were  furrcndered  to  a  detachment  of 
lieutenant-colonel  Lee's  legion,  under  captain  Ru- 
dolph, 


(     239     ) 

dolph.  Lieutenant-colonel  Grierfon,  with  fome 
Britifh  militia,  occupied  a  ieparate  out-work,  de- 
pendent on  the  main  fort  at  Augufta.  This  pofi 
he  relinquifhed,  with  the  view  of  throwing  his 
force  into  fort  Cornwallis,  where  colonel  Brown 
commanded.  In  attempting  his  retreat  he  had 
above  thirty  of  his  men  killed  and  wounded,  and 
a  greater  number  taken  prifoners  ;  but  the  colo- 
nel, with  a  few  of  his  followers,  were  fo  fortu- 
nate as  to  efcape.  There  was  now  but  one  ob- 
ject, againft  which  the  approaches  were  concluded 
with  great  judgment  and  rapidity,  but  no  advan- 
tage could  be  gained  over  the  vigilant  and  brave 
colonel  Brown,  In  the  courfe  of  the  fiege  feve- 
ral  batteries,  two  of  which  were  within  thirty 
yards  of  the  parapet,  were  erecled,  which  over- 
looked the  fort.  From  thefe  eminences  the  Ame- 
rican riflemen  fhot  into  the  in  fide  of  the  works 
with  fuccefs.  The  garrifon  buried  themfelves  in 
a  great  meafure  under  ground,  and  obftinately 
refufed  to  furrender  till  the  neceflity  was  fo  prefix- 
ing, that  every  man,  who  attempted  to  fire  upon 
the  befiegers,  was  immediately  fhot  down.  On 
the  fifth  of  June  178 1  the  fort,  with  about  three 
hundred  men,  after  a  gallant  defence,  furrender- 
ed  by  capitulation. "  The  Americans,  during 
the  fiege,  had  about  forty  killed  and  wounded  ; 
among  the  former  was  the  brave  major  Eaton. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Grierfon,  who  was  greatly 
obnoxious  to  the  Americans,  was,  after  his  fur- 
render,  by  fome  unfeen  markfman,  put  to  death. 

A 
"  See  note  xxxiv. 


(       240       ) 

A  reward  of  a  hundred  guineas  was  offered^  but 
in  vain,  for  the  perpetrator  of  this  perfidious 
deed.  Lieutenant-colonel  Brown  would  proba- 
bly have  fhared  the  fame  fate,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  generofity  of  his  conquerors,  who  fur- 
niflied  him  with  an  efcort  to  the  royal  gairiibn  in 
Savannah.  Though  he  had  lately  hanged  thir- 
teen American  prifoners,  and  delivered  to  the 
Indians  fome  of  the  citizens  of  the  country,  who 
fufFered  from  their  hands  all  the  tortures  which 
favage  barbarity  has  contrived  to  add  poignancy 
to  the  pains  of  death,  yet  his  conquerors,  no  lefs 
generous  than  brave,  faved  him  from  the  fate  he 
had  fo  much  reafon  to  expect.  On  his  way  to 
Savannah  he  had  to  pafs  through  the  inhabitants 
whole  houfes  he  had  lately  burned,  and  whole 
relations  he  had  recently  hanged.  At  Silver-BlufF 
mrs.  M'Koy,  having  obtained  leave  of  the  Ame- 
rican officer  who  commanded  his  fafe-guard  to 
fpeak  with  him,  addrefled  him  in  words  to  the 
following  effect  : 

'  Colonel  Brown,   in  the  late   day  of  your 

*  proiperity,  I  vifited  your  camp,  and  on  my  knees 
'  ilipplicated  for  the  life  of  my  Ion,  but  you  were 
'  deaf  to  my  entreaties.  You  hanged  him,  though 
?  a  beardieis  youth,  bciore  my  face.  Thcfe  eyes 
4  have   feen  him   fcalped   by  the    lavages    under 

*  your  immediate  command,  and  ior  no  better 
'  reafon  than  that  his  name  was,  M'Koy.  As 
'  you  are  now  prifoner  to  the  leaders  of  my  coun- 
6  try,   for  the  prefent  I  lay  afide  all  thoughts  of 

c  revenge  f 


(       24t       ) 

*  revenge  ;  but  when  you  refume  your  fword,   1 

*  will  go  rive  hundred  miles,  to  demand  fatisfadti- 

*  on,  at  the  point  of  it,  for  the  murder  of  my  fon.' 

While  thefe  operations  were  carrying  on 
againft  the  fmall  pofts,  general  Greene  proceeded 
with  the  main  army  to  Ninety-Six.  This  place.; 
being  of  much  more  confequence  than  the  others^ 
was  defended  by  a  confiderable  force.  Lieute- 
nant-colonel Cruger  commanded  in  the  garrifon. 
He,  with  the  officers  and  men  under  his  orders, 
conducted  their  defence  with  great  bravery  and 
judgment.  Major  Green,  in  particular,  acquired 
diftinguifhed  reputation  by  his  fpirited  and  judi- 
cious conduct  in  defending  the  redoubt  againft 
which  the  Americans  made  their  principal  efforts. 

On  the  left  of  the  befiegers  was  a  work  erected 
in  the  form  of  a  ftar  ;  on  the  right  was  a  ftrong 
ftockade-fort,  with  two  block-houfes  in  it.  The 
town,  flanked  by  thefe  two  works,  was  alfo  pic- 
quetted  in  with  ftrong  picqucts,  and  furrcunded 
with  a  ditch,  and  a  bank  near  the  height  of  a 
common  parapet.  There  were  alfo  feveral  fluffier 
in  different  parts  of  the  town,  and  all  the  works 
communicated  with  each  other  by  covered  ways. 
On  the  twenty-third  of  May  1781,  the  main  bo- 
dy of  the  American  army  encamped  in  a  wood 
within  half  a  mile  of  Ninety-Six,  and,  on  that 
night,  threw  up  two  flumes  within  one  hundred 
and  fifty  yards  of  the  ftar  fort.  The  next  morn- 
ing the  enemy  made  a  fally,  and  being  fupported 

Vol.  II.  H  h  bv 


(       242       ) 

by  the  artillery  and  mulketry  from  the  parapet 
of  the  flar  redoubt,  drove  the  befiegers  from, 
them.  The  next  night  two  ftrong  block  batteries 
were  erected  at  the  diftance  of  three  hundred  and 
fifty  yards,  which  were  opened  in  the  morning. 
Another  battery  twenty  feet  high,  ere&ed  within 
two  hundred  and  twenty  yards,  was  finifhed  in  a 
few  days,  and  foon  afterwards  another  of  the 
fame  heieht  was  erected  within  one  hundred 
yards  of  the  main  fort.  Approaches  were  gra- 
dually carried  on  at  the  fame  time  againil  the  re- 
doubt on  their  left.  Colonel  Kozinfco,  a  young 
gentleman  of  diftindYion  from  Poland,  fuperin- 
tended  the  operations  of  the  befiegers,  and,  by 
his  affiduity  and  firmnefs,  promoted  the  bufinefs 
with  fuch  expedition,  that,  though  the  ground 
was  exceffively  hard,  and  the  fituation  extremely 
unfavourable,  on  the  fourteenth  of  May  a  third 
parallel,  within  thirty  yards  of  the  ditch,  was 
completed,  and  a  rifle-battery,  upwards  of  thirty 
feet  high,  eredfced  at  the  fame  diftance.  On  the 
feventeenth  the  abbatis  was  turned,  and  two 
trenches  and  a  mine  were  extended,  fo  as  to  be 
within  fix  feet  of  the  ditch.  Few  fieges  afford 
greater  inftances  of  perfeverance  and  intrepidity 
than  were  exhibited  on  this  occafion  by  the  be- 
fiegers and  befieged.  Riflemen  were  employed 
on  both  fides,  who  immediately  levelled  at  every 
perfon  who  appeared  in  fight,  and  very  feldom 
miffed  their  object.  Various  fuccefs  attended 
the  conflicts  between  the  feveral  covering  parties 
of  the  workmen,  and  thofe  who  repeatedly  fal- 
lied  from  the  garrifon.  On 


(     243     ) 

On  the  third  of  June,  twelve  days  after  the 
commencement  of  this  fiege,  a  fleet  arrived  at 
Charlefton  from  Ireland,  having  on  board  the 
third,  nineteenth  and  thirtieth  regiments  of  his 
Britannick  majefty,  a  detachment  from  the  guards, 
and  a  confiderable  body  of  recruits,  the  whole 
commanded  by  lieutenant-colonel  Gould.  Earl 
Cornwaliis  had  given  permiflion  to  the  command- 
ers of  the  Britifh  forces  in  South- Carolina,  to 
detain  thefe  reinforcements  if  they  conceived 
that  the  fervice  of  his  Britannick  majefty  requir- 
ed it ;  otherwiie  they  were  to  be  fent  forward  to 
join  his  lord/hip.  On  the  feventh  of  June  1781, 
lord  Rawdon  marched  from  Charleflon,  with 
thefe  newly  arrived  troops,  for  the  relief  of  the 
garrifon  at  Ninety-Six.  Great  were  the  difficul- 
ties they  had  to  encounter,  in  rapidly  marching 
under  the  rage  of  a  burning  fun  through  the 
whole  extent  of  South-Carolina ;  but  much 
greater  was  their  aftoniihment  at  being  informed, 
that  their  fervices  in  the  field  were  neoeflary  to 
oppofe  the  yet  unfubdued  rebels  in  the  province. 
They  had  been  amufed  with  hopes,  that  nothing 
remained  for  them  to  do,  but  to  fit  down  as 
fettlers  on  the  forfeited  lands  of  a  conquered 
country. 

The  American  army  had  advanced  their  ap- 
proaches very  near  that  critical  point,  after  which 
farther  refiftance  on  the  part  of  the  garrifon 
would  have  been  temerity.  At  this  intcrefting 
moment  intelligence  was  received,  that  lord  Raw- 
don 


(     244     ) 

don  was  near  at  hand,  with  a  reinforcement  of 
about  two  thoufand  men.  An  American  lady, 
who  had  lately  married  an  officer  then  in  the 
Britiih  garrifon  of  Ninety-Six,  had  been  bribed 
by  a  large  mm  of  money  to  convey  a  letter  to 
lieutenant-colonel  Cruger  with  the  welcome  news 
of  their  approach.  Attempts  had  beeir  made  to 
retard  their  march,  but  without  the  defired  effecT:. 
Their  vicinity  made  it  neeeffary,  either  to  raife 
the  liege,  or  attempt  the  reduction  of  the  place 
by  a  coup-de-main.  The  laft  was  agreed  upon, 
and  the  neeeffary  difpofitions  made  on  the  eigh- 
teenth of  June.  Lieutenant-colonel  Lee,  with  his 
legion  infantry,  and  captain  Kirkwood's  light- 
infantry,  made  the  attack  on  the  right.  Lieute- 
nant-colonel Campbell,  with  the  firfr.  Maryland 
and  iirfl  Virginia  regiments,  were  to  have  flormed 
the  ftar  redoubt,  the  ditch  of  which  was  eight  or 
nine  feet  deep,  the  parapet  eleven  or  twelve  feet 
high,  and  raifed  with  land-bags  near  three  feet 
more.  The  forlorn  hopes  were  led  on  by  lieute- 
nants Duval  and  Sheldon,  and  were  followed  by 
a  party  with  hooks  and  entrenching-tools  to  pull 
down  the  fand-bags,  and  reduce  the  parapet, 
Had  this  been  effected,  the  befieged  could  not 
have  annoyed  the  affailants  without  expofing 
themfelves  to  the  American  markfmen.  The  ar- 
tillery foon  made  fufficient  breaches  on  the  forti- 
fied redoubt  on  the  right  for  the  infantry,  under 
the  command  of  lieutenant-colonel  Lee,  to  affault 
the  garrifon.  It  was  therefore  abandoned,  and 
they  took  poffeflion  without  lols.     On  the  left  the 

Htmofl 


(     *45     ) 

utmod  exertions  of  refolution  and  fortitude  were 
difplayed,  but  failed  of  fuccefs.  The  parties  led 
on  by  Duval  and  Sheldon  entered  the  ditch,  and, 
though  galled  by  an  inceffant  fire,  made  every 
effort  to  get  down  the  fand-bags.  Both  thefe 
gallant  officers  were  wounded,  and  not  more  than 
one  in  fix  of  their  party  efcaped.  The  near  ap- 
proach of  lord  Rawdon,  and  the  uncertainty  of 
final  fuccefs,  induced  general  Greene  to  raife  the 
fiege  and  to  retreat  over  the  Saluda,  after  having 
loft  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men. kk 

Truly  diftreffing  was  the  fituation  of  the  Ame- 
rican army.  When  in  the  grafp  of  victory,  to  be 
obliged  to  expofe  themfclves  to  the  dangers  of 
an  hazardous  affault,  and  afterwards  to  abandon 
the  fiege.  When  they  were  nearly  mailers  of 
the  whole  country,  to  be  compelled  to  retreat  to 
its  extremity.  After  fubduing  the  greateft  part 
of  the  force  lately  oppofed  to  them,  to  be  under 
the  neceffity  of  encountering  ftill  greater  rein- 
forcements, when  their  remote  fituation  precluded 
them  from  the  hope  of  receiving  a  fingle  recruit. 
In  this  gloomy  fituation  there  were  not  wanting 
perfons  who  advifed  general  Greene  to  leave  the 
ftate,  and  retire  with  his  remaining  force  to  Vir^ 
ginia.  To  arguments  and  fuggeftions  of  this 
kind  he  nobly  replied,  '  I  will  recover  the  coun- 
'  try,  or  die  in  the  attempt.'  This  diftinguifhed 
officer,  whole  genius  was  moil  vigorous  in  thofe 
perilous  extremities,  when  feeble  minds  abandon 

themfelves 
kk  See  note  xxxv. 


(     ^46     ) 

themfelves  to  defpair,  adopted  the  only  refource 
now  left  him,  of  avoiding  an  engagement  till  the 
Britiih  force  mould  be  divided. 

Lord  Rawdon,  who  by  rapid  marches  was 
very  near  Ninety-Six  at  the  time  of  the  aflault, 
purfued  general  Greene  as  far  as  the  Enoree  ; 
but  finding  it  impoffible  to  overtake  the  light 
retreating  American  army,  and  fuppofing  that 
they  had  gone  to  North-Carolina  or  Virginia,  his 
lordfhip  confoled  himfdf  with  the  imaginary  ad- 
vantage of  having  driven  the  rebels  out  of  the 
country.  On  this  occafion  general  Pickens  ex- 
hibited an  illuftrious  inftance  of  republican  vir- 
tue. When  the  retreat  was  ordered,  the  gene- 
ral's family  and  private  property  was  fent  off  with 
the  baggage  of  the  army.  This  precaution, 
though  wifhed  for  by  all,  and  juftified  on  every 
principle  of  prudence,  gave  an  alarm  to  many 
who  either  had  not  the  fame  means  of  tranfporta- 
tion,  or  who  could  not  have  attended  to  it  with- 
out deferting  the  American  army.  To  encourage 
the  men  to  ftay  in  camp,  and  their  families  to 
remain  on  their  plantations,  general  Pickens  or- 
dered his  family  and  property  back  again  to  his 
houfe  within  twenty  miles  of  the  Britiih  garrifon. 
His  example  faved  the  country  in  the  vicinity 
from  depopulation,  and  the  army  under  general 
Greene  from  fuftaining  a  great  diminution  of 
their  numbers,  by  the  dei'ertion  of  the  militia  to 
take  care  of  their  families. 

The 


(     *47     ) 

The  arrival  of  the  Britifh  reinforcement,  and 
the  fubfequent  retreat  from  Ninety-Six,  induced 
a  general  apprehenfion,  that  the   Britifh  would 
foon  re-eftablifh  the  pofts  they  had  loft  to  the 
fouthward    of   Santee.     The  deflination   of   the 
main  army  under  lord  Cornwallis,  having  been, 
for  fome  time  known,  the  Britifh  commanders 
in  South-Carolina  had  contracted  their  bounda- 
ries to  that  extent  of  country  which  is  in  a  great 
meafure  enclofed  by  the  Santee,   the  Congaree 
and  the  Edifto.    Within  thefe  rivers  lord  Rawdon 
intended  to  confine   his  future  operations,    and 
to  canton  his  forces  in  the  mofl  eligible  pofitions* 
His  lordiliip,  taking  it  for  granted  that  the  Ame- 
ricans had  abandoned  South-Carolina,    refolved, 
upon  his  return  from  purfuing  general   Greene, 
to  divide  his  army,  with  the   intention  of  fixing 
a   detachment   at   the    Congaree ;    but   he  foon 
found  that  his  adverfaries  were  not  difpofed  to 
give  up  the  prize  for  which  they  had  fo  long  con- 
tended.    General  Greene,  on  hearing  that  lord 
Rawdon  had  marched  with  a  part  of  his  force  to 
Congaree,  faced  about  to  give  him  battle.     Lord 
Rawdon,  no  lefs  furprized  than  alarmed  at  tills 
unexpected  movement  of  his  lately  retreating  foe, 
abandoned  the  Congaree  in  two  days  after  his 
arrival    there,     and    retreated    expeditioufly    to 
Orangeburgh.     In  this  pofition  he  was  fecured 
on  one  fide  with  a  river,  and  on  the  other  with 
ftrong  buildings  little  inferior  to  redoubts.     Ge- 
neral   Greene    purfued — encamped    within    live 
miles  of  this  poll — and  offered  him  battle.     His 

iordihip, 


(    M    ) 

lordfhip,  fecure  in  his  ftrong  hold,  would  not 
venture  out,  and  general  Greene  was  too  weak 
to  attack  him  in  his  works  with  any  profpect  of 
fuccefs.  In  the  courfe  of  thefe  movements,  on 
the  fecond  of  July,  captain  Egglefton,  of  lieute- 
nant-colonel Lee's  legion,  fell  in  with  forty-nine 
Britifh  horfe,  near  the  Saluda,  and  took  forty- 
eight  of  them  prifoners.  Whilft  the  American 
army  lay  near  Orangeburgh,  advice  was  received 
that  lieutenant-colonel  Cruger  had  evacuated 
Ninety-Six,  and  was  marching,  with  the  troops 
of  that  garrifon,  through  the  forks  of  Edifto  to 
join  lord  Rawdon  at  Orangeburgh.  As  the  north 
fork  of  Edifto  is  not  palfable  by  an  army  without 
boats,  for  thirty  miles  above  or  below  the  Britifh 
encampments,  general  Greene  could  not  throw 
himfelf  between  with  any  profpect  of  preventing 
the  junction  ;  he  therefore  retired  to  the  high 
hills  of  Santee,  and  lord  Rawdon  and  lieutenant- 
colonel  Cruger  the  day  after  made  a  junction. 
The  evacuation  of  Camden  having  been  effected 
by  linking  at  the  pofts  below  it,  the  fame  ma- 
noeuvre was  now  attempted  to  induce  the  Britifh: 
to  leave  Orangeburgh.  With  this  view,  on  the 
day  that  the  main  American  army  retired  from 
before  that  port,  generals  Sumpter  and  Marion, 
with  their  brigades,  and  the  legion  cavalry,  were 
detached  to  Monk's  Corner  and  Dorchefter. 
They  moved  down  by  different  roads,  and  in 
three  days  commenced  their  operations.  Lieute- 
nant-colonel Lee  took  all  the  waggons  and  wag- 
gon-horfes  belonging  to  a  convoy  of  provifions. 

Colonel 


(     M9     ) 

Colonel  Wade  Hampton  charged  a  party  of  Bri- 
tifh  dragoons  within  five  miles  of  Charlefton. 
He  alfo  took  fifty  prifoners  at  Strawberry  ferry, 
and  burned  four  veffels  loaded  with  valuable 
ftores  for  the  Britifh  army.  General  Sumpter 
appeared  before  the  garrifon  at  Biggin's  church, 
which  confided  of  five  hundred  infantry  and  up- 
wards of  one  hundred  cavalry.  Lieutenant-colo- 
nel Coates,  who  commanded  there,  after  having 
repulfed  the  advanced  party  of  general  Sumpter, 
on  the  next  evening,  deflroyed  his  ftores  and 
retreated  towards  Charlefton.  He  was  clofely 
purfued  by  lieutenant-colonel  Lee  with  the  legion, 
and  lieutenant-colonel  Hampton  with  the  ftate 
cavalry.  The  legion  came  up  with  them  near 
Shubrick's  plantation,  took  their  rear  guard,  and 
all  their  baggage,  Captain  Armftrong,  of  Lee's 
legion,  at  the  head  only  of  five  men,  charged 
through  a  confiderable  part  of  their  lines,  and 
efcaped  with  the  lofs  of  two  men.  General 
Sumpter  and  general  Marion,  after  fome  hours, 
came  up  with  the  main  body  ;  but  by  this  time 
the  Britifh  had  fecured  themfelves  by  taking  an 
advantageous  poll  in  a  range  of  houfes.  An  at- 
tack was  however  made,  and  continued  with  fpi- 
rit  till  upwards  of  forty  were  killed  or  wounded 
by  the  fire  from  the  houfes.  The  Britifh  loft  in 
thefe  different  engagements  one  hundred  and  for- 
ty prifoners,  befides  feveral  killed  and  wounded, 
all  the  baggage  of  the  nineteenth  regiment,  and 
above  one  hundred  horfes  and  feveral  waggons. 

Vol.  II,  I  i  Thus 


(     25°     ) 

Thus  was  the  war  carried  on.  While  the 
Britifh  kept  their  forces  compact,  they  could  not 
cover  the  country,  and  the  American  general 
had  the  precaution  to  avoid  fighting.  When 
they  divided  their  army,  their  detachments  were 
feparately  and  fuccefsfully  attacked.  While  they 
were  in  force  in  the  upper  country,  light  parties 
of  Americans  were  annoying  their  fmall  pofts  in 
the  low  country  near  Charlefton.  The  people 
foon  found  that  the  late  conquerors  were  not 
able  to  afford  them  their  promifed  protection. 
The  fpirit  of  revolt  became  general,  and  the 
Britifh  intereft  daily  declined. 

Soon  after  thefe  events  lord  Rawdon,  driven 
from  almofl  the  whole  of  his  pofls — baffled  in  all 
his  fchemes — and  overwhelmed  with  vexation, 
in  a  fit  of  revenge,  as  fhall  hereafter  be  more 
fully  related,  made  an  oblation  to  his  waning 
military  fame,  by  executing  the  brave,  the  amia- 
ble and  the  worthy  colonel  Hayne.  His  lordfhip, 
immediately  after  this  execution,  failed  for  Eu- 
rope, leaving  his  brother  officers,  in  South-Caro- 
lina, objects  of  retaliation.  In  the  courfe  of  his 
command,  he  aggravated  the  unavoidable  cala- 
mities of  war  by  many  ads  of  feverity,  which 
admit  of  no  other  apology  than  that  they  were 
fuppofed  to  be  ufeful  to  the  interefl  of  his  royal 
mafler. 

About  the  fame  time  that  generals  Sumpter 
and  Marion  were  detached  to  the  lower  parts  of 

the 


(       251       ) 

the  ftate,  the  main  American  army  retired  to 
the  high  hills  of  Santee,  and  the  Britifh  returned 
to  their  former  ftation  near  the  junction  of  the 
Wateree  and  the  Congaree.  General  Greene,  in 
a  little  time,  began  to  concert  meafures  to  force 
them  a  fecond  time  from  thefe  pods.  Though 
the  two  armies  were  within  fifteen  miles  of  each 
other  on  a  right  line,  yet,  as  two  rivers  intervened, 
and  boats  could  not  be  procured,  the  American 
army  was  obliged  to  take  a  circuit  of  feventy 
miles  with  the  view  of  more  conveniently  croffing 
the  Wateree  and  the  Congaree.  Soon  after  their 
croiTing  thefe  rivers,  the  continental  army  was 
joined  by  general  Pickens,  with  a  party  of  the 
Ninety-Six  militia,  and  by  the  ftate  troops,  un- 
der the  command  of  lieutenant-colonel  Hender- 
fon.  General  Marion,  with  his  brigade  of  mili- 
tia, had  been  on  an  expedition  towards  Ponpon, 
to  co-operate  with  colonel  Harden,  in  oppofing 
fome  detachments  of  the  Britifh  who  had  taken 
pofl  near  Combahee  ferry.  From  this  pofition 
they  had  ilTued  orders  to  the  inhabitants  to  bring 
their  rice  to  the  neighbouring  landings,  in  order 
that  it  might  be  carried  to  Charlefton.  Colonel 
Harden  exerted  himfelf  to  fruftr--.te  their  defigns  ; 
but  he  foon  found  it  necellary  to  call  to  his  aid 
the  militia  of  the  other  extremity  of  the  ftate. 
As  the  Britifh  difperfed  themfelves  over  the  coun- 
try on  this  bufinefs,  a  variety  of  ikirmifhes  took 
place,  in  which  they  loft  upwards  of  a  hundred 
of  their  number.  On  the  termination  of  the 
expedition,    general    Marion,   with  his  brigade, 

joined 


(     *5*     ) 

joined  general  Greene.  The  whole  American 
force,  thus  collected,  proceeded  the  next  morning 
to  attack  the  Britim  army  commanded  by  lieute- 
nant-colonel Stewart.  On  the  approach  of  the 
Americans  the  Britim  had  retired  from  the  Con- 
garees  about  forty  miles  nearer  Charledon,  and 
taken  pod  at  the  Eutaw  Springs.  General  Greene 
drew  up  his  little  force,  confiding  of  about  two 
thoufand  men,  in  two  lines.  The  front  confided 
of  the  militia  from  North  and  South- Carolina, 
and  was  commanded  by  generals  Marion  and 
Pickens,  and  by  colonel  De  Malmedy.  The  fe- 
cond  confided  of  the  continental  troops  from 
North-Carolina,  Virginia  and  Maryland,  and  was 
led  on  by  general  Sumner,  lieutenant-colonel 
Campbell,  and  colonel  Williams.  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Lee,  with  his  legion,  covered  the  right 
flank ;  lieutenant-colonel  Henderfon,  with  the 
date-troops,  covered  the  left.  Lieutenant-colo- 
nel Wafliington,  with  his  cavalry,  and  captain 
Kirkwood,  with  the  Delaware  troops,  formed  a 
corps  of  referve.  As  the  Americans  advanced 
to  the  attack,  they  fell  in  with  two  advanced 
parties  of  the  Britifh  three  or  four  miles  ahead 
of  their  main  army.  Thefe,  being  brifkly  charg- 
ed by  the  legion  and  date-troops,  foon  retired. 
The  front  line  continued  to  fire  and  advance  on 
the  Britifh  till  the  action  became  general,  and  till 
they,  in  their  turn,  were  obliged  to  give  way. 
They  were  well  fupported  by  general  Sumner's 
North-Carolina  brigade  of  continentals,  though 
they  had  been  under  difcipline  only  for  a  few 

weeks, 


(    253     ) 

weeks,  and  were  chiefly  compofed  of  militiamen 
who  had  been  transferred  to  the  continental  fer- 
vice,  to  make  reparation  for  their  precipitate 
flight  in  former  actions.  In  the  hotteft  of  the 
engagement,  when  great  execution  was  doing  on 
both  fides,  colonel  Williams,  and  lieutenant-co- 
Jonel  Campbell,  with  the  Maryland  and  Virginia 
continentals,  were  ordered  by  general  Greene  to 
charge  with  trailed  arms.  Nothing  could  furpafs 
the  intrepidity  of  both  officers  and  men  on  this 
occafion — They  rufhed  on,  in  good  order,  through 
a  heavy  cannonade,  and  a  fhower  of  mufketry, 
with  fuch  unfhaken  refolution,  that  they  bore 
down  all  before  them.  The  (late-troops  of  South- 
Carolina  were  deprived  of  their  gallant  leader, 
lieutenant-colonel  Henderfon,  who  was  wounded 
very  early  in  the  action  ;  but  they  were  nevcrthe- 
lefs  boldly  led  on  by  the  fecond  in  command, 
lieutenant-colonel  Hampton,  to  a  very  fpirited 
and  fuccefsful  charge,  in  which  they  took  up- 
wards of  a  hundred  prifoners.  Lieutenant-colo- 
nel Wafhington  brought  up  the  corps-de-referve 
on  the  left,  and  charged  fo  brifkly  with  his  ca- 
valry, and  captain  Kirkwood's  light-infantry,  as 
gave  them  no  time  to  rally  or  form.  The  Bri- 
tifh  were  clofely  purfued,  and  upwards  of  five 
hundred  prifoners  were  taken.  On  their  retreat 
they  took  their  ports  in  a  ftrong  brick-houfe  and 
in  impenetrable  fhrubs  and  a  picquetted  garden. 
From  thefe  advantageous  pofitions  they  renewed 
the  action — Lieutenant-colonel  Wafhington  made 
every  poffible  exertion  to  diflodge  them  from  the 

thickets, 


(     254     ) 

thickets,  but  failed  in  the  attempt — had  his  horfe 
{hot  under  him — was  wounded  and  taken  prifoner. 
Four  fix-pounders  were  ordered  up  before  the 
houfe  from  which  the  Britifh  were  firing  under 
cover.  Thefe  pieces  finally  fell  into  their  hands, 
and  the  Americans  retired  out  of  the  reach  of 
their  fire — They  left  a  ftrong  picquet  on  the  field 
of  battle,  and  retreated  to  the  nearefl  water  in 
their  rear — In  the  evening  of  the  next  day,  lieu- 
tenant-colonel Stewart  deftroyed  a  great  quantity 
of  his  (tores,  abandoned  the  Eutaw,  and  moved 
towards  Charlefton,  leaving  upwards  of  feventy 
of  his  wounded,  and  a  thoufand  ftand  of  arms. 
He  was  purfued  for  feveral  miles  but  without 
effect.  Though  major  M'Arthur,  with  a  large 
reinforcement,  formed  a  junction  with  lieutenant- 
colonel  Stewart  fourteen  miles  below  the  Eutaw, 
yet  the  action  was  not  renewed.  The  fuccefs  of 
the  American  army  in  the  firfl  part  of  this  en- 
gagement fpread  fuch  an  alarm,  that  the  Britifh 
burned  their  ftores  at  Dorchefter,  and  evacuated 
their  pods  near  Monk's  Corner.  The  gates  of 
the  town  were  fhut,  and  a  number  of  negroes 
employed  in  felling  trees  acrofs  the  road  on 
Charlefton  Neck.  The  lofs  of  the  Britifh  amount* 
ed  to  upwards  of  eleven  hundred  men.  That  of 
the  Americans  was  about  five  hundred,  in  which 
number  were  fixty  officers.  "  Among  the  killed 
of  general  Greene's  army,  the  brave  lieutenant- 
colonel  Campbell,  of  the  Virginia  line,  was  the 
theme    of    univerfal   lamentation.      While    with 


H  See  note  xxxvi. 


great 


(     tS5     ) 

great  firmnefs  he  was  leading  on  his  brigade  to 
that  charge  which  determined  the  fate  of  the  day, 
he  received  a  mortal  wound.  After  his  fall  he 
enquired  who  gave  way,  and  being  informed 
the  Britifh  were  fleeing  in  all  quarters,  he  added, 
'  I  die  contented/  and  immediately  expired. 

Congress  honoured  general  Greene,  for  his 
decifive  conduct,  in  this  action,  with  a  Britifh 
ftandard,  and  a  golden  medal ;  and  they  alfo 
voted  their  thanks  to  the  different  corps  and  their 
commanders.  mm 

After  the  action  at  the  Eutaws,  the  Ameri- 
cans retired  to  their  former  pofition  on  the  high 
hills  of  Santee,  and  the  Britifh  took  pofl  in  the 
vicinity  of  Monk's  Corner.  While  they  lay  there, 
a  fmall  party  of  American  cavalry,  commanded 
by  colonel  Maham,  took  upwards  of  eighty  pri- 
foners  within  fight  of  their  main  army.  The 
Britifh  no  more  acted  with  their  ufual  vigour. 
On  the  flightefl  appearance  of  danger,  they  dif- 
covered  a  difpofition  to  flee  fcarcely  inferior  to 
what  was  exhibited  the  year  before  by  the  Ame- 
rican militia. 

Though  the  army  under  general  Greene  was 
too  weak  to  rifk  another  general  action,  yet  it 
became  neceflary,  in  the  clofe  of  the  year  1781, 
to  move  into  the  lower  country,  to  cover  the  col- 
lection of  provifions  for  fubfiflence  through  the 

winter. 
nn  See  note  xxxvn, 


(     *5<5    ) 

winter.  In  about  two  months  after  the  acYion  at 
Eutaw,  the  main  body  of  the  American  army- 
was  put  in  motion  under  colonel  Williams.  Ge- 
neral Greene,  with  two  hundred  horfe,  and  two 
hundred  infantry,  advanced  by  private  roads, 
and  appeared  near  Dorchefler  fo  unexpectedly, 
and  with  fuch  confidence,  as  induced  the  Britifh 
to  believe  that  the  whole  army  was  clofe  in  his 
rear.  This  manoeuvre  had  the  intended  effecl:. 
They  abandoned  their  out-pofls,  and  retired  with 
their  whole  force  to  the  Quarterhoufe  on  Charlef- 
ton  Neck.  By  this  means  all  the  rice  between 
Edifto  and  Afhley  rivers  was  faved  to  the  Ame- 
ricans. 

The  defence  of  the  country  was  given  up,  and 
the  conquerors,  who  had  lately  carried  their  arms 
to  the  extremities  of  the  date,  feldom  aimed  at 
any  thing  more  than  to  fecure  themfelves  in 
Charlefton  Neck,  and  to  keep  a  communication 
with  the  fea  iflands  on  which  they  had  collected 
great  numbers  of  cattle. 

Though  the  Britim  made  no  attempts  to  pre- 
ferve  permanent  polls  at  a  diftance  from  Charlef- 
ton, after  the  clofe  of  the  year  1781,  yet  they 
made  fome  excurfions  with  cavalry.  Thefe  were 
of  too  little  confequence  to  merit  particular  men- 
tion, being  chiefly  directed  againft  fome  unco- 
vered part  of  the  (late,  or  fome  detached  corps 
of  militia.  One  of  the  mod  important  was  made 
in  February  1782.     "While  general  Marion  was 

attending 


C  257  ) 

attending  his  duty  as  a  member  of  the  legifla- 
ture  at  Jackfonborough,  his  brigade  was  furprizcd 
near  the  Santee,  by  a  party  of  Britifh  horfe,  com- 
manded by  that  fpirited  and  judicious  officer 
lieutenant-colonel  Thomfon.  Major  Benfon,  an 
American  officer  highly  efteemed  by  his  country, 
mr.  Thomas  Broughton,  a  young  gentleman  of  a 
refpectable  family  in  South-Carolina,  with  fome 
others,  were  killed.  The  remainder  of  the  bri- 
gade, then  in  camp,  was  for  fome  time  difperfed. 
In  a  few  days  the  Britifh  retired  within  their  lines, 
and  the  militia  re-affembled. 

Though  the  battle  of  Eutaw  may  be  confi- 
dered  as  clofing  the  national  war  in  South-Caro- 
lina, yet  after  that  period  feveral  fmall  enter- 
prizes,  greatly  to  the  credit  of  individuals,  were 
fuccefsfully  executed.  The  American  army  felt 
the  elevation  of  conquerors,  while  the  Britifh, 
from  the  recollection  of  their  former  prowefs,  and 
the  exaclnefs  of  their  difcipline,  though  reduced 
in  their  limits,  could  not  bear  to  be  infulted. 
From  among  a  variety  of  projects  which  were 
undertaken  by  detached  parties  of  Americans, 
in  the  year  1782,  the  following  is  felected  as  me- 
riting particular  notice.  On  the  nineteenth  of 
March  captain  Rudolph,  of  Lee's  legion,  and 
lieutenant  Smith,  of  the  Virginia  line,  with  twelve 
men,  captured  and  burned  the  Britifh  galley  Al- 
ligator, lying  in  Afhley  river,  which  mounted 
twelve  guns,  befides  a  variety  of  fwivels,  and  was 
manned  with  forty-three  feamen.     The  Ameri- 

Vol.  II.  K  k  cans 


(     *S*     ) 

Cans  had  the  addrefs  to  pafs  themfelves  for  ne- 
groes who  were  coming  to  market  with  poultry. 
They  were  therefore  permitted  to  come  fo  near 
the  galley  that  they  boarded  her  with  eafe,  while 
their  adverfaries  fufpe&ed  no  danger.  Three  or 
four  of  the  Britifh  were  killed,  and  twenty-eight 
Were  brought  off  prifoners. 

After  general  Greene  moved  from  the  high 
hills  of  Santee  into  the  low  country  near  Charlef- 
ton,  a  fcene  of  inactivity  fucceeded  different  from 
the  bufy  operations  of  the  late  campaign.  He 
was  unable  to  attempt  any  thing  againfi:  the  Bri- 
tish within  their  lines  ;  and  they  declined  rilking 
any  general  acYion  without  them. 

While  the  American  foldiers  lay  encamped 
in  this  inactive  fituation,  their  tattered  rags  were 
fo  completely  worn  out,  that  feven  hundred  of 
them  were  as  naked  as  they  were  born,  excepting 
a  fmall  flip  of  cloth  about  their  waifts  ;  and  they 
were  nearly  as  deftitute  of  meat  as  of  clothing. 
In  this  condition  they  lay  for  three  months  with- 
in four  hours  march  of  the  Britifh  garrifon  in 
Charlefton,  which  contained  in  it  more  regular 
troops  than  there  were  continentals  in  the  Ame- 
rican army.  Though  they  had  abundant  reafon 
to  complain,  yet,  while  they  were  every  day 
marching,  and  almoft  every  week  fighting,  they 
were  in  good  health,  good  fpirits,  and  good  hu- 
mour ;  but  when  their  enemy  was  confined  with- 
in their  fortifications,    and  they   were   inactive, 

they 


(     259     ) 

they  became  fickly  and  difcontented,  and  a  few 
began  to  be  mutinous.  Their  long  arrears  of 
pay,  the  deficiency  of  their  clothing,  and  their 
want  of  many  comforts,  were  forgotten  whilft 
conflant  action  employed  their  minds  and  bodies  ; 
but  when  an  interruption  of  hoftilities  gave  them 
leifure  to  brood  over  their  calamities,  thefe  evils 
were  prefented  to  their  imaginations  in  the  molt 
aggravated  colours.  A  plan  was  ferioufly  laid  to 
deliver  their  gallant  and  victorious  leader  into 
the  hands  of  the  Britifh  ;  but  the  whole  defign 
was  happily  difcovered  and  prevented  from  being 
carried  into  execution.  To  the  honour  of  the 
continental  army,  it  may  with  juftice  be  added, 
that,  notwithstanding  the  preifure  of  their  many 
fufferings,  the  whole  number  concerned  in  this 
plot  did  not  exceed  twelve. 

In  the  courfe  of  the  year  1782,  John  Ma- 
thews, efquire,  governor  of  South-Carolina,  con- 
certed meafures  with  fome  of  the  citizens  in 
Charleflon,  who  wifhed  to  make  their  peace  with 
their  countrymen,  for  fending  out  of  the  Britiih 
lines  neceffary  clothing  for  the  aimoft  naked 
continentals.  When  their  diflreffes  had  nearly 
arrived  to  that  point  beyond  which  human  nature 
can  bear  no  more,  mr.  Jofhua  Lockwood,  under 
the  direction  of  governor  Mathews,  brought  out 
of  Charleflon  a  large  quantity  of  the  articles 
which  were  mofl  needed  in  the  American  camp. 
This  feafonable  fupp'.v,  though  much  Ihort  of 
their    due,    quieted    the   minds   of  the  fuflfering 

foidiers, 


(       260       ) 

foldiers.  Tranquillity  and  good  order  were  re- 
ftored  in  the  camp,  and  duty  was  cheerfully  per- 
formed. It  is  impoffible  to  do  juflice  to  that 
invincible  fortitude  which  was  difplayed  by  both 
officers  and  men  in  the  campaigns  of  1780  and 
1781.  They  encountered  fatigues  which,  if  par- 
ticularly related,  would  appear  aimed  incredible. 
They  had  fcenes  of  fullering  to  bear  up  under, 
of  which  citizens,  in  the  peaceable  walks  of  pri- 
vate life,  can  form  no  adequate  idea.  Without 
pay,  almofl:  without  clothing,  and  often  with  but 
a  fcanty  portion  of  the  plaineft  provifions,  they 
were  expofed  to  the  fcorching  heat  of  the  day, 
and  the  baleful  vapours  of  the  night.  When 
finking  under  the  fatigues  of  repeated  fucceffions 
of  forced  marches,  they  were  deftitute  of  every 
comfort  fuitable  to  their  fituation.  But  to  all 
thefe  accumulated  hardfhips  the  greateft  part  of 
them  fubmitted  with  patience  and  magnanimity, 
which  reflected  honour  on  human  nature,  and 
which  was  never  exceeded  by  any  army  in  the 
world. 


CHAPTER 


(  tfl  ) 

CHAPTER    THIRTEENTH. 

Of  the  board  of  police \  and  other  Britijh  eflablijh- 
ments.  The  animofities  between  whigs  and  tories, 
and  the  dijlre(fes  of  the  inhabitants.  The  execu- 
tion of  colonel  Hayne.  The  treatment  of  prif oners. 
The  violation  of  publick  faith  with  the  royalifis. 
Of  the  affijiance  given  to  the  Americans  by  the 
French  army  and  navy.  Of  the  operations  in 
Virginia  in  1781,  and  the  reduclion  of  lord  Corn- 
ivallis.  The  re-eftablifhment  of  civil  government. 
The  Jackfonborough  affembly.  Conffcation  of 
eftatcs.  The  operations  in  Georgia^  and  the 
evacuation  of  Savannah.  Compacts  with  the 
Briiijh  for  fecurity  of  property.  Fall  of  lieute- 
nant-colonel Laurens.  The  evacuation  of  Charlef- 
ton.     Peace. 

AFTER  the  reduclion  of  Charlefton,  on  the 
twelfth  of  May  1780,  followed  the  efta- 
blilhment  of  a  military  government.  A  com- 
mandant was  appointed  to  fuperintend  the  affairs 
of  the  province.  His  powers  were  as  undefined 
as  thofe  of  the  American  committees  which  took 
place  in  the  early  flages  of  the  difpute  between 
Great-Britain  and  America,  while  the  royal  go- 
vernments were  fufpended,  and  before  the  popu- 
lar eftablifhments  were  reduced  to  fyftem.  To 
foften  the  rigid  and  forbidding  afpecl  of  this  new 
mode  of  administration,  and  as  far  as  poffible  to 
temper  it  with  the  refemblance  of  civil  authority, 

a 


(       262       ) 

a  board  of  police,  for  the  fummary  determina- 
tion of  difputes,  was  instituted.  Under  the  di- 
rection of  the  honourable  James  Simpfon,  in- 
tcndant  of  the  board,  a  table  was  drawn  up, 
afcertaining  the  depreciation  of  the  paper  cur- 
rency at  different  periods,  from  which  the  friends 
of  royal  government,  who  had  fuftained  loffes  by 
paper  payments,  were  induced  to  hope  for  reim- 
burfement.  This  meafure,  though  juft  in  itfelf, 
was  productive  of  unexpected  and  ferious  confe- 
quences,  fatal  to  the  reviving  fondnefs  for  the 
royal  interefl.  Among  the  new-made  Britifh 
fubjects,  many  were  found  who  had  been  great 
gainers  by  the  depreciation  of  the  American  bills 
of  credit.  Thefe,  by  the  proportion  of  a  fecond 
payment  of  their  old  debts,  were  filled  with  afto- 
nifhment.  From  the  circumftances  of  the  coun- 
try, a  compliance  with  it  was,  to  the  mod  opu- 
lent, extremely  inconvenient,  and  to  multitudes 
absolutely  impracticable.  The  paper  currency, 
before  the  reduction  of  Charlefton,  had  fupplant- 
ed  the  ufe  of  gold  and  filver,  and  banifhed  them 
from  circulation.  The  ravages  of  war  had  defo- 
lated  the  country,  and  deprived  the  inhabitants 
of  the  means  of  payment.  Creditors  became 
clamorous  for  their  long  arrears  of  interefl,  and 
debtors  had  either  loll  their  property  or  could 
not  exchange  it  for  one  half  of  its  value.  Many 
fuits  were  commenced,  and  great  numbers  ru- 
ined. The  diitreffes  of  the  reclaimed  fubjects, 
within  the  Britifh  lines,  were  in  many  inflances 
greater  than  thole  of  their  unfubdued   countryr 

men 


(    &$    ) 

men  who  had  forfaken  all  in  the  caufe  of  liberty. 
After  the  Americans  had  recovered  poflefiion  of 
a  confiderable  part  of  the  (late,  it  was  prefumed 
that  the  proceedings  of  the  board  of  police  would 
be  reverfed.  This  redoubled  their  difficulties. 
Creditors  became  more  prefiing,  and  at  the  fame 
time  the  doubtfulnefs  of  Britiffi  titles  induced  a 
depreciation  of  real  property  not  far  behind  that 
of  the  American  paper  currency.  Fear  and  in- 
tereft  had  brought  many  of  their  new  fubje&s  to 
the  Britiih  ftandard  ;  but,  in  confequence  of  the 
plans  they  adopted,  in  a  little  time  both  thefe 
powerful  motives  of  human  actions  drew  in  an 
oppofite  direction.  The  Americans  purfued  a 
different  line  of  conduct.  In  every  period  of  the 
conteft  they  facrificed  the  few  creditors  to  the 
many  debtors.  The  true  whigs,  who  fuffered  on 
this  fcore,  confoled  themfelves  with  the  idea  that 
their  country's  good  required  it,  and  that  this 
was  the  price  of  their  independence.  A  difpofi- 
tion  to  fuffer  in  behalf  of  the  royal  intereft  was 
not  fo  vifible  among  the  profeffed  adherents  to 
Britifh  government.  That  immediate  juitice 
might  be  done  to  a  few,  great  diftrefs  was 
brought  on  many,  and  the  caufe  of  his  Britan- 
nick  majefty  injured  beyond  reparation. 

Several  commandants  were  fuccemvely  ap- 
pointed to  fuperintend  the  affairs  of  the  town. 
Among  thefe  lieutenant-colonel  Nifbet  Balfour 
had  the  greateft  mare  of  adminiftration.  This 
gentleman,  having  raifed  himfelf  in  the  army  by 

his 


(     ^64     ) 

his  obfequious  devotednefs  to  the  humours  and 
pleafures  of  fir  William  Howe,  difplayed,  in  the 
exercife  of  this  new  office,  all  the  frivolous  felf- 
importance,  and  all  the  difgufting  infolence, 
which  are  natural  to  little  minds  when  puffed 
up  by  fudden  elevation,  and  employed  in  functi- 
ons to  which  their  abilities  are  not  equal.  By 
the  fubverfion  of  every  trace  of  the  popular  go- 
vernment, without  any  proper  civil  eftablifhment 
in  its  place,  he,  with  a  few  coadjutors,  affumed 
and  exercifed  legiflative,  judicial  and  executive 
powers  over  citizens  in  the  fame  manner  as  over 
the  common  foldiery  under  their  command.  A 
feries  of  proclamations  was  iffued  by  his  autho- 
rity, which  militated  as  well  againft  the  princi- 
ples of  the  Britifh  conflitution,  as  thofe  of  juftice, 
equity  and  humanity.  For  flight  offences,  and 
on  partial  and  infufficient  information,  citizens 
were  confined  by  his  orders,  and  that  often 
without  any  trial. 

The  place  allotted  for  fecuring  them,  being 
the  middle  part  of  the  cellar  under  the  Exchange, 
was  called  the  Provoft.  The  dampnefs  of  this 
unwholefome  fpot,  together  with  the  want  of  a 
fire-place,  caufed,  among  the  unhappy  furlerers, 
lome  deaths,  and  much  ficknefs.  Colonel  Stark, 
colonel  Beard,  captain  Moore,  and  mr.  Pritch- 
ard,  after  being  put  in  irons,  were  brought  on 
foot  to  Charlefton  by  rapid  marches  from  diftant 
parts  of  the  country.  Thefe  gentlemen,  in  con- 
junction  with   meflrs.    Peter    Bocquet,    Samuel 

Legare, 


(    **5    ) 

Legare,  Jonathan  Larrazin,  Henry  Peronneau 
and  Daniel  Stevens,  were  fhut  up  in  this  place 
of  confinement.  Two  young  ladies,  of  molt 
amiable  characters  and  refpectable  connexions, 
on  a  groundlefs  fufpicion  of  giving  intelligence  to 
the  Americans,  were,  for  a  fhort  time,  fubjected 
to  the  fame  indignity.  Thefe  were  crowded  to- 
gether with  the  fick,  labouring  under  contagious 
difeafes,  with  negroes,  deferters,  and  women  of 
infamous  characters,  to  the  number  of  fifty-fix, 
within  narrow  limits.  So  little  regard  was  paid 
to  decency,  that  the  calls  of  nature  could  not  be 
fatisfied  but  in  the  open  view  of  both  fexes  pro- 
mifcuoufly  collected  in  one  apartment.  The 
American  ftate-prifoner,  and  the  Britilh  felon, 
fhared  the  fame  fate.  The  former,  though  for 
the  mod:  part  charged  with  nothing  more  than 
an  active  execution  of  the  laws  of  the  ftate,  or 
having  fpoken  words  difrefpectful  or  injurious  to 
the  Britilh  officers  or  government,  or  of  corre- 
fponding  with  the  Americans,  fuffered  indignities 
and  diftreffes  in  common  with  thofe  who  were 
accufed  of  crimes  tending  to  fubvert  the  peace 
and  exiitence  of  focietv. 

Such  was  the  adminiftration  of  police  by  lieu- 
tenant-colonel Balfour.  His  conduct,  on  the 
whole,  tended  greatly  to  ftrengthen  the  whig 
intereft,  and  to  diminilh  the  number  of  royalifts. 

It  has  already  been  obferved,  that  on   the   ar- 
rival of  the  Britilh  in  South-Carolina,  the  inhabi- 
Vol.  II.  L  1  cants 


(     266     ) 

tants  were  encouraged  to  ftay  on  their  plantations, 
with  the  profpecl  of  neutrality,  and  that,  in  a  lit- 
tle time,  thefe  delufive  hopes  vaniihed,  they  be- 
ing called  upon  to  arm  and  embody  in  fupport 
of  royal  government.  Inftead  of  drawing  off  the 
people  gradually  from  an  attachment  to  their  late 
conftitution,  which  had  acquired  (lability  by  a 
duration  of  four  years,  the  conquerors  were  fo 
far  miftaken  as  to  fuppofe  that  men  could  inftant- 
ly  be  transformed  from  cjbilinate  revolters  to 
zealous  royalifts.  In  a  very  fhort  time  after  their 
fubmifiion,  they  were  called  upon  to  promife  that, 
by  force  of  arms,  they  would  oppofe  men  who 
were  their  friends  and  neighbours,  and  by  whofc 
fides  they  had  lately  fought.  In  effecYmg  a  revo- 
lution from  the  regal  to  the  republican  govern- 
ment, a  very  different  policy  was  purfued.  The 
popular  leaders  proceeded  gradually.  The  com- 
mon people  were  not  (hocked  by  any  proporti- 
ons too  repugnant  to  their  antient  prejudices,  or 
too  remote  from  eftablifhed  opinions.  Though 
the  leading-men  in  the  counfels  of  America  were 
far  from  being  adepts  in  the  maxims  of  refined 
policy,  yet  they  were  led,  by  a  providential  con- 
currence of  circumflances,  to  carry  on  their  ope- 
rations in  a  manner  which  contributed  more  to 
their  fuccefs  than  if  every  ftep  they  took  had 
been  prefcribed  by  the  moil  confummate  art. 
When  they  firft  began  to  oppofe  the  claims  of 
Great-Britain,  they  were  far  from  intending  that 
feparation  which  they  afterwards  effected,  and 
would  have  trembled  with  horror  at  the  thoughts 

of 


(     *67     ) 

of  that  which  at  lafl  they  gloried  in  accomplifhing. 
Strange  and  undefigned  confequences  followed  in 
the  gradual  fucceffion  of  caufes  and  effects.  In 
confuting  the  extravagant  opinion  of  taxation 
without  reprefentation,  the  Americans  were  in- 
fenfibly  led  to  enquire  into  the  nature  of  civil 
liberty,  and  of  their  connexion  with  Great-Bri- 
tain. From  a  denial  of  the  Britifh  right  of  taxa- 
tion, the  way  was  opened  for  an  inveftigation  of 
the  reftrictions  on  their  commerce,  and  of  the 
difadvantages  of  their  fubordinate  ftation.  A 
direct  renunciation  of  the  mother-country,  in  the 
firft  inftance,  would  have  drawn  on  the  Ameri- 
cans the  whole  weight  of  her  vengeance,  and 
would  probably  have  difunited  the  colonifts  ;  but 
as  this  was  far  from  the  thoughts  of  the  popular 
leaders,  they  continued  to  profefs,  and  with  fin- 
cerity,  great  refpecl  for  their  King  and  his  go- 
vernment, till  ftep  by  ftep  they  came  to  erect  the 
ftandard  of  independence.  The  fentiments  of  a 
great  majority  of  the  people  coincided  with  the 
rcfolutions  of  their  leaders.  Nothing  was  recom- 
mended, but  what  was  in  unifcn  with  the  prevail- 
ing opinions.  A  prudent  refpecl  was  paid  to 
antient  prejudices,  and  nothing  r>ew  was  impofed 
till  the  publick  mind  was  gradually  reconciled  to 
its  favourable  reception.  The  firft  popular  af- 
femblies  conducted  their  oppofition  on  legal 
grounds,  and  in  a  manner  compatible  with  their 
allegiance.  It  was  the  acknowledged  right  of 
the  fubjecls  to  meet  together,  and  petition  for  a 
redrefs  of  their  grievances.     Their   committees 

and 


(     268     ) 

and  congreftes,  their  resolutions  of  non-impor? 
tntion  and  non-exportation  contained  nothing 
unconftitutional.  The  aflfocratioa,  which  was  the 
firft  band  of  popular  union  in  South-Carolina, 
was  fanctioned  by  no  other  penalty  but  that  of 
wkh-holding  all  intercouife  with  thole  who  mould 
refufe  to  concur  with  the  fame  meafures.  The 
republican  government  had  exifted  upwards  of 
two  years.  General  Burgoyne's  army  had  been 
captured,  and  the  alliance  with  France  ratified, 
before  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  flate  of  South- 
Carolina  was  generally  exacted  from  tne  inhabi- 
tants.  During  the  whole  war  an  abjuration  of 
the  King  of  Great-Britain  was  required  of  none 
but  thofe  who  were  in  the  publick  fervice,  with 
the  exception  of  crown  officers,  and  a  few  other 
fufpected  characters. 

It  was  not  only  by  the  violence  that  was  done 
to  the  publick  fentiments,  in  arming  the  inhabi- 
tants againft  their  countrymen,  that  the  Britifh 
rulers  injured  their  intereft.  The  circumflances 
attending  that  meafure  were  productive  of  diftrefs 
to  the  new-made  fubjedts,  as  well  as  of  differvice 
to  the  caufe  of  his  Britannick  majefly.  The 
officers  who  obtained  commiflions  in  the  royal 
milkia  were,  for  the  moil  part,  men  of  unpopu- 
lar character.  They  had  been  confidered  either 
as  timid  and  luke-warm  friends,  or  difguifed 
enemies,  and  were  objects  of  contempt  to  the 
active  ipirited  whigs.  All  commiflions  from  the 
Americans  being  extinct,  the  officers  who  had 

lately 


(     *69     ) 

iarely  acted  by  their  authority  were  inftantly 
called  upon  to  do  duty  as  privates  under  men 
whom  they  lately  commanded,  and  whom  they 
generally  defpifed.  This  revolution  gave  an  op- 
portunity for  the  gratification  of  private  refent- 
ments.  The  Britifh  militia-officers  perfecuted 
individuals,  whom  they  difliked,  with  fo  much 
feverity,  that  many  of  them,  who  would  have 
wifhed  to  remain  quiet  at  home,  were  driven  in 
felf-defence  to  join  American  parties.  After  their 
fecond  revolt,  they  foon  obtained  followers  from 
among  their  former  friends  and  connexions  who 
were  in  the  fame  predicament  with  themfelves. 

The  diftincYion  of  Whig  and  Tory  took  its  rife 
in  the  year  1775.  Both  parties  in  the  interior 
country  were  then  embodied,  and  were  obliged 
to  imprefs  provihons  for  their  refpective  fupport. 
The  advocates  for  Congrefs  prevailing,  they  paid 
for  articles  cenfumed  in  their  camps  ;  but  as  no 
funds  were  provided  for  difcharging  the  expences 
incurred  by  the  royalifts,  all  that  was  confumed 
by  them  was  confidered  as  a  robbery.  This  laid 
the  foundation  of  a  piratical  war  between  whigs 
and  tories,  which  eventually  was  productive  of 
great  diftrefs,  and  deluged  the  country  with 
blood.  In  the  interval  between  the  infurreclion 
ot  1775,  and  the  year  1780,  the  whigs  were 
occahonally  plundered  by  parties  who  had  at- 
tempted infurrections  in  favour  of  royal  govern- 
ment. But  all  that  was  done  prior  to  the  fur- 
render  of  Charlefton  was  trifling  when  compared 

to 


(     270     ) 

to   what   followed.      After   that    event    political 
hatred  raged  with  uncommon  fury,  and  the   ca- 
lamities  of   civil   war   defolated  the    ftate.     The 
ties  of  nature  were  in  feveral  inftances  diffolved, 
and    that    reciprocal    good- will    and    confidence, 
which  hold  mankind  together  in  fociety,  was  in 
a  great  degree  extinguifhed.     Countrymen,  neigh- 
bours, friends  and  brothers,  took  different  fides, 
and  ranged  themfeives  under  the  oppofing  ftand- 
ards  of  the  contending  factions.     In  every   little 
precinct,  more  especially  in  the  interior  parts  of 
the   (late,    King's-men  and    Congrels-men   were 
names  of  diftincYion.     The  palnons  on  both  fides 
were   kept  in   perpetual  agitation,  and  wrought 
up  to  a  degree  of  fury  which  rendered  individu- 
als  regardlefc.  not  only  of  the  taws  of  war  but 
of  the  principles  of  humanity.     While  the  Britifa 
had    the    afcendency,    their   parti zans    gave   full 
fcope  to  their  intereded  and  malicious  pallions. 
People    of   the  word    characters    emerged    from 
their  hiding-places  in  fwamps — called  themfeives 
King's-men — and  began  to  appropriate  to  their 
own  ufe  whatfoever  came  in   their  way.     Every 
act  of  cruelty   and   injuftice   was  fandified,  pro- 
vided the  a&or   called  himfelf    a  friend   to    the 
King,  and  the  fufferer  was  denominated  a  rebel. 
Of  thofe  who  were  well-difpofed  to  the  claims  of 
America,  there  were  few  to  be  found  who  had 
not  their  houfes  and  plantations  repeatedly  rifled. 
Under  the  fancYion   of  fubduing  rebellion,  pri- 
vate revenge  was  gratified.     Many  houfes   were 
burned,  and  many  people  inhumanly  murdered. 

Numbers 


(   V1    ) 

Numbers  for  a  long  time  were  obliged,  either 
entirely  to  abandon  their  homes,  or  to  fleep  in 
the  woods  and  fwamps.  Rapine,  outrage  and 
murder,  became  fo  common,  as  to  interrupt  the 
free  intercourie  between  one  place  and  another. 
That  fecurity  and  protection,  which  individuals 
expecl.  by  entering  into  civil  fociety,  ceafed  al- 
moft  totally.  Matters  remained  in  this  fituation 
for  the  greateft  part  of  a  year  after  the  furrender 
of  Charlefton.  When  general  Greene  returned 
to  South-Carolina,  in  the  fpring  of  1781,  every- 
thing was  reverfed.  In  a  few  weeks  he  difpoffefl- 
ed  the  Britifh  of  all  their  pods  in  the  upper  coun- 
try, and  the  exafperated  whigs  once  more  had 
the  fuperiority.  On  their  return  to  their  homes, 
they  generally  found  ftarving  families  and  defoiate 
plantations.  To  reimburfe  their  lofTes,  and  to 
gratify  revenge,  they,  in  their  turn,  began  to 
plunder  and  to  murder.  The  country  was  laid 
wafte,  and  private  dwellings  frequently  ftained 
with  the  blood  of  hufbands  and  fathers  inhuman- 
ly fhed  in  the  prefence  of  their  wives  and  children. 
About  this  time  governor  Rutledge  returned  to 
South-Carolina,  and  exerted  his  great  abilities  in 
re-eftablifhing  order  and  fecurity.  To  this  end 
he  iffued  a  proclamation,  ftrictly  forbidding  all 
violence  and  rapine. nn  Magiftrates  were  appoint- 
ed in  every  part  of  the  ftate  recovered  from  the 
Britifh.  Civil  government  was  reftored.  Property- 
was  fecured.     Confufion  and  anarchy  gave  place 

to 
nn  Seenote  xxxvnr. 


C     272     ) 

to  order  and  regular  government.     The  people 
were  happy,  and  rejoiced  in  the  revolution. 

In  the  clofe  of  the  year  1781,  when  the  fuc* 
ceffes  of  the  American  army  had  confined  the 
late  conquerors  to  the  vicinity  of  Charlefton,  a 
defperate  band  of  tories  adopted  the  infernal 
fcheme  of  taking  their  lafl  revenge,  by  carrying 
fire  and  fword  into  the  fettlements  of  the  whig 
militia.  To  this  end  major  William  Cunningham, 
of  the  Britifh  militia,  collected  a  party,  and  hav- 
ing furnifhed  them  with  every  thing  necefTary  for 
laying  wade  the  country,  fallied  from  Charlefton,. 
He  and  his  affociates  concealed  themfelves  till 
they  arrived  in  the  back  fettlements,  far  in  the 
rear  of  the  American  army,  and  there  began  to 
plunder,  burn  and  murder.  In  the  unfufpe&ing 
hour  of  fleep  and  domeftick  fecurity,  they  en- 
tered the  houfes  of  the  folitary  farmers,  and  fa-* 
crificed  to  their  revenge  the  obnoxious  head  of 
the  family.  Their  cruelties  induced  fome  fmall 
parties  to  affociate  and  arm  in  felf-defence.  Cap- 
tain Turner  and  twenty  men  had,  on  thefe  prin- 
ciples, taken  poll:  in  a  houfe,  and  defended 
themfelves  till  their  ammunition  was  nearly  ex- 
pended. After  which  they  furrendered  on  re- 
ceiving afifurances  that  they  mould  be  treated  as 
prifoners  of  war.  Notwithstanding  this  folemn 
agreement,  captain  Turner  and  his  party  were 
put  to  inltant  death  by  Cunningham  and  the  men 
under  his  command.  Soon  after  this  maflacre 
the  fame  party  of  tories  attacked  a  number  of 

the 


(     273     ) 

the  American  militia,  in  the  diftrict  of  Ninety- 
Six,  commanded  by  colonel  Hayes,  and  fet  fire 
to  the  houfe  in  which  they  had  taken  fhelter. 
The  only  alternative  left  was  either  to  be  burned, 
or  to  furrender  themfelves  prifoners.  The  lafl 
being  preferred,  colonel  Hayes  and  captain  Da- 
niel Williams  were  hung  at  once  on  the  pole  of 
a  fodder-flack.  This  breaking,  they  both  fell, 
on  which  major  William  Cunningham  cut  them 
into  pieces  with  his  own  fword,  when,  turning 
upon  the  others,  he  continued  on  them  the  ope- 
rations of  his  favage  barbarity,  till  the  powers  of 
nature  being  exhaufted,  and  his  enfeebled  limbs 
refufing  to  adminifter  any  longer  to  his  infatiate 
fury,  he  called  upon  his  comrades  to  complete 
the  dreadful  work  by  killing  whichsoever  of  the 
prifoners  they  pleafed.  They  inftantly  put  to 
death  fuch  of  them  as  they  perfonally  difliked. 
Only  two  fell  in  a&ion,  but  fourteen  were  deli- 
berately cut  to  pieces  after  their  furrender.  Their 
names  and  rank  were  as  follows  :  colonel  Jofeph 
Hayes,  captain  Daniel  Williams,  lieutenant  Chri- 
ftopher  Hardy,  lieutenant  John  Neel,  Clement 
Hancock,  Jofeph  Williams,  Jofeph  Lby,  fenior, 
Jofeph  Irby,  junior,  John  Milven,  James  Feris, 
John  Cook,  Greaf  Irby,  Benjamin  Goodman, 
Yancy  Saxon. 

About  the  fame  time,  and  under  the  fame 
influence,  emiflaries  from  the  Britifh  induced  the 
Cherokee  Indians  to  commence  hoflilities.  Early 
in  the  year  1781  general  Greene  had  concluded 
.     Vol.  II.  M  m  a 


(     274     ) 

a  treaty  with  them,  by  which  they  had  engaged 
to  oblerve  a  neutrality.  This  was  attended  with 
the  beneficial  effects  of  faving  the  frontier  fettle- 
ments  both  of  North  and  South-Carolina  from 
their  incuriions,  while  the  inhabitants  were  left 
at  full  liberty  to  concentrate  their  force  againfl 
the  army  under  the  command  of  lord  Cornwallis. 
When  the  co-operation  of  the  Indians  could  be 
of  the  leaft  fervice  to  the  Britiih  forces,  they 
were  induced  to  break  through  their  engage- 
ments of  neutrality.  They,  with  a  number  of 
difguifed  whitemen,  who  called  themfelves  the 
King's  friends,  made  an  incurlion  into  the  dif- 
tricl  of  Ninety-Six,  maffacred  fome  families,  and 
burned  feveral  houfes.  General  Pickens  collected 
a  party  of  the  American  militia,  and  penetrated 
into  the  fettlements  of  the  Cherokees.  This  he 
accomplilhed  in  fourteen  days,  at  the  head  of 
three  hundred  and  ninety-four  horfemen.  In 
that  ihort  fpace  he  burned  thirteen  towns  and  vil- 
lages, killed  upwards  of  forty  Indians,  and  took 
a  greater  number  prifoners.  Not  one  of  his  par- 
ty was  killed,  and  only  two  were  wounded. 
None  of  the  expeditions  carried  on  againff.  the 
Cherokees  had  been  fo  rapid  and  decifive  as  the 
prefent  one.  General  Pickens  did  not  expend 
three  pounds  of  ammunition,  and  yet  only  three 
Indians  efcaped,  after  having  been  once  feen. 
On  this  occahon  a  new  and  fuccefsful  mode  of 
fighting  the  favages  was  introduced.  Inftead  of 
firing,  the  American  militia  ruihed  forwards  on 
horfeback,  and  charged  with  drawn  fwords.    This 

was 


(     *t5     ) 

was  the  fecond  time  during  the  American  war 
that  the  Cherokee  Indians  had  been  chaftifed  in 
their  own  fettlements,  in  confequence  of  fuffer- 
ing  themfelves  to  be  excited  by  Britifh  emiffaries 
to  commence  hoftilities  againft  their  white  neigh- 
bours. They  again  fued  for  peace,  in  the  mod 
fubmiffive  terms,  and  obtained  it,  after  promihng 
that,  inftead  of  liftening  to  the  advice  of  the 
royalifts  inftigating  them  to  war,  they  would  de- 
liver thofe  of  them  that  vifited  their  fettlements, 
on  that  errand,  to  the  authority  of  the  (late. 

In  confequence  of  thefe  civil  wars  between 
the  whigs  and  tories — the  incurfions  of  the  fa- 
vages — and  the  other  calamities  refuking  from 
the  operations  of  the  Britifh  and  American  ar- 
mies, South- Carolina  exhibited  fcenes  of  diftrefs 
which  were  mocking  to  humanity.  The  fingle 
diftrict  of  Ninety-Six,  which  is  only  one  of  lix 
diftricls  into  which  the  (fate  of  South-Carolina 
is  divided,  has  been  computed,  by  well-informed 
perfons  refiding  therein,  to  contain  within  its 
limits  fourteen  hundred  widows  and  orphans, 
made  fo  by  the  war.  Nor  is  it  wonderful  that 
the  country  was  involved  in  fuch  accumulated 
diftrefs.  The  American  government  was  fui- 
pended,  and  the  Britiffi  conquerors  were  carelefs 
of  the  civil  rights  of  the  inhabitants.  They  con- 
dueled  as  though  interior  order  and  police  were 
fcarcely  objects  of  attention.  The  will  of  the 
ftrongeft  was  the  law.  Such  was  the  general 
complexion  of  thofe  who  called  themfelves  royal- 
ifts, 


(     *7<5     ) 

ids,  that  nothing  could  be  expected  from  them, 
unreflrained  as  they  were  by  civil  government, 
but  outrages  againft  the  peace  and  order  of  fo- 
ciety.  Though  among  the  tories  in  the  lower 
parts  of  South-Carolina  there  were  gentlemen  of 
honour,  principle  and  humanity,  yet,  in  the  in- 
terior and  back  parts  of  the  (late,  a  great  pro- 
portion of  them  was  an  ignorant  unprincipled 
banditti,  to  whom  idlenefs,  licentioufnefs,  and 
deeds  of  violence,  were  familiar.  Horfe-thieves 
and  others,  whofe  crimes  had  exiled  them  from 
fociety,  attached  themfelves  to  parties  of  the 
Britiih.  Encouraged  by  their  example,  and  in- 
ftigated  by  the  love  of  plunder,  they  committed 
the  mod  extenfive  depredations.  Under  the 
cloak  of  attachment  to  the  old  government,  they 
covered  the  bafeft  and  moft  felfifh  purpofes.  The 
neceflity  which  their  indiscriminate  plundering 
impofed  on  all  good  men  of  defending  them- 
felves, did  infinitely  more  damage  to  the  royal 
caufe  than  was  compenfated  by  all  the  advan- 
tages refultitig  from  their  friendship.  They  could 
fcarcely  ever  be  brought  to  the  field  of  battle. 
They  fometimes  furnifhed  the  Britifh  army  with 
intelligence  and  provifions,  but  on  all  other  ac- 
counts their  fervices  were  of  very  little  import- 
ance. 

When   the  war  was  ended,  though  the  pre- 
tence of  crushing  rebellion  was  no  more  a  cloak 
to  their   robberies,  the  fame   depredations  were 
continued,  not  only  on  the  frontiers  of  South- 
Carolina 


(     *77     ) 

Carolina  and  Georgia,  but  in  Eafl-Florida.  Mr. 
Tonyn,  governor  of'  the  lad-mentioned  loyal 
province,  granted  a  commiflion  to  a  horfe-tbief, 
of  the  name  of  M'G'irth,  who,  at  the  head  of  a 
party,  had  lor  feveral  years  harafTcd  the  inhabi- 
tants of  South-Carolina  and  Georgia.  By  his 
frequent  incurfions  he  had  amafled  a  large  pro- 
perty, which  he  depoiited  in  the  vicinity  of  St. 
Auguftine.  After  peace  was  proclaimed,  he  car- 
ried on  the  fame  practices  againfl  his  former 
protectors  in  Eafl-Florida,  till  they  were  obliged, 
in  felf-defence,  to  raife  the  royal  militia  of  the 
province  to  oppofe  him.  So  dangerous  is  it  ro 
confer  offices  on  men  devoid  of  principle  ;  for 
villians,  when  it  is  their  interefl,  will  turn  againfl 
their  employers. 

As  foon  as  the  American  army  obtained  re- 
pofTeiHon  of  the  country,  the  inhabitants,  after 
returning  to  their  former  allegiance,  refolutely 
put  all  to  the  rifk  in  fupport  of  independence. 
Though  the  Britifh,  in  the  career  of  their  con- 
quers, had  inculcated  the  neceffity  and  propriety 
of  transferring  allegiance  from  the  vanquifhed 
to  the  victor,  yet  they  treated  with  the  utmoft 
feverity  thofe  unfortunate  men,  when  in  their 
power,  who,  having  once  accepted  of  Britifh 
protection,  acted  on  thefe  very  principles  in  af- 
terwards re-joining  their  victorious  countrymen. 

Among  the  fufferers  on  this  fcore,  the  illuflri- 
ous  colonel  Hayne  (lands  confpicuous.     During 

the 


(     178     ) 

the  fiege  of  Charlefton  that  gentleman  ferved  his 
country  in  a  corps  of  militia-horfe.  After  the 
capitulation,  there  being  no  American  army  in 
the  itate,  and  the  profpecf.  of  one  being  both 
diftant  and  uncertain,  no  alternative  was  left  but 
either  to  abandon  his  family  and  property,  or  to 
furrender  to  the  conquerors.  This  hard  dilem- 
ma, together  with  well-founded  information,  that 
others  in  fimilar  circumftances  had  been  paroled 
to  their  plantations,  weighed  with  colonel  Hayne 
fo  far  as  to  induce  a  concluiion,  that,  inftead  of 
waiting  to  be  captured,  it  would  be  both  more 
fafe  and  more  honourable  to  come  within  the 
Britifh  lines,  and  furrender  himfelf  a  voluntary 
prifoner.  He  therelore  repaired  to  Charlefton, 
and  offered  to  bind  himfelf  by  the  honour  of  an 
American  officer,  to  do  nothing  prejudicial  to 
the  Britifh  intereft  till  he  mould  be  exchanged. 
Reports  which  were  made  of  his  fuperior  abilities 
and  influence,  uniformly  exerted  in  the  American 
caufe,  operated  with  the  conquerors  to  refufe  him 
a  parole,  though  they  were  in  the  habit  of  daily 
granting  that  indulgence  to  others  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. To  his  great  aftonilhment  he  was  told, 
'  that  he  mult  either  become  a  Britifh  fubjecr.,  or 
4  fubmit  to  clofe  confinement.'  To  be  arretted 
and  detained  in  the  capital,  was  to  himfelf  not 
an  intolerable  evil  ;  but  to  abandon  his  family 
both  to  the  ravages  of  the  fmall-pox,  a  difeafe 
then  raging  in  their  neighbourhood,  and  which 
in  a  fliort  time  a  iter  proved  mortal  to  his  wife 
and  two  of  his  children,  and  to  the  infults   and 

depredations 


(     279     ) 

depredations  of  the  royal   army,  was   too   much 
for  a  tender  hufband  and  a  fond  parent.     To  ac- 
knowledge himfelf  the  fubjccT:   of  a  king   whofe 
government   he   had    from    principle    renounced, 
was  repugnant  to  his  feelings  ;  but  without  this 
he  was  cut  off  from  every  profpect  of  a  return  to 
his    family.     In    this    embarratiing    fituation    he 
waited  on  the  author  of  this  hiitory,  with  a   de- 
claration to  the  following  effect  :  '  If  the  Brittih 
would  grant  me  the   indulgence  which   we,  in 
the  day  of  our  power  gave  to  their  adherents, 
of  removing  mv  family  and  property,  I  would 
feek  an  afylum  in  the   remotett   corner  of  the 
United  States  rather  than  fubmit  to   their  go- 
vernment ;  but   as   they   allow   no   other   alter- 
native   than    fubmiflion   or  confinement   in   the 
capital,  at  a  diftance  from  my  wife  and  family, 
at  a  time  when  they  are  in  the  mod  preffing  need 
of  my  prefence  and  fupport,  I  mull  for  the  pre- 
fent  yield   to   the   demands  of  the  conquerors. 
I  requeft  you  to  bear  in    mind,  that,  previous 
to  my  taking  this  flep,  I  declare,  that  it  is  con- 
trary to  my  inclination,  and  forced  on  me  by 
hard  necefiitv.     I  never  will  bear   arms  aeainft 
my  country.     My  new  mafters  can   require  no 
fervice  of  me  but  what  is  enjoined  by  the  old 
militia-law  of  the  province,  which  fubftitutes  a 
fine  in  lieu  of  perfonal  fervice.     That  I  will  pav 
as  the  price  of  my  protection.     If  my  conduct 
mould  be  cenfured   by   my  countrymen,  I  beg 
that  you  would  remember  this  converfation,  and 
bear  witnefs  for  me,  that  I  do  not  mean  to  de- 
fert  the  caufe  of  America.'  Is 


(     23o     ) 

In  this  itate  of  durefs  colonel  Hayne  fubfcrib- 
ed  a  declaration  of  his  allegiance  to  the  King  of 
Great-Britain,  but  not  without  exprefsly  object- 
ing to  the  claufe  which  required  him,  '  with  his 

*  arms,  to  fupport  the  royal  government.'  The 
commandant  of  the  garrifon,  brigadier-general 
Paterfon,  and  James  Simpfon,  efquire,  intendant 
of  the  Britifli  police,  allured  him,  that  this  would 
never  be  required,  and  added  farther,  '  that 
'  when  the  regular  forces  could  not  defend  the 
'  country   without   the   aid   of  its   inhabitants,  it 

*  would  be  high  time  for  the  royal  army  to  quit 
■  it.' 

Having  fubmitted  to  their  government,  he 
readily  obtained  permiflion  to  return  to  his  family. 
In  violation  of  the  fpecial  condition  under  which 
he  fubfcribed  the  declaration  of  his  allegiance,  he 
was  repeatedly  called  on  to  take  arms  againft  his 
countrymen,  and  was  finally  threatened  with 
clofe  confinement  in  cafe  of  a  farther  refufal. 
This  open  breach  of  contract,  together  with  the 
inability  of  the  late  conquerors  to  give  him  that 
protection  which  was  promifed  as  a  compenfation 
for  his  allegiance,  the  Americans  having  re-gain- 
ed that  part  of  the  flate  in  which  he  rcfidcd,  in- 
duced him  to  confider  himfelf  as  releafed  from 
all  engagements  to  the  Britifli  commanders.  The 
inhabitants  of  his  neighbourhood,  who  had  alfo 
revolted,  fubfcribed  a  petition  to  general  Pickens, 
praying  that  colonel  Hayne  might  be  appointed 
to  the  command  of  their  regiment.     Having  thus 

re  fumed 


(       281        ) 

refumed  his  arms,  and  the  tide  of  conqueft  being 
fairly  turned  in  the  fhort  fpace  of  thirteen  months 
after  the  furrender  of  Charleflon,  he  fent  out, 
in  the  month  of  July  1781,  a  fmall  party  to  re- 
connoitre. They  penetrated  within  feven  miles 
of  the  capital — took  general  Williamfon  prifoner, 
and  retreated  to  the  head-quarters  of  the  regi- 
ment. This  was  the  fame  Williamfon,  who, 
having  been  an  active  and  ufeful  officer  in  the 
militia  of  South-Carolina,  from  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war  to  the  furrender  of  Charleflon 
in  May  1780,  became,  foon  after  that  event,  a 
Britifh  fubject.  Such  was  the  anxiety  of  the 
Britifh  commandant  to  refcue  general  Williamfon, 
that  he  ordered  out  his  whole  cavalry  on  that  bu- 
finefs.  Colonel  Ilayne  unfortunately  fell  into 
their  hands.  Though  he  had  conducted  himfelf 
peaceably  while  under  the  Britifh  government, 
and  had  injured  no  man,  yet,  for  having  refumed 
his  arms,  after  accepting  Britifh  protection,  he 
was,  when  brought  to  Charleflon,  confined  in  a 
loathfome  provoil.  At  firft  he  was  promifed  a 
trial,  and  had  counfel  prepared  to  juflify  his  con- 
duel  by  the  laws  of  nations  and  ufages  of  war  ; 
but  this  was  finally  refufed.  Had  he  been  confi- 
dered  as  a  Britifh  fubject,  he  had  an  undoubted 
right  to  a  trial — if  as  an  American  officer,  to  his 
parole  ;  but  in  violation  of  every  principle  of  the 
conflitution,  he  was  ordered  for  execution  by  the 
arbitrary  mandate  of  lord  Uawdon  and  lieutenant- 
colonel  Balfour. 

Vol.  II,  N  n  Tm 


(       •**       ) 

The  royal  lieutenant-governor  Bull,  and  a  great 
number  of  inhabitants,  both  loyalifts  and  Ameri- 
cans, interceded  for  his  life.  The  ladies  of 
Charlefton  generally  figned  a  petition  in  his  be- 
half, in  which  was  introduced  every  delicate  fen- 
timent  that  was  likely  to  operate  on  the  gallantry 
of  officers,  or  the  humanity  of  men. 0o  His  chil- 
dren, accompanied  by  fome  near  relations,  were 
prefented  on  their  bended  knees,  as  humble  fuit- 
ors  for  their  father's  life.  Such  powerful  inter- 
ceffions  were  made  in  his  favour  as  touched  many 
an  unfeeling  heart,  and  drew  tears  from  many 
an  hard  eye ;  but  lord  Rawdon  and  lieutenant- 
colonel  Balfour  remained  inflexible. 

After  his  £ate  was  fixed,  he  was  repeatedly 
vifited  by  his  friends,  and  converfed  on  various 
fubjefts  with  the  fortitude  of  a  man,  a  philofo- 
pher  and  a  chriftian.  He  particularly  lamented 
that,  on  principles  of  reciprocal  retaliation,  his 
execution  wrould  probably  be  an  introduction  to 
the  fhedding  of  much  innocent  blood.  His  chil- 
dren, who  had  loft  their  other  parent,  were 
brought  to  him  in  the  place  of  his  confinement, 
and  received  from  his  lips  the  dying  advice  of 
an  affectionate  father.  On  the  lad  evening  of 
his  life  he  told  a  triend,  *  that  he  was  no  more 
c  alarmed  at  the  thoughts  of  death  than  at  any 
'  other  occurrence  which  was  necellary  and  una- 
u  voidable.'  He  requefted  thofe  in  whom  the 
iupreme  power  was  vefted,  to  accommodate  the 

mode 

*°  See  note  xxxix. 


(     **]>     ) 

mode  of  his  death  to  his  feelings  as  an  officer ; 
but  this  was  refufed. 

On  the  morning  of  the  fatal  day,  on  receiving 
his  fummons  to  proceed  to  the  place  of  execu- 
tion, he  delivered  the  annexed  papers  tohiseldeft 
fon,  a  youth  of  about  thirteen  years  of  age — 
'  Prefent,'  faid  he,  *  thefe  papers  pp  to  mrs.  Ed- 
£  wards,  with  my  requeft  that  me  would  forward 
c  them  to  her  brother  in  Congrefs.  You  will 
c  next  repair  to  the  place  of  execution — receive 
'  my  body,  and  fee  it  decently  interred  among 
*  my  forefathers.*  They  took  a  final  leave.  The 
colonel's  arms  were  pinioned,  and  a  guard  placed 
round  his  perfon.  The  proceffion  began  from 
the  Exchange,  in  the  forenoon  of  the  fourth  of 
-Augufl  1 78 1.  The  ftreets  were  crowded  with 
thoufands  of  anxious  fpectators.  He  walked  to 
the  place  of  execution  with  fuch  decent  firmnefs, 
compofure  and  dignity,  as  to  awaken  the  com- 
paffion  of  many,  and  to  command  refpect  from 
all.  There  was  a  majefty  in  his  fufferings  which 
rendered  him  fuperior  to  the  pangs  of  death. 
When  the  city  barrier  was  part,  and  the  inftru- 
ment  of  his  cataftrophe  appeared  full  in  view,  a 
faithful  friend  by  his  fide  obferved  to  him,  c  that 
c  he  hoped  he  would  exhibit  an  example  of  the 
6  manner  in  which  an  American  can  die.'  He 
anfwered  with  the  utmoft  tranquillity,  '  I  will 
*  endeavour  to  do  fo.'  He  afcended  the  cart  with 
a  firm  ftep  and  ferene  afpe£t.     He  enquired  of 

the 
pp  See  note  xl. 


(     ^84     ) 

the  executioner,  who  was  making  an  attempt  to 
get  up  to  pull  the  cap  over  his  eyes,  what  he 
wanted  ?  Upon  being  informed  of  his  defign, 
the  colonel  replied,  8  I  will  fave  you  that  trouble,' 
and  pulled  it  over  himfelf.  He  was  afterwards 
afked,  whether  he  wifhed  to  fay  any  thing,  to 
which  he  anfwered,  *  I  will  only  take  leave  of 
'  my  friends,  and  be  ready.'  He  then  affection- 
ately fhook  hands  with  three  gentlemen — recom- 
mended his  children  to  their  care — and  gave  the 
fignal  for  the  cart  to  move. 

Thus  fell,  in  the  bloom  of  life,  a  brave  offi- 
cer, a  worthy  citizen,  a  jufl  and  upright  man, 
furnilhing  an  example  of  heroifm  in  death  that 
extorted  a  confeflion  from  his  enemies,  *  that, 
'  though  he  did  not  die  in  a  good  caufe,  he  mud 
6  at  lead  have  acled  from  a  perfuafion  of  its  being 
<fo.' 

Few  men  flood  higher  in  the  eftimation  of 
their  countrymen  than  the  illuftrious  man  whofe 
exit  has  been  jufl  defcribed.  General  Greene 
demanded  from  the  Britifh  commanders  their 
reafons  for  this  execution.  To  which  he  receiv- 
ed a  written  anfwer,  figned  by  N.  Balfour,  ac- 
knowledging, *  that  it  took  place  by  the  joint 
'  order  of  lord  Rawdon  and  himfelf,  but  in  con- 
6  fequence  of  the  mod  exprefs  directions  from 
c  lord  Comwallis,  to  put  to  death  thole  who 
i  fhould  be  found  in  arms,  after  being  at  their 
6  own    requefls    received    as    fubjeCls,    fince    the 

4  capitulation 


(     *85     ) 

e  capitulation  of  Charlefton,  and   the  clear  con- 
'  queft  of  the  province  in  the  fummer  of  1780/  '" 

The  regular  officers  of  the  continental  army 
prefented  a  petition  to  general  Greene,  requeuing 
that  he  would  retaliate  for  the  execution  of  co- 
lonel Hayne.  By  this  they  voluntarily  fubjecled 
themfelves  to  all  the  confequences  to  which,  in 
cafe  of  capture,  they  would  be  expofed.  "  Ge- 
neral Greene  foon  after  iflued  a  proclamation, 
threatening  to  make  Britifh  officers  the  objects 
of  retaliation.  ff  This  encouraged  the  revolted 
inhabitants  to  continue  in  arms,  and  effaced  eve- 
ry impreffion  that  was  expected  from  the  face  of 
colonel  Hayne.  The  Britifh  interefl  gained  no 
permanent  advantage,  while  pity  and  revenge 
iharpened  the  fwords  of  the  countrymen  and 
friends  of  the  much  beloved  fufferer. 

Had  this  execution  taken  place  four  or  five 
months  fooner,  the  policy  of  the  meafure,  as 
tending  to  prevent  a  revolt,  would  have  been 
fome  apology  for  it ;  but  after  lord  Rawdon  was 
driven  from  almoft  the  whole  of  his  polls  in  the 
country,  and  the  people  had  generally  refumed 
their  arms  in  favour  of  America,  it  had  more 
the  appearance  of  the  revenge  of  a  difappointed 
favage,  than  of  the  political  feverity  of  a  con- 
queror. It  was  alfo  in  exprefs  violation  of  a 
cartel  which  had  been  reciprocally  ratified  on  the 

feventeenth 
qq  See  note  xli.  rr  See  note  xlii. 

ff  See  note  xliii, 


(     286     ) 

feventeenth  day  of  the  preceding  May.  By  that 
it  was  flipulated,  that  all  the  militia  prifoners  on 
one  fide  mould  be  exchanged  for  the  fame  order 
of  men  on  the  other.  This  was  intended  to  give 
the  inhabitants  of  the  country  a  liberty  of  choof- 
ing  their  fides,  without  involving  themfelves  in 
the  confequenceS  of  treafon  for  a  transfer  of  their 
allegiance. 

After  the  Britiih  landed  in  Carolina  in  1780, 
they  confined  ibme  of  their  firft  prifoners  in  the 
vaults  with  the  dead.  When  their  fuccenes  had 
multiplied  the  number  of  prifoners,  they  were 
crowded  on  board  prifon-fhips,  where  they  fuf- 
iered  every  inconvenience  that  could  refult  from 
putrid  air,  and  the  want  of  the  comforts  of  life. 
This  was  done  not  only  to  thofe  who  furrendered 
at  difcretion,  but  alfo  to  the  private  foldiers  who 
were  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  the  capitulation 
of  Charlefton.  General  Moultrie  remonftrated 
againft  this  proceeding,  in  the  following  letter, 
addreiTed  to  lieutenant-colonel  Nifbet  Balfour, 
commandant  of  Charlefton. 

«  thrift-Church  parifh,  Oct.  16,   1780. 

'Sir, 

However  my  letters  may  be  thought  by  you 
to  be  wrote  "  in  exceptionable  and  unwarrant- 
able terms,"  yet  I  cannot  be  deterred  from 
'  reprefenting  matters  of  fuch  confequence,  as 
*  I  am  now  conftrained  to  do,  in  the  ftrongeft 
6  manner,     Though  it  is  indifferent  to  me,  whe- 

'  ther 


c 
(. 


(     *37     ) 

*  ther  I  write  to  you  or  to  the  commiffary  of 
4  prifoners    on    trifling    applications,    yet,    when 

*  my  duty  calls  upon  me  loudly  to  remonftrate 
4  againft  a  proceeding  of  fo  high  a  nature   as   a 

*  violation  of  a  folemn  capitulation,  I  then   think 

*  it  my  duty  to  make  my  application  as  near  the 
4  fountain-head  as  pollible.  I  therefore,  fir,  ad- 
1  drefs  myfelf  to  you,  to  complain  of  a  great 
4  breach  of  the  capitulation  in  fending  the  con- 
4  tinental  foldiers  on  board  prifon-fhips,  (the  truth 

*  of  which  I  have  not  the  lead  doubt  of)  as  part 
'  of  the  equivalent,  for  which  the  town  was   de- 

*  livered  up  to  fir  Henry  Clinton,  was,  that  the 
'  continental  foldiers  fhould  be  kept  in  fome  con- 

*  tiguous  buildings  in  the  town.  This  appears 
4  by  the  following  extract  from  their  excellencies 
4  fir  Henry  Clinton  and  admiral  Arbuthnot's  let- 
4  ter  to  major-general  Lincoln,  of  the  twelfth  of 
4  May  1780,  antecedent  to  the  furrender.' 

"Sir, 
"  We  have  to  requeft  you  will  propoie  fome 
"  proper  contiguous  buildings,  in  the  town,  for 
44  the  refidence  of  the  private  prifoners  of  war, 
"  not  to  be  on  parole  ;  thofe  will  be  of  courfe 
"  fuch  as  may  in   difcretion  be  alked." 

'  The  barracks  and  fome  adjacent  houfes  were 
4  then  propofed  and  agreed  upon,  as  a  proof  or 
6  which  the  foldiers  have  been  confined  in  thofe 
4  buildings  from  the  very  inftant  of  the  furrender 
£  till  this  prefent  removal,  which  I  do  mofl  folemnly 

proteit 


(     288     ) 

c  protefl  againft,  and  complain  of  to  you,  fir, 
4  as  a  direct  violation  of  the  third  article  of  the 
'  capitulation,  and  demand  that  the  continental 
'  foldiers  be  ordered  back  to  the  barracks  and 
*  other  houfes  in  which  they  were  firft  confined.' 

To  this  remonftrance  lieutenant-colonel  Bal- 
four returned  a  verbal  anfwer,  "  that  he  fhould 
4  do  as  he  pleafed  with  the  prifoners  for  the  good 
'  of  his  majeily's  fervice,  and  not  as  general 
4  Moultrie  pleafed.' 

The  condition  of  thefe  unfortunate  men  was 
truly  deplorable.  They  were  crowded  on  board 
the  prifon-lhips  in  fuch  numbers  that  feveral  were 
obliged  toftand  up  for  want  of  room  to  lie  down. 
The  fiate  of  South- Carolina  could  afford  them 
no  fupply.  Congrefs  could  not  at  that  time  com- 
mand hard  money  for  their  relief.  Wine,  and 
fuch  like  comforts,  particularly  neceffary  for  the 
fick  in  fouthern  climates,  could  not  be  obtained 
from  the  Britifh  hofpitals. 

Upwards  of  eight  hundred  of  thefe  brave 
men,  nearly  one  third  of  the  whole,  exhaufted 
by  a  variety  of  fufferings,  "  expired  in  the  fhort 
fpace  of  thirteen  months'  captivity.  When  the 
general  exchange  took  place  in  June  178 1,  out 
of'  nineteen  hundred  taken  at  the  furrender  of 
Charlellon,  on  the  twelfth  of  May  1780,  and 
feveral  hundreds  more  taken  afterwards  at  Cam- 
den 
r:  See  note  xliv. 


(     *89     ) 

den  and  at  Fifhing  Creek,  on  the  fifteenth  and 
eighteenth  of  Auguft  of  the  fame  year,  there 
were  only  feven  hundred  and  forty  reftored  to 
the  fervice  of  their  country.  It  was  not  by 
deaths  alone  that  the  Americans  were  deprived 
of  their  foldiers.  Lord  Charles-Greville  Mon- 
tague enlifled  five  hundred  and  thirty  of  them  in 
the  Britifh  fervice.  His  lordfhip,  before  the  re- 
volution, had  been  governor  of  the  province  of 
South-Carolina,  and  had  frequently  declared  him- 
felf  to  be  warmly  attached  to  the  liberties  of 
America.  In  the  early  flage  of  the  war  he  had 
gone  privately  to  Paris,  and  offered  his  fervice 
to  doctor  Franklin,  to  take  a  command  in  the 
army  of  Congrefs.  The  diftrentd  continental 
foldiers  were  induced  to  accept  the  offers  of  lord 
Charles-Greville  Montague  in  preference  to  the 
horrors  of  a  prifon-fhip,  by  the  fpecious  promife 
that  they  mould  be  employed  in  the  Weft-Indies, 
and  not  againft  their  countrymen  in  the  United 
States.  His  lordfhip,  after  completing  his  regi- 
ment, offered  the  command  of  it  to  brigadier- 
general  Moultrie,  the  fenior  officer  of  the  prifon- 
ers  of  war  belonging  to  the  continental  army. 
To  induce  him  to  accept  of  this  command,  and 
to  enter  the  Britifh  fervice,  his  lordfhip  wrote  him 
the  following  letter  : 

*  March  1 1,   178 1. 
'  Sin, 

i  A  sincere  wifli  to  promote  what  may  be  to 

*  your  advantage,  induces  me  now  to  write.     The 

Vol.  II.  O  o  '  freedom 


(     29o     ) 

*  freedom  with  which  we  have  often  converfed, 
c  makes  me  hope  you  will  not  take  amifs  what 
?  I  fay. 

'  My  own  principles  refpedYing  the  commence- 
ment of  this  unfortunate  war  are  well  known 
to  you,  of  courfe  you  can  only  conceive  what 
I  mention  is  out  of  friendfhip.  You  have  now 
fought  bravely  in  the  eaufe  of  your  country  for 
many  years,  and,  in  my. opinion,  fulfilled  the 
duty  every  individual  owes  it :  you  have  had 
your  fhare  of  hardships  and  difficulties ;  and, 
if  the  conteft  is  flill  to  be  continued,  younger 
hands  mould  now  take  the  toil  from  you.  You 
have  now  a  fair  opening  of  quitting  that  fervice 
with  honour  and  reputation  to  yourfelf  by  go- 
ing to  Jamaica  with  me.  The  world  will  rea- 
dily attribute  it  to  the  known  friendfhip  that  has 
fubfifted  between  us,  and,  by  quitting  this  coun- 
try for  a  fhort  time,  you  would  avoid  any  dif- 
agreeable  converfations,  and  might  return  at 
your  own  leifure  to  take  poffeflion  of  your 
eflates  for  yourfelf  and  family.  The  regiment 
I  am  going  with  I  am  to  command,  the  only 
proof  I  can  give  you  of  my  fmcerity  is,  that 
I  will  quit  that  command  to  you  with  pleafure, 
and  ferve  under  you.  I  earnestly  wiili  I  could 
be  the  initrument  to  effect  what  I  propofe,  as  I 
think  it  would  be  a  great  means  towards  pro- 
moting that  reconciliation  we  all  wifh  for.  A 
thoufand  circumftances  concur  to  make  this  a 
proper  period   for  you    to    embrace  :    our   old 

6  acquaintances 


(     *9l     ) 

*  acquaintance,    my    having   been    formerly   go- 
'  vernor  in  this  province,  &c.  &c.  the  intercft  I 

*  have  with  the  prefent  commander. 

1  I  give  you  my  honour  what  I  write  is  en- 
'  tirely  unknown  to  the  commandant  or  to  any 
'  one   elfe,  and  fo   fhall  your   anfwer  be   if  you 

*  favour  me  with  one.  '  Think  well  of  me. 

'  Yours*  fincerely, 
(Signed)         .  <  Cha.  Montague. 

*  To  brigadier-general  Moultrie.* 

To  this  brigadier-general  Moultrie  returned 
the  following  anfwer: 

c  Haddreli's  Point,  March  12,   1781. 
*  My  lord, 
'  I  received  yours  this  morning.    I  thank  you 
'  for  your  wifli  to  promote  my  advantage,  but  am 
'  much  furprized  at  your  propofition.     I  flattered 

*  myfelf  I  flood  in  a  more  favourable  light  with 
£  you.  I  fhall  write  with  the  fame  freedom  with 
e  which  we  ufed  to  converfe,  and  doubt  not  you 
c  will  receive  it  with  the  fame  candour.  I  have 
'  often  heard  you  exprefs  your  fentiments  refpect- 
'  ing  this  unfortunate  war,  when  you  thought 
c  the  Americans  injured ;  but  am  now  aftonifhed 
e  to  find  you  taking  an  active  part  againfl  them, 
'  though  not  fighting  particularly  on  the  conti- 
'  nent ;  yet  the  feducing  their  foldiers  away,  to 
'  enlift  in  the  Britifh  fervice,  is  nearly  fimilar. 

«  My 


(     292     ) 

*  My  lord,  you  are  pleafed  to  compliment  mc 
8  with  having  fought  bravely  in  my  country's 
s  caufe  for  many  years,  and  in  your  opinion  ful- 

*  filled  the  duty  every  individual  owes  to  it :  but 
8  I  differ  widely  with  you  in  thinking  that  I 
'  have  difcharged  my  duty  to  my  country,  while 
6  it  is  {till  deluged  with  blood  and  over-run  by 
'  the  Britifh  troops,  who  exercife  the  molt  fa- 
6  vage  cruelties.  When  I  entered  into  this  con- 
c  tdi  I  did  it  with  the  mofl  mature  deliberation, 
4  and  with  a  determined  refolution  to  rilk  mv  life 

*  and  fortune  in  the  caufe.  The  hardfhips  I  have 
£  gone  through  I  look  back  upon  with  the  greatefl 
6  pleafure  and  honour  to  myfelf.  I  mall  continue 
6  to  go  on  as  I  have  begun,  that  my  example 
c  may  encourage  the  youths  of  America  to  ftand 
4  forth  in  defence  of  their  rights  and  liberties. 
'  You  call  upon  me  now,  and  tell  me  I  have  a 
6  fair  opening  of  quitting  that  fervice  with  ho- 
4  nour  and  reputation  to  myfelf,  by  going  with 
4  you  to  Jamaica.  Good  God  !  is  it  pofTible  that 
4  inch  an  idea  could  arife  in  the  bread  of  a  man 
6  of  honour.  I  am  forry  you  fhould  imagine  I 
'  have  fo  little  regard  for  my  own  reputation,  as 

*  to  liften  to  fuch  dishonourable  propofals.    Would 

*  you  wifh  to  have  that  man,  whom  you  have  ho- 
s  noured  with  your  friendlbip,  to  play  the  traitor? 

*  furely  not.  You  fay,  by  quitting  this  country 
s  for  a  fhort  time,  I  might  avoid  difagreeable 
"  convrrfationg,  and  might  return  at  my  own  lei- 

*  iure  Mid  take  polfefiion  of  my  eftates  for  myfelf 

*  and  familv ;  but  you  have  forgot  to  tell  me  how 

*  I 


(     293     ) 

*  I  am  to  get  rid  of  the  feelings   of  an   injured 

*  honeft  heart,  and  where  to  hide  myfelf  from 
8  myfelf.     Could  I  be  guilty  of  fo  much  bafenefs, 

*  I  mould  hate  myfelf  and  fhun  mankind.  This 
8  would  be  a  fatal  exchange  from  my  prefent  fitu- 
4  ation,  with  an  cafy  and  approving  confcience,  of 
8  having  done  my  duty,  and  conducted  myfelf  as 
1  a  man  of  honour. 

8  My  lord,  I  am  forry  to  obferve,  that  I  feel 
4  your  friendfhip  much  abated,  or  you  would  not 
8  endeavour  to  prevail  upon  me  to  act  fo  bafe   a 

*  part.      You  earneftly  wifh  you   could   bring   it 

*  about,  as   you  think   it   will   be  the   means   of 

*  bringing  about  that  reconciliation  we  all  wifh 
4  for.     I  wifh  for  a  reconciliation  as  much  as  any 

*  man,  but   only  upon   honourable   terms.     The 

*  re-poflefling  my  eftates,  the  offer  of  the  com- 
8  mand  of  your  regiment,  and  the  honour  you 
8  propofe  of  ferving  under  me,  are  paltry  confi- 

*  derations  to  the  lofs  of  my  reputation.     No  not 

*  the  fee-fimple  of  that  valuable  ifland  of  Jamaica 
8  mould  induce  me  to  part  with  my  integrity. 

4  My  lord,  as  you  have  made  one  propofal, 
4  give  me  leave  to  make  another,  which  will  be 
4  more  honourable  to  us  both.  As  you  have  an 
4  interefl  with  your  commanders,  I  would  have 
4  you  propofe  the  withdrawing  the  Britifh  troops 
8  from  the  continent  of  America,  allow  the  in- 
4  dependence,  and  propofe  a  peace.  This  being 
8  done,  I  will  ufe  my  interefl  with  my  command- 

4  ers 


(     *94     ) 

*  ers  to   accept  of  the  terms,  and  allow  Great- 
'  Britain  a  free  trade  with  America. 

6  My  lord,  I  could  make  one  more  propofal ; 
'  but  my  fituation  as  a  prifoner  circumfcribes  me 

*  within  certain  bounds.     I  mufl  therefore   con- 
'  elude  with  allowing  you  the  free  liberty  to  make 

*  what  ufe  of  this  you  may  think  proper.     Think 
'  better  of  me. 

'  I  am,  my  lord, 
'  your  lordfhip's 

6  mod  obedient  humble  fervant, 
4  William  Moultrie,  B.  G* 

*  To  lord  Charles  Montague.* 

The  continental  officers  taken  at  the  furrender 
of  Charlefton  were  confined  to  Haddrell's  Point 
and  the  vicinity.  Far  from  their  friends,  and 
deflitute  of  hard  money,  they  were  reduced  to 
the  greatefl  ftraits.  Such  were  the  difficulties 
and  fevere  reftrictions  impofed  on  this  band  of 
patriots,  that  many  of  them,  though  born  in 
affluence  and  habituated  to  attendance,  were 
compelled  to  do  not  only  the  moft  menial  offices 
for  themfelves,  but  could  fcarcely  procure  the 
plained  neceifaries  of  life.  During  a  captivity 
of  thirteen  months,  they  received  no  more  from 
their  country  than  nine  days  pay.  Thefe  hard- 
ships were  not  alleviated  by  thofe  civilities  from 
their  conquerors  which  among  modern  refined 
nations  have  abated  the  horrors  of  war.  They 
were  debarred  the  liberty  of  fifhing  for  their  fup- 

port. 


(     295     ) 

port,  though  their  great  leifure  and  many  wants 
made  it  an  object  not  only  as  an  amufement,  but 
as  a  mean  of  fupplying  their  necefiities.  After 
bearing  all  thefe  evils  with  great  fortitude,  they 
were  informed,  in  the  month  of  March  1781,  by 
lieutenant-colonel  Balfour,  that,  by  pofitive  or- 
ders from  earl  Cornwaliis,  he  was  to  fend  them 
to  fome  one  of  the  Weft-India  iilands.  This  was 
fo  directly  oppofed  to  the  letter  and  fpirit  of  the 
capitulation  of  Charlelron,  that  general  Moultrie 
was  induced  once  more  to  prefer  a  remonftrance. 
This  addrefs,  though  fupported  with  manly  fpi- 
rit, and  directed  by  decency,  met  with  little  re- 
gard. Preparations  were  made  for  the  execution 
of  the  mandate  ;  but  a  general  exchange  of  pri- 
foners,  in  the  fouthern  department,  took  place 
in  a  few  weeks,  which  releafed  the  prifoners  on 
both  fides  from  captivity. 

The  citizens  of  the  town,  who  adhered  to 
their  paroles,  were  treated  with  great  feverity. 
Though  they  were  not  allowed  rations,  yet  they 
were  debarred  from  trade,  and  from  exerciling 
any  profeffion  of  whatever  kind  for  a  competent 
fubfiftence.  Upon  the  application  of  an  indivi- 
dual for  rations,  the  town  major,  Charles  Frafer, 
iffued  the  following  order  :  •  All  difficulties  with 
'  regard  to  provifions  ought  to  have  been  confi- 
c  dered  before  people  entered  into  rebellion,  or, 
1  in  the  courfe  of  thefe  twelve  months,  while 
'  they  have  been  allowed  to  walk  about  on  parole. 
'  All  militia  prifoners  and  others  en  parole,  are 

'  to 


(     296     ) 

'  to  keep  their  paroles  and  to  remain  in  their 
'  houfes.'  The  loyal  fubje£h  were  precluded  from 
employing  them  in  the  molt  fervile  labour,  by  an 
order  of  lieutenant-colonel  Nifbet  Balfour,  iffued 
on  the  twenty-fifth  of  March  1781,  in  the  follow- 
ing words  :  *  Whereas  divers  perfons  who  are 
4  prilbners  on  parole,  in  Charleiton,  do  exercife 

*  their  profeffions,  trades  and  occupations,  and 
1  avail  themfelves  of  the  emoluments  and  advan- 

*  tages  incident  thereto,  which  mould  be  enjoyed 
'  by  thofe  only  who  have  returned  to  their  allegi- 
'  ance,  and  are  defirous  of  fupporting  his  majef- 
'  ty's  government,  which  affords  them  protection. 

*  For  prevention  whereof  in  future,  it  is  ordered, 
'  that  no  perfon,   now  a  prifoner  on  parole   in 

*  Charleiton,  fhall  have  the  liberty  of  exercifing 

*  any  profeffion,   trade,  mechanick  art,  bufinefs 

*  or  occupation.  And  his  majefty's  fubjecls  are 
'  hereby  ftri&ly  enjoined  and  required  not  to 
'  employ  fuch  perfon  or  perfons  on  any  pretence.' 

*  By  order  of  the  commandant, 

'  Henry  Barry,  fecretary,  and 
c  deputy  adjutant-general.' 

Though  by  the  capitulation  of  Charlefton,  in 
May  1780,  the  inhabitants  were  entitled  to  their 
paroles,  and  a  relidence  on  their  eftates  with  their 
families;  yet  in  May  1781  upwards  of  one  hun- 
dred of  them  were  confined  to  prifon-fhips.  The 
conquerors  did  not  undertake  to  juftify  this  ftep 
from  any  fuppoied  breach  of  parole.  They  af- 
fected to  hold  the  prifoners  in  this  flate  of  durefs 

as 


(     297     ) 

as  hoftages,  to  fecure  good  treatment  for  thofe  of 
the  loyalifts  who  had  been  captured  by  the  Ame- 
ricans. The  gentlemen  who  were  confined  on 
this  occafion  fubmitted  to  their  fate  with  great 
magnanimity.  Inftead  of  repining  at  their  fitua- 
tion,  they  only  regretted,  4  if  it  fhould  fall  to 
'  the  lot  of  any  or  all  of  them  to  be  made  victims, 

*  agreeably  to  the  menaces  of  lieutenant-colonel 
'  Balfour,  that  their  blood  could  not  be  difpoied 

*  of  more  to  the  advantage  of  the  glorious  caufe 
e  in  which  they  had  engaged.' vv 

Though  the  property  of  the  prifoners  was 
confeifedly  fecured  by  the  capitulation,  as  part 
of  the  equivalent  for  the  furrender  of  Charlefton, 
yet  they  had  the  mortification  to  fee  it  repeatedly 
taken  from  them  without  any  redrefs. 

As  the  war  was  carried  on,  not  to  gain  a  con- 
tended point  from  an  independent  power,  but  to 
annihilate  the  aflumed  independence  of  the  (late, 
and  to  reduce  it  to  its  former  provincial  fubjecli- 
on,  the  conquerors  ridiculed  the  idea  of  cbferv- 
ing  the  capitulation  with  citizens.  They  confi- 
dered  that  meafure  as  the  expedient  of  a  day, 
only  proper  at  the  furrender  to  prevent  the  efiu- 
fion  of  blood,  but  no  longer  fo  when  their  arms 
were  triumphant  in  the  remote  extremities  of  the 
Hate.  Indulgences  fnewn  to  prifoners  were  view- 
ed as  favours  derived  from  the  humanity  of  con- 
querors, and  not  as  rights  founded  on  a  capitu- 

Vol,  II.  P  p  lation. 

*T  See  note  xl'v. 


(     *98     ) 

lation.  Perfons  who  remained  in  the  character 
of  prifoners,  and  claimed  under  that  folemn 
agreement,  were  confidered  as  obftinate  rebels, 
who  meant  to  thwart  the  views  of  the  royal  ar- 
my. While  they  wifhed  to  be  regarded  as  the 
members  of  an  independent  ftate,  they  were 
looked  upon  as  vanquifhed  rebels  who  owed  their 
lives  to  Britifh  clemency.  In  this  confufion  of 
fentiments,  to  reconcile  contradictory  claims  re- 
quired uncommon  addrefs.  The  pride  of  con-, 
querors,  highly  eftimating  their  own  moderation, 
and  the  pride  of  prifoners,  confidering  themfelves 
as  independent  freemen,  entitled  to  refpect.  for 
their  firmnefs  and  patriotifm,  made  the  former 
trample  on  the  latter,  and  the  latter  defpife  the 
former.  It  would  have  been  more  for  Britifh 
honour,  either  to  have  refufed  a  capitulation,  or 
to  have  obferved  it  better.  Their  capitulating 
one  day  with  the  inhabitants  as  the  members  of 
a  diftintt  nation,  and  foon  after  treating  them  as 
their  own  vanquifhed  rebellious  fubje&s,  made  a 
confufion  in  their  politicks,  and  contributed  not 
'a  little  to  the  utter  ruin  of  their  caufe. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned,  that,  in  May 
178 1,  a  general  exchange  of  prifoners  was  agreed 
to,  in  which  the  militia  on  both  fides  were  re- 
fpectively  exchanged  for  each  other.  Notwith- 
standing every  difficulty,  a  confiderable  number 
of  the  inhabitants  had  perfeveringly  refufed  to 
become  Britifh  fubjecls.  Thefe  being  exchang- 
ed, were  delivered  at. the  American  pofts  in  Vir- 
ginia 


(    *99     ) 

ginia  and  Pennfylvania.  Great  were  the  exulta- 
tions of  the  fullering  friends  of  independence,  at 
the  profpecl:  of  their  being  releafed  from  con- 
finement, and  reltored  to  activity  in  their  coun- 
try's caufe ;  but  thefe  pleafmg  profpects  were 
obfcured  by  the  diftreffes  brought  on  their  fami- 
lies by  this  otherwife  defirable  event.  On  the 
twenty-fifth  of  June  1781  the  Britifh  command- 
ant, lieutenant-colonel  Balfour,  .iflued  the  follow- 
ing order  : 

'  As  many  perfons  lately  exchanged  as  prifon- 
8  crs  of  war,  and  others  who  have  long  chofe  to 

*  refide  in  the  colonies  now  in  rebellion,  have, 
'  notwithstanding  fuch  their  abfence,  wives  and 
f.  families    (till    remaining    here,    the    weight    of 

*  which  on  all  accounts  it  is  equally  impolitick  as 

*  inconfiftent  mould  longer  be  fuffered  to  reft  on 

*  the  government  eitablifhed  here  and  the  re- 
t  fources  of  it : 

e  The  commandant  is  therefore  pleafed  to  di- 

*  reel,  that  all  fuch  women,  children  and  others, 
'  as  above  defcribed,  fliould  quit   this   town  and 

*  province  on  or  before  the  firft  day  of  Augult 

*  next  enfui ng  ;   of  which  regulation  all  fuch  per- 

*  fons  are  hereby  ordered  to  take  notice,  and  to 
'  remove  themfelves  accordingly.' 

The  gentlemen  who  had  been,  from  motives  of 
policy,  removed  from  Charlefton  to  St.  Auguf- 
tine,  as  has  been  already  related,  obtained  their 

releafe 


(     300     ) 

releafe  by  this  general  exchange,  and  were  deli- 
vered at  the  port  of  Philadelphia.  Though  their 
wives  and  children  who  had  been  left  in  Charlef- 
ton  were  ordered  the  fame  way,  and  at  the  fame 
time,  lieutenant-colonel  Balfour  gave  pofitive 
orders  that  they  mould  not  be  fuffered  to  touch 
at  Charleston.  Here  commenced  a  fcene  of  dif- 
trefs.  More  than  a  thoufand  perfons  were  exiled 
from  their  homes,  and  thrown  on  the  charity  of 
ftrangers  for  their  fupport.  Hufbands  and  wives, 
parents  and  children,  fome  of  whom  had  been 
for  feveral  months  feparated  from  each  other, 
were  not  permitted  to  footh  their  common  diflrefs 
by  being  together  ;  but  were  doomed  to  have 
their  fir  ft  interview  among  ftrangers  in  a  diftant 
land.  In  retaliation  for  this  conduct,  governor 
Rutledge  ordered  the  brigadiers  of  militia  to 
drive,  within  the  Britifh  lines,  the  families  of  thofe 
who  adhered  to  the  royal  caufe.  The  wives  and 
children  of  thofe  inhabitants  who,  to  avoid  the 
refentments  of  their  countrymen,  had  retreated 
with  the  retreating  Britifh,  were  compelled  to 
take  fhelter  within  their  pofts.  In  exchange  for 
their  comfortable  farms  in  the  country,  many  of 
them  were  reduced  in  a  little  time  to  the  neceflity 
of  living  in  clay  huts  in  the  vicinity  of  Charlef- 
ton.  In  this  forlorn  fituation  numbers  of  them, 
deflitute  of  the  comforts  of  life,  and  overwhelmed 
with  difeafes,  fpeedily  perifhed.  The  exiled  Ame- 
ricans  received   generous    treatment    from   fome 

o 

individuals,  and  alfo  from  the  bounty  of  Con- 
grefs ;  but,  notwithstanding  this  liberality,  they 

fuffered 


(    301     ) 

fuffered  many  of  the  evils  which  refult  from  a 
want  of  friends  and  a  want  of  money.  Several 
of  the  perfons  thus  exchanged,  and  fent  to  the 
northern  dates,  were  owners  of  landed  property 
in  Charleffon.  Though  by  the  capitulation  they 
had  an  undoubted  right  to  difpofe  of  this  for 
their  own  advantage,  yet  they  were  debarred 
that  liberty  by  the  following  order,  ilTued  on  the 
eleventh  of  July  1781  : 

c  The  commandant  is  pleafed  to  direct,  that 
'  no  perfon,  living  under  the  rebel  government, 
e  fhall  have  liberty,  or  grant  power  to  others  for 
*  fo  doing,  to  let  or  leafe  any  houfe  within  this 
1  town  without  a  fpecial  licenfe  for  fo  doing,  as 
'  it  is  intended  to  take  all  fuch  houfes  as  may  be 
6  wanted  for  the  publick  fervice,  paying  to  the 
'  owners  of  thofe  fecured  by  the  capitulation  a 
'  reafonable  rent  for  the  fame,  as  by  this  means 
'  government  will  be  enabled  to  re-inftate  its 
'  firm  friends  in  poffeflion  of  their  own  houfes 
'  within  a  (hort  fpace  of  time.' 

(Signed)  c  James  Fraser,  acting 

'  barrackmafter.-' 

In  confequence  of  this  mandate,  the  houfes  of 
thofe  who  adhered  to  the  caufe  of  America  were, 
in  violation  of  publick  faith,  taken  out  of  their 
hands,  and  there  was  fcarce  an  inftance  of  com- 
penfation  being  allowed  them  for  this  feizure  of 
their  property. 

The 


(     3°2     ) 

Th  e  partial  re-eftablimment  of  Brkiiri  govern- 
ment in  South-Carolina  was,  as  has  been  ftated, 
the  fource  of  accumulated  evils  to  the  Heady 
friends  of  independence  ;  but  they  were  not  the 
only  fufferers.  The  calamities  of  the  years  1780 
and  178 1  operated  extenfively.  There  was  fcarce- 
ly  an  inhabitant  of  the  ftate,  however  obfeure  in 
character  or  remote  in  fituation,  whether  he  re- 
mained firm  to  one  party  or  changed  with  the 
times,  who  did  not  in  fome  degree  partake  of 
the  general  diftrefs.  The  adherents  to  royal 
government  were  often  treated  by  the  Britiiri 
conquerors  with  neglect  and  contempt — frequently 
fuffered  in  their  property,  and  had  many-  griev- 
ances unredrefTed.  Their  molt  effcntial  interefts 
were  in  every  ftage  of  the  war,  and  efpCcially  at 
the  evacuation  of  Charlefton,  and  the  general 
treaty  of  peace,  facrificed  to  political  neceility. 
They  had  the  peculiar  misfortune  of  fuffering 
from  the  repeated  violation  of  publick  faith  fuc- 
ceffiveiy  pledged  for  their  fecurity.  Immediately 
after  the  furrender  of  Charlefton  they  were  af~ 
fured  by  proclamation,  *  that  they  fhould  meet 
'  with  effectual  countenance,  protection  and 
c  fupport.'  Notwithstanding  thefe  bold  promifes, 
general  Clinton  immediately  withdrew  the  greateft 
part  of  the  conquering  army  j  and  lord  Cornwal- 
lis,  after  marching  through  the  flate,  proceeded 
to  his  northern  operations  with  fo  great  a  part 
of  the  remainder,  as  left  the  country  without  a 
fufficient  defence.  After  general  Greene  return- 
ed to  the  ftate,  the  fame  delufion  was  renewed 

by 


(     3°3     ) 

by  proclamation,  dated  at  Monk's  Corner  on  May 
twenty-fourth,  1781,  hi  which  lord  llawdon  and 
lieutenant-colonel    Balfour    gave    *  affurances    of 

*  every  fupport  to  the  loyal  inhabitants,  that  they 
'  would  fhortly  re-inflate  them  in  the  full  and 
c  peaceable    poffeflion    of    their    property    from 

*  which  they  had  been  driven.'  uu  But  the  greateft 
deception  took  place  in  December  1781,  and  the 
following  months.  Though  the  defence  of  the 
country  was  abandoned,  and  the  royal  army 
durfl  not  rilk  an  action  without  their  lines,  yet 
general  Leflie,  who  had  been  about  that  time 
appointed  to  command  the  Britiih  troops  in  Ca- 
rolina, under  all  thefe  forbidding  circumftances, 
iffued  his  proclamation,  afluring  '  his  majefty's 
'  loyal  fubjects  in  the  province,  that  they  might 
'  rely  on  fpeedy  and  effectual  fupport  being  given 
'  them  by  the  exertions  of  the  forces  under  his 
c  command  ;  and  that,  in  every  event  and  fituati- 

*  on,  their  interefts  and  fecurity  fnould  be  confi- 

*  dered  as  infeparably  connected  with  thofe   of 

*  his  majefty's  troops.'  This  proclamation  was 
continued  while  the  legiflature  of  the  ftate,  con- 
vened at  Jackfonborough,  was  confifcating  their 
property.  Such  at  that  time  was  the  reduced 
ftate  of  the  fouthern  army,  and  of  the  finances  of 
America,  that  great  indulgences  in  favour  of 
Britiih  fubjects  could  have  been  obtained  as  an 
equivalent  for  a  voluntary  withdrawing  of  the 
royal  forces.  After  an  act  of  affembly  had  ba- 
nifhed  and  beggared  the  active  friends  of  the  old 


government, 


See  note  xlvi. 


(     3°4     ) 

government,  that  event,  in  a  few  months,  took 
place  without  fecuring  any  one  advantage  to  the 
deceived  royalifts. 

The  rneafures  that  ultimately  occafioned  the 
evacuation  of  Charlefton,  and  a  termination  of 
the  war,  took  their  rife  at  a  diftant  period,  and 
were  principally  effected  in  the  flate  of  Virginia. 
To  underftand  them  in  a  proper  connexion,  a 
review  of  the  exertions  of  the  court  of  France, 
in  the  years  1780  and  1781,  in  favour  of  the 
United  States,  and  of  the  plans  adopted  by  the 
Britifh  for  their  fubjugation  in  the  fame  years, 
together  with  the  general  flate  of  American  af- 
fairs in  that  period,  becomes  neceiTary. 

The  fall  of  Charlefton  in  May  1780,  and  the 
complete  rout  of  the  American  army  in  the  Au- 
guft  following,  laid  the  foundation  of  a  vigorous 
enterprize,  which  in  two  years  terminated  a  war 
that  might  otherwife  have  lafted  much  longer. 
The  Britifh  fucceffes  to  the  fouthward,  after  they 
had  changed  the  theatre  of  the  war  from  north 
to  fouth,  gave  a  ferious  alarm  to  the  friends  of 
independence.  In  the  clofe  of  the  year  1780, 
the  United  States  appeared  to  be  in  nearly  the 
fame  fituation  as  they  were  at  the  clofe  of  the 
year  1776.  What  the  battle  of  Trenton  and 
Princeton  effected  in  the  north,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  war,  bears  a  flrong  analogy  to  the  confe- 
quences  of  the  battles  of  King's  Mountain  and 
of  the  Cowpens  in  the  fouth,  in  its  lafl  period  ; 

but 


(    3°5    ) 

but  with  this  difference :  in  the  firft  crifis  of 
American  affairs  the  fpirits  of  the  people  were 
high,  and  the  paper  currency  had  credit  equal  to 
gold  and  filver :  in  the  laft,  the  inhabitants  of 
the  United  States  were  thoroughly  tired  of  the 
war,  and  their  bills  of  credit  would  fcarcely  de- 
fray the  expence  of  printing  them.  In  the  year 
1776  America  had  no  affurance  of  foreign  aid  ; 
but  in  the  year  1780  me  had  the  advantage  of  a 
connexion  with  the  greateft  monarch  in  Europe, 
bound  by  treaty  to  eftablifh  her  independence. 
In  the  laft  low  ftate  of  American  affairs  Congrefs 
looked  up  to  their  faithful  ally,  Louis  the  fix- 
teenth  of  France.  Lieutenant-colonel  John  Lau- 
rens was  appointed  their  fpecial  minitter,  and 
ordered  to  repair  to  the  court  of  Verfailles,  and 
there  to  urge  the  neceffity  of  fpeedy  and  effectual 
fuccour,  and,  in  particular,  to  folicit  for  a  loan 
of  fpecie,  and  a  co-operation  of  a  French  fleet 
in  attempting  fome  important  enterprize  againft 
the  common  enemy.  So  much  addrefs  was  dis- 
played in  accomplifhing  the  object  of  this  miffion, 
that  it  is  hard  to  tell  which  we  ought  to  admire 
mod,  the  gallant  officer  or  the  able  negotiator. 

The  unrivalled  reputation  which  lieutenant- 
colonel  Laurens  had  acquired  in  the  field,  feemed, 
if  poffible,  to  be  eclipfed  by  the  fuperior  eclat 
with  which  he  terminated  his  fhort  but  impor- 
tant embaffy.  Within  fix  months  from  his  de- 
parture he  returned  to  America,  all  the  objects 
of  his  miffion  being  fully  obtained.     On  his  ar- 

Vol.  II.  Q^q  rival 


(     306     ) 

rival  on  the  continent,  he  inftantly  repaired  to 
Philadelphia,  and  gave  an  account  of  his  nego- 
tiation. In  three  days  he  finilhed  his  bufmefs 
with  Congrefs,  and  immediately  after  re-joined 
the  American  army.  Though  he  was  entitled  to 
a  generous  falary  allowed  by  Congrefs  to  their 
minifters  at  foreign  courts,  he  declined  receiving 
any  thing  more  than  his  bare  expences.  On  the 
application  of  Congrefs,  in  this  crifis  of  their 
affairs,  to  their  illuftrious  ally,  every  thing  afked 
for,  and  even  more,  was  with  great  liberality 
cheerfully  granted.  His  mod  chriitian  majefty 
generouily  gave  them  a  fubfidy  of  fix  millions  of 
livres,  and  became  their  fecurity  for  ten  millions 
more  borrowed  for  their  ufe  in  the  United  Ne- 
therlands. A  naval  co-operation  was  promifed, 
and  a  conjunct  expedition  againft  the  common 
foe  was  projected.  It  was  not  only  by  thefe  libe- 
ral grants  of  money  and  of  fhips  that  the  King 
of  France  aided  his  American  allies  in  their  hour 
of  diflrefs  ;  in  the  year  1780,  as  has  been  re- 
lated, five  thoufand  five  hundred  French  troops 
had  landed  in  Rhode-Ifland,  to  co-operate  with 
the  armies  of  Congrefs.  The  difpofition  to  fup- 
port  the  American  revolution  was  not  only  pre- 
valent in  the  court  of  France,  but  it  animated 
the  body  of  the  French  nation.  As  foon  as  it 
was  known  that  a  refolution  was  adopted  to  fend 
out  troops  to  the  United  States,  the  young  French 
nobility  difcovered  the  moft  ardent  zeal  to  be 
employed  on  that  fervice.  Court  favour  was 
jcarcely  ever  Solicited  with  more  earneftnefs  than 

was 


(    3°7    ) 

Avas  the  honour  of  ferving  under  general  Wafh- 
ington.  The  number  of  applicants  was  much 
greater  than  the  publick  fervice  required.  Among 
thofe  who  were  on  this  occafion  fent  to  America, 
the  following  illuftrious  names  deferve  to  be  par- 
ticularly mentioned  :  the  count  de  Rochambeau, 
whofe  good  conduct  proved  the  wifdom  of  the 
choice  by  which  he  was  put  at  the  head  of  the 
French  troops  ;  the  baron  de  Viomenil  ;  the  che- 
valier de  Chatelleux,  famous  as  well  for  his  lite- 
rary as  his  military  talents  ;  the  duke  de  Laval 
Montmorency  ;  the  vifcount  de  Rochambeau  ; 
the  count  de  Saintmemes  ;  the  vifcount  de  No- 
ailles,  who  had  before  made  a  campaign  in  Ame- 
rica under  count  d'Eft aing  ;  the  count  de  Guf- 
tine  and  the  duke  de  Caftries.  Thefe  two  laft- 
named  officers  had  quitted  the  cavalry,  in  which 
they  were  far  advanced,  to  ferve  in  the  infantry, 
that  they  might  be  fent  on  this  favourite  fervice. 
The  marquis  and  the  count  de  Deux  Ponts  ;  the 
prince  de  Broglio  and  the  count  de  Segur  ;  the 
duke  de  Lauzun,  who  commanded  a  legion  com- 
pofed  of  cavalry  and  infantry,  and  who  had  under 
his  orders  the  vifcount  d'Arrot  and  the  count  de 
Dillon. 

Notwithstanding  this  uncommon  zeal  to 
ferve  in  the  American  war,  a  whole  year  elapfed 
after  the  arrival  of  the  French  troops  in  Rhode- 
Iiland,  before  a  proper  opportunity  of  gratifying 
their  paffion  for  military  fame  prefented  itfelf. 
So  great  was  the  impatience  of  the  officers  in 

this 


(    3°S     ) 

this  (late  of  inactivity,  that  it  became  necefiary 
for  their  commander,  count  de  Rochambeau,  to 
exercife  fevere  diicipline  to  moderate  their  impe- 
tuofity.  A  few  of  them  were  indulged  with  the 
liberty  of  making  excurfions  from  Rhode-Ifland, 
but  in  general  they  were  kept  together,  to  be 
ready  for  any  enterprize  that  mould  offer.  Early 
in  the  year  178 1  fifteen  hundred  of  thefe  French 
troops  were  embarked  on  an  expedition  for  the 
relief  of  Virginia.  An  engagement  took  place 
on  the  fifth  of  March,  near  the  capes  of  the  Che- 
fapeak,  between  the  Britifh  admiral  Arbuthnot 
and  the  French  chef  d'efcadre  d'Eftouches. 
The  former  having  the  advantage  of  one  fhip 
more  than  the  latter,  fruftrated  the  intended 
fcheme.  The  fleet  of  his  mod  chriftian  majefty 
was  obliged  to  return  to  Rhode-Ifland  without 
accomplifhing  their  object.  The  ardent  zeal  of 
the  French  troops,  though  checked,  was  not  re- 
preffed  by  this  want  of  fuccefs.  In  a  few  months 
full  fcope  was  given  for  the  gratification  of  their 
fervent  defire  to  render  effectual  aid  to  their  Ame- 
rican allies.  Near  the  fame  fpot  where  they  fail- 
ed in  their  firft  attempt,  they,  in  conjunction 
with  other  troops  and  mips  of  their  nation  and 
the  American  army,  completed  the  great  enter- 
prize which  terminated  the  war. 

The  failure  of  the  project  for  the  relief  of  Vir- 
ginia in  March  178 1,  though  at  that  time  confi- 
dered  as  difafirous,  proved  eventually  a  moft  for- 
tunate circumftance  to  the  allied  arms  of  France 

and 


(    3°9     ) 

and  America  ;  for  it  encouraged  the  Britifh  to  for- 
tify themfelves  in  the  Chelapeak,  and  prepared  the 
way  for  the  great  event,  fhortly  to  be  related, 
which  gave  peace  to  contending  nations.  The  Bri- 
tifh had  fixed  on  Virginia  as  the  principal  theatre 
of  their  operations  for  the  year  1781.  They  had, 
befides  their  militia,  about  ten  thoufand  regular 
troops  in  New-York.  They  were  alfo  in  pofieffion 
of  Savannah,  Charlefton,  and  many  flrong  polls 
in  Carolina  and  Georgia.  To  retain  their  con- 
quers in  thefe  laft-mentioned  ftates,  and  to  defend 
themfelves  in  New- York,  were  the  principal  ob- 
jects of  the  Britifh  in  the  north  and  fouth,  while 
their  chief  active-force  was  to  operate  in  or  near 
the  centre  of  the  confederacy. 

As  the  oppofition  to  the  re-eflablifhment  of 
Britifh  government  in  the  two  Carolinas  and 
Georgia  was  greatly  invigorated  by  fupplies  from 
Virginia,  the  reduction  of  that  powerful  ftate 
was  confidered  as  the  mod  effectual  method  of 
completing  the  conqueft  of  the  fouthern  extre- 
mity of  the  union.  The  pofieffion  of  the  Che- 
fapeak  by  the  Britifh  furnilhed  a  convenient  har- 
bour for  their  fleets,  and  a  central  point  from 
which  they  might  direct  their  operations  againfi 
the  middle  ftates.  Subfervient  to  this  fcheme, 
as  well  as  to  that  of  making  a  diverfion,  while 
the  war  raged  chiefly  in  South-Carolina,  detach- 
ments from  the  royal  army  had  been  occafionally 
fent  to  Virginia  in  the  latter  end  of  the  year  1780 
and  the  beginning  of  1781.  As  the  feafon  ad- 
vanced 


(    310     ) 

vanced  thefe  were  increafed.  By  the  junction  of 
lord  Cornwallis  with  the  troops  commanded  by 
generals  Philips  and  Arnold,  an  event  which  took 
place  on  the  twentieth  of  May  178 1,  they  be- 
came very  formidable.  After  his  lordfhip  had 
marched  through  South  and  North-Carolina,  he 
fancied  he  had  fubdued  thefe  ftates,  and  there- 
fore, as  has  been  related,  he  profecuted  his  ima- 
ginary conquefts  into  Virginia.  The  forces  un- 
der the  command  of  general  Philips  and  general 
Arnold  had  been,  for  fome  months  previous  to 
their  junction  with  lord  Cornwallis,  marching 
through  that  flate  in  the  fame  manner,  and  with 
the  fame  effect,  that  his  lordfhip  had  traverfed 
the  two  Carolinas.  Whitherfoever  they  marched 
they  bore  down  all  oppofition  ;  but  their  con- 
quells  were  feldom  of  longer  duration  than  their 
encampments. 

The  formidable  force,  thus  collected  in  Vir- 
ginia, called  for  the  vigorous  exertions  of  the 
friends  of  independence.  The  defence  of  that 
ftate  was  at  this  period  of  the  war  principally 
entrufted  to  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette.  The 
enthufiaftick  zeal  and  great  fervices  of  this  dif- 
tinguifhed  French  nobleman,  merit  a  particular 
detail.  At  the  age  of  nineteen  he  efpoufed  the 
caufe  of  America  with  all  the  ardour  which  the 
mod  generous  philanthropy  could  infpire.  At 
a  very  early  period  of  the  war,  he  determined 
to  embark  from  his  native  country  for  the  United 
States.     Before  he  could  complete  this  intention, 

intelligence 


(     3"     ) 

intelligence  arrived  in  Europe,  that  the  Ameri- 
can infurgents,  reduced  to  two  thoufand  men, 
were  flying  through  Jerfey  before  a  Britifh  force 
of  thirty  thoufand  regulars.  This  news  fo  effec- 
tually extinguifhed  the  little  credit  which  Ame- 
rica had  in  Europe,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year 
j  777,  that  the  commiffioners  of  Congrefs  at 
Paris,  though  they  had  previoufly  encouraged  his 
project,  could  not  procure  a  veffel  to  forward 
his  intentions.  Under  thefe  circumftances  they 
thought  it  but  honeft  to  difTuade  him  from  the 
prefent  profecution  of  his  perilous  enterprize.  It 
was  in  vain  they  acted  fo  candid  a  part.  The 
flame  which  America  had  kindled  in  his  breafi 
could  not  be  extinguifhed  by  her  misfortunes, 
5  Hitherto,'  faid  he,  in  the  true  fpirit  of  patriot- 
ifm,  '  I  have  only  cherifhed  your  caufe — now  I 
'  am  going  to  ferve  it.  The  lower  it  is  in  the 
'  opinion  of  the  people,  the  greater  will  be  the 
'  effect  of  my  departure  ;  and  fince  you  cannot 
'  get  a  veffel,  I  mall  purchafe  and  fit  out  one  to 
f  carry  your  defpatches  to  Congrefs  and  myfelf  to 
*  America.'  He  accordingly  embarked  and  ar- 
rived in  Charlefton  early  in  the  year  1777-  Con- 
grefs foon  conferred  on  him  the  rank  of  major- 
general.  He  accepted  the  appointment,  but  not 
without  exacting  two  conditions,  which  difplayed 
the  elevation  of  his  fpirit :  the  one,  that  he  fhould 
be  permitted  to  ferve  at  his  own  expence  ;  the 
other,  that  he  (hculd  begin  his  fervices  as  a 
volunteer. 


He 


(     312     ) 

He  was  foon  appointed  to  command  an  irrup- 
tion into  Canada.  The  plan  was  to  crofs  the 
lakes  on  the  ice  ;  the  object  to  feize  Montreal 
and  St.  Johns.  He  was  now  at  the  age  of  twen- 
ty, and  rauft  have  keenly  experienced  the  almoft 
irrefiftible  allurements  of  independent  command  ; 
but  his  cool  judgment,  and  honeft  heart,  retrain- 
ed him  from  indulging  a  paffion  for  military  fame, 
under  circumflances  that  might  have  injured  the 
caufe  which  he  had  fo  zealoufly  efpoufed.  He 
found  that,  in  cafe  of  his  proceeding,  the  army 
under  his  command  would  be  in  danger  of  ex- 
periencing a  fate  fimilar  to  that  of  the  unfortu- 
nate Burgoyne.  With  a  boldnefs  of  judgment 
that  would  have  done  honour  to  the  moft  expe- 
rienced general,  and  without  advancing  beyond 
-Albany,  he  relinquiflied  the  expedition.  Soon 
after  he  received  the  thanks  of  Congrefs  for  his 
prudence. 

In  the  four  campaigns  which  fucceeded  the 
arrival  of  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette  in  America, 
he  gave  repeated  proofs  of  his  military  talents  in 
the  middle  and  eaftern  (fates  ;  but  as  thefe  ope- 
rations do  not  fall  within  the  prefcribed  limits  of 
this  hiitory,  I  proceed  to  relate  thofe  events  which 
took  place  under  his  command  in  the  fouthern 
dates,  and  which  had  an  influence  on  the  publick 
affairs  of  South- Carolina. 

Early  in  the  year  178 1,  while  the  war  raged 
to  the  fouthward  of  Virginia,  the  marquis  de  la 

Fayette 


(     8*3     ) 

Fayette  was  detached  on   an  expedition  againft 
Portfmouth,  but  here  his  a&ive  zeal   received   a 
check,   no   lefs   fatal  to  his  hopes  than  when  he 
was  obliged  to  relinquish  the  expedition  to  Ca- 
nada,    The   engagement  near  the  capes   of  the 
Chefapeak,    between   the  French  chef  d'eicadre 
d'Eftouches  and  the  Britifh   admiral  Arbuthnot, 
which  took  place  on  the  fifth  of  March    -781,  as 
has  been  related,  defeated  the  enterprize.     Upon 
this  event  he  marched  back  to  the  Head  of  Elk, 
where  he  received  an  order  from  general  Wafh- 
ington  to  return  to  Virginia,  to  oppofe  general 
Philips,  who  had  joined  general  Arnold  at  Portf- 
mouth.    Although  the  troops  under  his  command 
were  in  want  of  almort  every  thing,  he  neverthe- 
lefs  proceeded  with  them  to  Baltimore.     Here  he 
learned  that  general  Philips  was  urging  prepara- 
tions to  embark  at  Portfmouth,  with  upwards   of 
three  thoufand   men.     With  the   marquis   de  la 
Fayette  it  was  a  moment  of  extreme  diftrefs  and 
embarraffment.     In    his   whole    command   there 
was  not  one  pair  of  fhoes  ;  but  the  love  and  con- 
fidence he  had  univerfally   excited,  enabled  him 
to  obtain  a  loan  of  money  which  procured  him 
fome  neceffaries  for  his  troops,  and  gave  renewed 
vigour  to  his  march.     He  fuppofed  Richmond  to 
be  the  object  of  general  Philips,  and  therefore 
I  marched   thither  with  fo   great  expedition,    that 
he  arrived  at  that  place  the  evening  before  gene- 
ral Philips.     He  was  joined  the  firfl  night  after 
his  arrival  by  major-general  baron  Steuben,  with 
a  corps  of  militia.     In  this  manner  was  the  capi- 
Vol.  II.  R  r  tal 


(     3X4     ) 

tal  of  Virginia,  at  that  time  filled  with  almoft  all 
the  military  flores  of  the  flate,  faved  from  the 
mod  imminent  danger.  The  Britifh  appeared 
the  next  morning  at  Manchefter,  jufl  oppofite  to 
Richmond.  The  two  armies  furveyed  each  other 
for  fome  time,  and  then  general  Philips,  appre- 
hending it  to  be  too  hazardous  to  attack  the  mar- 
quis de  la  Fayette  in  his  ftrong  pofition,  very 
prudently  retired. 

Such  was  the  great  fuperiority  of  numbers  by 
the  combination  of  the  forces  under  general  Ar- 
nold, general  Philips  and  lord  Cornwallis — fo 
fatal  to  all  the  fouthern  ftates  would  have  been 
the  conqueft  of  Virginia — that  the  marquis  de 
la  Fayette  had  before  him  a  labour  of  the  laft 
confequence,  and  was  preifed  on  all  fides  by 
innumerable  difficulties. 

In  the  fifft  moments  of  the  rifing  tempefl,  and 
till  he  could  provide  againft  its  utmoft  rage,  he 
began  to  retire  with  his  little  army,  which  con- 
fided of  about  a  thoufand  regulars,  two  thou- 
fand  militia,  and  fixty  dragoons.  Lord  Corn- 
wallis, exulting  in  the  profpecl  of  fuccefs,  which 
he  thought  to  be  heightened  by  the  youth  of  his 
opponent,  incautiouily  wrote  to  Great-Britain, 
6  that  the  boy  could  not  efcape  him.'  The  en- 
gagement, however,  which  was  to  confirm  his 
promife,  was  feduloufly  avoided.  Finding  it  im- 
poffible  to  force  an  action,  he  next  endeavoured 
to  cut  off  the  communication  of  the  marquis   de 

la 


(    3-5    ) 

la  Fayette  with  general  Wayne,  who,  with  eight 
hundred  Pennfylvanians,  was  advancing  from  the 
northward.  The  junction  however  was  effected 
at  Rackoon  Ford  without  lofs.  The  next  object 
of  lord  Cornwallis  was  to  get  polTeffion  of  the 
American  (tores,  which,  for  their  greater  fecu- 
rity,  had  been  removed  from  Richmond  to  Albe- 
marle old  courthoufe  above  the  Point  of  Fork. 
While  the  troops  commanded  by  the  marquis 
de  la  Fayette  and  general  Wayne  were  forming 
a  junction,  lord  Cornwallis  had  gotten  between 
them  and  their  publick  itores.  The  polTeffion  of 
thefe  was  a  principal  object  with  both  armies. 
The  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  by  forced  marches, 
got  within  a  few  miles  of  the  Britifh  army, 
when  they  were  yet  diitant  two  days  march  from 
Albemarle  old  courthoufe.  Once  more  the  Bri- 
tifh general  confidered  himfclf  fure  of  his  adver- 
fary.  To  fave  the  (lores  he  knew  was  his  defign, 
but  to  accomplifh  that  object,  his  lordfliip  faw  no 
practicable  way  but  by  a  road  in  palling  which 
the  American  army  might  be  attacked  to  great 
advantage.  It  was  a  critical  moment,  but  the 
marquis  de  la  Fayette  had  the  good  fortune  to 
extricate  himfelf.  He  opened  in  the  night,  by 
part  of  his  army,  a  nearer  road  to  Albemarle, 
which,  having  been  many  years  difufed,  was 
much  embarraiTed,  and,  to  the  aitonifhment  of 
lord  Cornwallis,  potted  himfelf  in  a  (trong  por- 
tion the  next  day  between  the  Britifti  army  and 
the  American  Itores. 


His 


(     3*6     ) 

His  lordfhip,  finding  all  his  fchemes  fruftrated, 
fell  back  to  Richmond,  whither  he  was  followed 
by  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette.  The  main  Ameri- 
can army  in  Virginia  was  now  reinforced  by  the 
troops  under  major-general  baron  Steuben,  and 
by  volunteer  corps  of  Virginia  and  Maryland 
gentlemen.  And  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette  had 
the  addrefs  to  imprefs  lord  Cornwall-is  with  an 
idea,  that  his  force  was  much  greater  than  he 
actually  commanded.  His  lordfhip,  therefore,  re- 
treated to  Williamfburg.  During  this  movement, 
on  the  twenty-fixth  of  June  1781,  an  American 
light  corps,  commanded  by  colonel  Butler,  at- 
tacked the  rear  of  the  Britifh  army,  and  killed 
and  wounded  one  hundred  and  fixty  of  them. 
On  the  fixth  of  July  following,  lord  Cornwallis 
retreated  from  Williamfburg  to  James-Town,  at 
which  place  happened  a  fmart  engagement  be- 
tween the  Britifh  army  and  the  American  van- 
guard, commanded  by  general  Wayne.  General 
Wayne,  having  advanced  with  eight  hundred 
men  on  miflaken  information,  that  the  troops  op- 
pofed  to  him  were  only  a  detached  corps,  no 
fooner  perceived  his  error,  than  he  refolutely  en- 
gaged with  the  whole  Britifh  army,  conceiving 
this  to  be  the  mofl  eligible  mode  of  extricating 
himfelf  from  his  perilous  fituation.  With  this 
view  he  urged  his  attack  with  fuch  confidence  as 
impreffed  his  enemy  with  the  idea,  that  the  party 
under  his  command  was  the  advance  of  the  Ame- 
rican army,  which  was  confequently  approaching 
to  fuflain  him.     This  bold  manoeuvre   enabled 

him 


(     3'7     ) 

him  to  take  advantage  of  the  apprehenfions  it 
excited,  to  effect  a  dangerous  retreat  with  little 
lofs.  His  lordlhip  foon  after  retired  to  Ports- 
mouth, and  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette  chofe  this 
moment  to  give  fome  reft  to  thofe  troops  that 
had  fo  fuccefsfully  defended  the  flate  from  a 
greatly    fuperior   force. 

After  a  feries  of  manoeuvres,  which  it  is  not 
neceflary  to  relate,  and  in  which  the  Britifh  ge- 
neral difplayed  the  boldnefs  of  enterprize,  and 
the  young  marquis  the  found  judgment  of  age, 
blended  with  the  ardour  of  youth,  the  former 
fixed  himfelf  and  his  army  in  York-Town.  The 
latter,  under  various  pretences,  fent  the  Pennfyl- 
vania  troops  to  the  fouth  fide  of  James  River — 
collected  a  force  in  Gloucefter  county,  and  made 
fundry  arrangements  fubfervient  to  the  grand 
defign  of  the  whole  campaign. 

Though  all  the  movements  in  Virginia  pre- 
vious to  this  period  were  on  the  defenfive,  yet, 
during  this  time,  a  well-concerted  fcheme  was 
carrying  on  for  no  lei's  a  purpofe  than  the  cap- 
ture of  the  whole  Britifh  force  in  that  ftate. 
Notwithstanding  this  had  been  agreed  upon  for 
fome  time,  and  many  preparatory  fteps  fubfervi- 
ent thereto  had  been  taken,  yet  it  had  been  ef- 
fectually concealed.  Every  appearance  in  the 
grand  American  army,  under  general  Wafhing- 
ton,  was  calculated  to  cherilh  an  opinion,  that  it 
was  intended  to  make  a  vigorous  conjunct  attack 

on 


(     3'S     ) 

on  the  Britifh  garrifon  in  New-York.  The 
French  army  was  brought  forwards  from  Rhode- 
Ifland  to  American  head-quarters.  The  militia 
from  New-England  were  called  out.  A  fufficient 
number  of  flat-bottomed  boats  to  tranfport  at 
once  five  thoufand  men,  were  built  near  Albany, 
in  a  fhort  time,  by  general  Schuyler.  Thefe 
were  brought  down  Hudfon's  river  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  American  army  before  New- 
York,  though  there  was  no  intention  of  making 
ufe  of  them.  Ovens  were  erected  oppofite  to 
Staten-Ifland  for  the  ufe  of  the  French  forces, 
and  every  movement  made  by  general  Warning-. 
ton  which  indicated  his  expectation  of  a  fleet  to 
co-operate  with  him  in  reducing  the  Britifh  army 
under  the  immediate  command  of  fir  Henry  Clin- 
ton. Thefe  manoeuvres  had  their  intended  ope- 
ration. The  whole  attention  of  the  Britifh  com- 
manders was  employed  in  fortifying  New-York, 
and  in  preparing  for  a  fiege.  Part  of  the  forces 
in  Virginia  was  ordered  to  the  defence  of  that 
city,  While  lord  Cornwallis  with  his  army  in 
Virginia  were  in  fancied  fecurity,  flattering  them- 
felves  with  extenfive  conquers,  general  Wafhing- 
ton,  to  the  furprize  of  all  who  were  not  in  the 
fecret,  fuddenly  left  his  flation  near  New-York, 
and  inarched  with  the  flower  of  his  army  through 
the  intermediate  ftates  to  York-Town  in  Virgi- 
nia, where  the  forces  under  the  command  of 
lord  Cornwallis  were  intrenched.  The  French 
troops,  commanded  by  count  de  Rochambeau, 
at  the  fame  time  marched  through  the  fame  ex- 
tent 


(     3IQ     ) 

tent  of  territory.  It  feldom  if  ever  happened 
before,  that  an  army  led  through  a  foreign  coun- 
try, at  fo  confiderable  a  diitance  from  their  own, 
among  a  people  of  different  principles,  cudoms, 
language  and  religion,  behaved  with  fo  much 
regularity.  To  the  honour  of  the  officers  and 
foldiers  of  the  French  army  it  muft  be  acknow- 
ledged, that,  in  their  different  marches  in  the 
fpace  of  three  years,  through  various  parts  of 
the  United  States,  there  never  was  a  complaint 
brought  againd  them  by  the  citizens.  The  ut- 
mod  harmony  prevailed  both  between  the  allied 
armies,  the  troops  of  his  mod  chridian  majefty 
and  the  inhabitants.  Nations  long  accuftomed 
to  the  freed  focial  intercourfe,  could  not  have 
been  on  a  more  friendly  footing  than  the  French 
and  Americans,  though  a  few  years  before  they 
had  been  in  the  habit  of  reviling,  hating  and 
righting  with  each  other. 

General  Wafhington  had  marched  as  far  as 
Cheder  in  Pennfylvania,  before  he  received  the 
welcome  news  of  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet. 
Contrary  winds  had  occafioned  a  delay  of  a  few 
days  longer  than  was  at  firft  agreed  upon.  On 
the  thirtieth  of  Auguft  count  de  Grade  arrived 
in  the  Chefapeak  with  twenty-eight  mips  of  the 
line,  and  on  the  next  day  he  landed  on  the  fouth 
fide  of  James  river  three  thoufand  two  hundred 
men.  Thefe  were  commanded  by  the  marquis 
de  St.  Simon,  and  were  for  the  mod  part  from 
the  garrifon  in  Hifpaniola.  They  fpeedily  form- 
ed 


(     3*°     ) 

cd  a  junction  with  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette. 
Great  was  the  exultation  of  this  illuftrious  French 
nobleman  on  finding  himfelf  reinforced  by  fo 
many  of  his  countrymen,  and  that  there  was  fo 
fair  a  profpect  of  extenfive  fervice  to  the  caufe  in 
the  fupport  of  which  he  had  fo  zealoufly  engaged. 

Admiral  Greaves,  reinforced  by  lord  Hood, 
made  an  attempt,  on  September  fifth,  with  twen- 
ty fail  of  the  line,  to  relieve  lord  Cornwallis,  but 
he  was  foon  compelled  to  retire.  Count  de  Bar- 
ras,  with  eight  fail  of  the  line,  failed  from  New- 
port on  the  twenty-fifth  of  Auguft,  and  formed 
a  junction  with  count  de  Graffe  within  the  Che- 
fapeak  on  the  fourteenth  of  September.  This  was 
both  difficult  and  dangerous.  The  Britifh  fleet 
was  between  the  French  fleet  and  the  French 
fquadron.  Count  de  Barras  had  only  eight  mips 
under  his  command,  and  the  Britifh  had  nearly 
three  times  that  number  ;  yet  he  had  the  extra- 
ordinary good  fortune  to  pafs  them  in  the  night, 
and  effect  a  junction  without  any  lofs.  This 
gave  a  decided  fuperiority  to  the  fleet  of  his 
moft  chriflian  majefty. 

All  thefe  movements  of  the  combined  forces 
of  France  and  America  were  the  refult  of  a  well- 
digefted  plan  of  operations.  The  French  fleets 
in  the  Weft-Indies  and  in  Rhode-Ifland,  together 
with  the  French  and  American  land-forces,  not- 
withftanding  the  original  diftance  of  the  parties, 
both  from  the  fcene  of  action  and  from   each 

other, 


(     321     ) 

other,  and  the  various  accidents  to  which  they 
were  liable,  coincided  in  their  operations  in  an 
extraordinary  manner  far  beyond  the  reach  of 
military  calculation.  They  all  tended  to  one  ob- 
ject, and  at  one  and  the  fame  time,  and,  what 
is  ftill  more  furpiizing,  that  object  was  neither 
known  nor  fufpecled  by  the  Britifh  command- 
ers till  the  proper  feafon  for  counteraction  was 
elapfed. 

In  important  military  operations  the  attention 
is  fixed  on  the  movements  of  armies  or  of  fleets, 
and  mankind  never  fail  to  do  homage  to  the  able 
general  and  the  expert  admiral.  To  this  they 
are  juftly  entitled  ;  but  as  great  a  tribute  is  due 
to  the  profound  ftatefman,  who,  from  a  more 
elevated  ftation,  furveys  and  balances  the  whole 
fyftem  of  a  campaign,  and  the  general  fafety  and 
welfare  of  an  empire.  To  forefee  the  move- 
ments of  an  enemy,  and  to  direct  the  force  of  a 
ftate  towards  thofe  points  where  defence  is  necef- 
fary,  and  attacks  may  be  made  with  advantage, 
requires  the  greatefl  exertions  of  human  abilities. 
This  glory  in  a  parcicular  manner  belongs  to  the 
marquis  de  Caftries,  who  at  this  time  directed 
the  marine  of  France.  He  had  calculated  with 
that  precifion,  which  is  the  dillinguilhing  cha- 
racter! (tick  of  great  minds,  the  naval  force  which 
the  Britifh  could  concentre  on  the  coaft  of  the 
United  States,  and  difpofed  his  own  in  fuch  a 
manner  as  enfured  him  a  fuperiority.  Thefe  dif- 
pofitions  were  made  on  fuch  principles,  that  the 

Vol.  II.  S  f  French 


(     322     ) 

French  fleet,  in  the  Chefapeak,  would  have  been 
fuperior  to  the  Britifh  without  the  junction  of  the 
fquadron  which  had  been  ftationed  at  Newport. 
This  junction  was  neverthelefs  effected  by  count 
de  Barras,  though  he  was  at  liberty  to  undertake 
any  other  expedition.  Notwithftanding  he  was 
an  older  officer  than  count  de  Grafle,  he  volun- 
tarily chofe  to  put  himfelf  under  his  command, 
to  make  lure  of  an  object,  the  attainment  of 
which  was  of  fuch  immenfe  coniequence  to  the 
allied  arms  of  France  and  America. 

Lord  Cornwaliis  conceived  himfelf  bound  by 
inftruclions  from  fir  Henry  Clinton,  to  defend 
the  pods  of  York  and  Gloucester.  In  obedience 
to  thefe  orders,  and  in  the  expectation  of  fuc- 
cour  from  New- York,  he  prepared  for  a  fiege, 
by  intrenching  his  army  on  both  fides  of  York 
river.  The  militia  of  the  date  of  Virginia  were 
called  out  to  fervice,  and  were  commanded  by 
governor  Nclfon.  The  French  and  American 
troops  marched  forwards  with  fuch  expedition, 
that,  on  the  laft  day  of  September,  they  clofely 
invefled  lord  Cornwaliis  in  York-Town ;  the 
French  extending  from  the  river  above  the  town 
to  a  morafs  in  the  centre,  where  thev  were  met 
by  the  Americans  who  occupied  the  oppofite  fide 
from  the  river  to  that  fpot.  The  pofr.  at  Glou- 
cefter Point  was  at  the  fame  time  inverted  by  the 
duke  de  Lauzun  with  his  legion,  and  a  number  of 
Virginia  militia  commanded  by  general  Weedon  ; 
but  the  operations  on  that  fide  were  little  more 

than 


(     323     ) 

than  a  warm  fkirmifh,  in  which  the  duke  de 
Lauzun  compelled  lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton  to 
retire. 

The  trenches  were  opened  by  the  combined 
armies  on  the  night  of  the  fixth  of  October,  and 
their  attacks  were  carried  on  with  great  vigour. 
The  (hells  from  the  befiegers  reached  the  mips 
in  the  harbour,  and  the  Charon,  of  forty-four 
guns,  with  fome  of  the  tranfports,  were  burned. 
On  the  night  of  the  eleventh  of  October  they 
began  their  fecond  parallel,  at  the  diftance  of 
three  hundred  yards  from  the  works  of  the  be- 
fieged. 

Lord  Cornwallis  was  foon  convinced,  that  the 
pofl  which  he  occupied  was  incapable  of  refilling 
the  force  oppofed  to  it ;  but,  in  the  confident  ex- 
pectation of  aid  from  New-York,  he  declined 
attempting  a  retreat,  or  hazarding  an  engage- 
ment in  the  open  field.  His  hopes  were  farther 
confirmed  by  a  letter  from  fir  Henry  Clinton,  by 
which  he  was  informed  that  relief  would  fail 
about  the  fifth  of  October.  But  it  fo  happened, 
that  the  delays  which  neceffarily  occurred  in 
equipping  and  refitting  the  fleets,  deflined  for 
York-Town,  made  the  fulfilment  of  this  engage- 
ment impoilible. 

Two  redoubts,  which  were  advanced  about 
three  hundred  yards  on  the  left  of  the  Britifh, 
greatly  impeded  the  progrefs  of  the   combined 

armies. 


(     324     ) 

armies.  An  attack  on  thefe  was  therefore  re- 
folved  upon.  To  excite  a  fpirit  of  emulation, 
the  reduction  of  one  was  committed  to  the 
French — of  the  other  to  the  Americans.  The 
latter  marched  to  the  affault  with  unloaded  arms, 
palled  the  abbatis  and  palifades,  and,  attacking 
on  all  fides,  carried  the  redoubt  in  a  few  minutes. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Laurens,  on  this  occafion, 
perfonally  took  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
redoubt,  but  faved  him  from  the  fate  which  ufu- 
ally  attends  thofe  who  are  taken  by  ftorm.  Co- 
lonel Hamilton,  who  conducted  this  fuccefsful 
enterprize  with  fo  much  addrefs  and  intrepidi* 
ty,  and  who  is  no  lefs  diftinguifhed  for  literary 
than  for  military  talents,  in  his  report  of  the 
tranfaclion  to  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  menti- 
oned, to  the  honour  of  his  detachment,  c  that, 
1  incapable  of  imitating  examples  of  barbarity, 
'  and  forgetting  recent  provocations,  they  fpared 
'  every  man  that  ceafed  to  refiiL' 

The  French  were  equally  fuccefsful  on  their 
fide.  They  carried  the  redoubt  committed  to 
them  with  rapidity,  but  loft  a  confiderable  num- 
ber of  men.  Thefe  two  works,  which  had  here- 
tofore embarrafTed  the  operations  of  the  befiegers 
by  being  included  in  the  fecond  parallel,  were 
made  fubfervient  to  their  ulterior  defigns. 

The  inferior  numbers  of  the  garrifon  made  it 
Improper  for  lord  Cornwallis  to  rifk  any  confide- 
rable force  in  the  making  of  fallies,  and  the  be- 
fiegers 


(     325     ) 

fiegers  had  proceeded  with  fo  much  regularity 
and  caution,  that  nothing  lefs  than  a  ftrong  at- 
tack could  make  any  impreffion.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  fixteenth  lieutenant-colonel  Abercrom- 
bie  was  ordered  to  make  a  fortie,  with  about 
three  hundred  and  fifty  men.  They  fucceeded 
fo  far  as  to  force  two  advanced  redoubts,  and  to 
fpike  eleven  pieces  of  cannon,  befides  killing  and 
wounding  a  confiderable  number  of  the  French 
troops.  Though  the  officers  and  foldiers  difplay- 
ed  great  bravery  in  this  entcrprize,  yet  their 
fuccefs  produced  no  effential  advantage.  The 
cannon,  which  had  been  haftily  fpiked,  were 
foon  again  rendered  fit  for  fervice.  By  this  time 
the  works  of  the  befieged  were  fo  far  deftroyed, 
that  they  could  fcarcely  mew  a  Tingle  gun. 

Lord  Cornwaliis  had  now  no  choice  left  but 
either  to  prepare  for  a  furrender,  or  to  make  his 
efcape.  He  determined  to  attempt  the  latter, 
hoping  that  at  lead  it  might  retard  the  fate  of 
his  army.  Boats  were  prepared  under  different 
pretexts,  but  with  the  intention  of  receiving  the 
troops  at  ten  at  ftight,  in  order  to  pafs  them  over 
to  Gloucefter  Point,  from  whence  a  paffage  to 
the  open  country  was  not  altogether  hopelefs. 
In  the  execution  of  this  defign  the  firft  embark- 
ation had  arrived  at  Gloucefter  Point,  and  a  part 
of  the  troops  were  landed,  when  the  weather, 
which  was  then  moderate  and  calm,  inftantly 
changed  to  a  moil  violent  ftorm  of  wind  and 
rain.     The  boats  were  all  driven  down  the  river, 

which 


(     j*6     ) 

which  not  only  fruftrated  the  original  fcheme, 
but  made  it  impoflible  to  bring  back  the  boats 
from  Gloucefter.  The  royal  army,  thus  weaken- 
ed and  divided,  was  expofed  to  increafed  danger 
till  the  next  day,  when  the  boats  returned  and 
the  troops  were  brought  back. 

By  this  time  the  works  of  the  befieged  were 
fo  broken,  that  they  were  affailable  in  many 
places,  and  the  troops  were  exhaufted  by  con- 
ftant  watching  and  unceafmg  fatigue.  The  time 
in  which  relief  from  New-York  was  promifed 
had  elapfed.  Longer  refinance  could  anfwer  no 
purpofe,  and  might  cccafion  the  lofs  of  many 
valuable  lives.  Lord  Cornwallis  therefore,  on 
the  feventeenth,  wrote  a  letter  to  general  Wafh- 
ington,  requeuing  a  ceflation  ot  arms  for  twenty- 
four  hours,  and  that  commiflioners  might  be 
appointed  for  digefting  terms  of  capitulation. 
It  is  remarkable,  while  lieutenant-colonel  Lau- 
rens, the  officer  employed  by  general  Wafhington 
on  this  occafion,  was  drawing  up  articles  by 
which  a  numerous  Britifh  army  became  prifoners, 
that  his  father  was  clofely  confined  in  the  tower 
of  London. 

The  pofts  of  York  and  Gloucefter  were  fu- 
rendered  on  the  nineteenth  of  October.  The 
honour  of  marching  out  with  colours  flying, 
which  had  been  denied  to  general  Lincoln,  on 
his  giving  up  Charlefton,  was  now  refufed  to 
carl  Cornwallis,  and  general  Lincoln  was  ap- 
pointed 


inferences  to/^Britilh. 
<iaBatt<^fi&rys  "JIfru 

3  lit  6 <0 '2CP- 

,    4  0.'';*  or.  ... 


IfbRK  v  GLOUCESTER,  , 

by  t&e  Allied  Armies. 
en  4fatrt!  OctnjBt. 


(     3*7     ) 

pointed  to  receive  the  fubmiflion  of  the  royal 
army  at  York-Town  precifcly  in  the  fame  way 
his  own  had  been  conducted  about  eighteen 
months  before.  The  troops  of  every  kind  fur- 
rendered  prifoners  of  war  exceeded  feven  thou- 
fand  men,  but  the  effective  men  at  that  time  was 
very  little  more  than  half  that  number.  The  offi- 
cers and  foldiers  retained  their  baggage  and  ef- 
fects, but  all  vifible  plundered  property  was  liable 
to  be  reclaimed. 

Lord  Cornwallis  endeavoured  to  obtain  per- 
million  for  the  Britiih  and  German  troops  to  re- 
turn to  their  refpective  countries,  under  engage- 
ments not  to  ferve  againfl  France  or  America ; 
and  alio  an  indemnity  for  thofe  of  the  inhabitants 
who  had  joined  him  ;  but  he  was  obliged  to  con- 
fent,  that  the  former  mould  be  retained  in  the 
governments  of  Virginia,  Pennfylvania  and  Ma- 
ryland ;  and  that  the  latter,  whofe  cafe  lay  with, 
the  civil  authority  of  the  Hates,  Ihould  be  given 
up  to  the  unconditional  mercy  of  their  country- 
men. His  lordfhip,  neverthelefs,  obtained  per- 
miffion  for  the  Bonetta  Hoop  of  war  to  pafs  unex- 
amined, which  gave  an  opportunity  of  fcreening 
thofe  of  the  royalifts  who  were  molt  obnoxious 
to  the  refentment  of  the  i\mericans. 

The  land-forces  became  prifoners  to  Congrefs, 
but  the  feamen  and  (hips  were  afligned  to  the 
French  admiral. V7W 

The 
w'v  See  note  xlyii. 


(     3*8     ) 

The  Britifh  fleet  and  army,  deflined  for  the 
relief  of  lord  Cornwallis,  arrived  off  the  Chefa- 
peak  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  October  ;  but,  on 
receiving  authentick  accounts  of  his  furrender, 
they  returned  to  Sandy-Hook  and  New-York. 

Such  was  the  fate  of  that  general  from  whofe 
fucceffes  in  the  years  1780  and  178 1  the  com- 
plete and  fpeedy  conqueft  of  the  fouthern  ftates 
had  been  fo  confidently  expected,  No  event, 
during  the  war,  bid  fo  fair  for  ruining  the  inde- 
pendence of  America  as  his  complete  victory  at 
Camden  ;  but  fo  it  happened,  that  his  lordfhip  by 
that  action,  and  its  confequences,  became  the 
occafion  of  rendering  that  a  revolution,  which, 
from  his  previous  fuccefs,  was  in  danger  of  ter- 
minating in  a  rebellion.  The  lofs  of  this  army 
may  be  confidered  as  the  clofmg  fcene  of  the 
continental  war  in  North-America.  From  that 
time  forward  a  new  policy  influenced  the  Britifh 
cabinet,  and  every  thing  tended  to  peace  and  an 
acknowledgment  of  the  independence  of  the 
ftates.  The  re-eftablifhment  of  Britifh  govern- 
ment had  been  in  vain  attempted  in  the  north,  in 
the  fouth,  and  in  the  middle  ftates.  The  feventh 
campaign  terminated  with  the  furrender  of  all 
the  Britifh  force  in  Virginia,  and  the  confine- 
ment of  their  army  in  Carolina  to  the  vicinity  of 
Charlefton. 

Congress  honoured  general  Wafhington, 
count  de  llochambeau,  count  de  Gralfe,  and  the 

officers 


C     329     ) 

officers  of  the  different  corps,  and  the  men  under 
their  command,  with  their  thanks  for  their  fer- 
vices  in  the  reduction  of  lord  Cornwallis.  They 
alfo  refolved  to  erect  in  York-Town  a  marble 
column,  adorned  with  emblems  of  the  alliance 
between  the  United  States  and  his  moft  chriftian 
Majcity.  xx 

The  very  important  fervices  rendered  by  the 
engineers  and  artillery-officers,  in  this  interesting 
fiege,  attracted  the  particular  notice  of  Congrefs. 
In  the  former  line  brigadier-general  Du-Portail 
was  advanced  to  the  rank  of  major-general. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Gouvion  received  a  brevet  of 
a  colonel,  and  captain  Rochefontaine  the  brevet 
of  a  major.  In  the  line  of  artillery-officers  bri- 
gadier-general Knox  was  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  major-general.  The  circumftances  of  thefe 
promotions  were  as  honourable  as  the  fervices  of 
thefe  officers  had  been  beneficial.  yy 

The  army,  under  the  command  of  lord  Corn- 
wallis, had  ipread  wafte  and  ruin  over  the  face 
of  all  the  country  for  four  hundred  miles  on  the 
fea-coaft,  and  for  two  hundred  miles  to  the  weft- 
ward.  Their  numbers  enabled  them  to  go  where 
they  pleafed,  and  their  rage  for  plunder  difpofed 
them  to  take  whatever  they  efteemed  moft  valua- 
ble. Their  progrefs  was  marked  with  rapine, 
and  they  had  involved  thoufands  in  diftrefs.  The 
reduction  of  fuch  a  commander,  and  of  fuch  an 

Vol,  II.  T  t  army, 

sx  See  note  xlviii.         yy  See  note  xljx. 


(     33°     ) 

army,  occafioned  tranfports  of  joy  in  the  bread 
of  every  American.  The  churches  refounded 
with  devout  acknowledgments  to  the  God  of 
battles.  Fedivity  crowned  the  focial  board, 
while,  in  grateful  commemoration  of  thefe  fignal 
fervices,  the  fparkling  wine  was  freely  poured 
out  in  ardent  wifhes  for  the  health  and  happinefs 
of  the  illuflrious  defenders  of  the  rights  of  hu- 
man nature.  Legiflative  bodies,  executive  coun- 
cils, city  corporations,  and  many  private  focieties, 
prefented  congratulatory  addreffes  to  general 
Wafhington,  accompanied  with  the  warmed  ac- 
knowledgments to  count  de  Rochambeau,  count 
de  Grade,  and  the  other  officers  in  the  fervice 
of  his  mod  chridian  majedy. 

Whilst  earl  Cornwallis  commanded  in  the 
fouthern  department,  he  had,  in  many  indances, 
violated  the  capitulation  of  Charledon.  This 
was  conddered  by  many  as  a  fufficient  reafon  to 
deprive  him  of  fome  of  the  benefits  to  which  he 
was  entitled  by  the  capitulation  of  York -Town. 
It  was  therefore  moved  in  Congrefs  by  the  ho- 
nourable Arthur  Middleton,  a  -delegate  from  the 
State  of  South-Carolina,  that,  '  in  order  to  pre- 
'  vent  future  controverfy  upon  the  fubject  of  ex- 
'  change,   Congrefs,   who   reprefent  the   feelings 

*  as  well  as  the  fenfe  of  the  union,  do  declare, 
'  that  lieutenant-general  Charles  earl  Cornwallis 
'  ought  not  to  be  exchanged  by  compofition,  not 

*  from  any  apprehenfions  of  his  influence  or  fu- 
'  perior  abilities,  but  becaufe  they  look  upon  him 

<  not 


(     331     ) 

*  not  in  the  light  of  a  Britifh  general,  but  a  bar- 

*  barian.  In  proof  of  their  juilice  for  clafling 
'  him  in  fo  degrading  a  predicament,  they  appeal 
1  to  the  impartial  hiftory  of  his  conduct  during 
'  his  command  in  the  fouthern  and  middle  dates, 
'  where  his  progrefs  may  be  traced  by  blood 
'  wantonly  fpilt,  by  executions  unwarranted  even 

*  by  military  regulations,  and  by  the  indifcrimi- 
6  nate  plunder   of   the  property   and    deflrudion 

*  of  the  habitations   of  the   widow  and  the  or- 

*  phan,  circumftances  difgraceful  to  the  arms   or 

*  any  enlightened  people,  becaufe  he  has  govern- 
'  ed  himielf  folely  upon  the  principles  of  eaftern 
1  tyranny — has  broken  the  faith  of  treaty  fo- 
'  lemnly  pledged  in  the  capitulation  of  Charlefton, 
'  by  ordering  the  feizure  of  the  property  and 
'  perfons  of  the  capitulants,  by  the  confinement 
'  of  fome  on  board  of  prifon-fliips,  the  tranf- 
'  portation  of  others  to  St.  Auguftine,  and  the 
'  banifhment  of  their  wives  and  children — be- 
'  caufe  he  has  authorized  and  countenanced  the 
6  enliftment  of  upwards  of  five  hundred  Ameri- 
'  can  foldiers  into  the  Britifli  fervice,  or  rather 
'  fufFered  them  to  be  compelled  by  cruelties  and 

*  hard  ufage  to  take  arms  againfl  their  country, 
'  and  in  numberlefs  other  inftances  has  infringed 
6  every  rule  of  war  eflablifhed  among  civilized 
c  nations.'  But  as  his  lordfhip  had  furrendered 
by  capitulation,  a  fenfe  of  national  honour,  and 
delicacy  with  refpect  to  general  Wafhington, 
weighed  with  the  fupreme  council  of  the  flates 
to  refufe  their  affent  to  this  proportion. 

The 


(     332     ) 

The  fucceffes  that  had  attended  the  American 
arms  in  South-Carolina,  in  the  fummer  of  1781, 
and  the  arrival  of  count  de  GrafTe  in  the  Chefa- 
peak,  gave  fuch  flattering  profpects  to  the  friends 
of  independence,  that  it  was  judged  to  be  a  fa- 
vourable opportunity  to  detach  from  the  Britifh 
intereft  in  South-Carolina  thofe  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  (late  who  had  joined  them  in  the  day  of 
their  fuccefs.  On  the  twenty-feventh  of  Septem- 
ber 1 78 1,  governor  Rutledge,  therefore,  iffued 
a  proclamation,  offering  them  pardon  on  condi- 
tion of  their  doing  fix  months  militia  duty,  with 
the  exception  of  thole  who  had  taken  commifli- 
ons — figned  congratulatory  addrefles  on  Britifh 
victories — or  who  had  been  otherwife  a&ive  in 
fupport  of  their  government.  zz  In  a  few  weeks 
feveral  hundreds  came  out  of  the  Britifh  lines, 
and  greatly  reinforced  the  American  militia. 
Several  were  now  as  affiduous  in  framing  ex- 
cufes  for  their  having  arranged  themfelves  under 
the  Britifh  ftandard,  as  they  had  been  the  year 
before  to  apologize  for  their  involuntary  fupport 
of  rebellion.  '  Their  wives,  their  children  and 
6  their  property,  made  it  neceflary  to  make  a 
'  fhew  of  fubmiffion  to  the  conquerors — They 
'  thought  the  country  was  fubdued,  and  that  far- 
*  ther  refinance  was  vain — but,  notwithstanding, 
c  at  all  times  they  wifhed  well  to  American  inde- 
e  pendence.'  Such  was  the  alacrity  with  which 
they  joined  their  countrymen,  that  feveral,  though 
excepted  by  the  proclamation,  cafl  themfelves  on 

the 
zz  See  note  l. 


(     333     ) 

the  publick  mercy.  They  explained  their  taking 
Britifh  commiflions  into  a  benevolent  defign,  of 
refcuing  their  neighbours  from  more  fevere  offi- 
cers. For  their  figning  addrefl.es  of  congratula- 
tion on  Britifh  victories,  many  apologies  were 
offered.  Some  alleged  in  their  behalf  '  the  fear 
'  of  lofing  their  eftates — of  being  refufed  protec- 
'  tion,  or  ot  being  objects  of  fufpicion.'  Others 
had  never  read  them  ;  but  they  all  agreed,  '  that 
■  the  fentiments  contained  in  thefe  ill-fated  ad- 
*  dreffes,  were  at  no  time  the  language  of  their 
6  hearts.' 

The  tranquillity  that  reigned  through  every 
part  of  the  Hate  gave  an  opportunity  of  calling 
an  affembly,  the  meetings  of  which  had  been 
interrupted  ever  lince  the  reduction  of  Charleston. 
Many  of  the  inhabitants  who  had  never  fubmit- 
ted  to  the  Britifh,  and  who  had  been  lately  deli- 
vered as  exchanged  in  Virginia  and  Philadelphia, 
foon  found  their  way  back  to  South-Carolina. 
In  their  number  were  moft  of  the  late  civil  offi- 
cers of  the  ftate,  and  members  of  the  legiflature. 
Theie  favourable  circumltances,  in  conjunction 
with  the  pofition  of  the  American  army  within 
thirty-fix  miles  of  Charlefton,  pointed  out  the 
propriety  of  convening  a  legiflature.  In  the  clofe 
of  the  year  1781,  governor  llutledge,  by  virtue 
of  the  extraordinary  power  delegated  to  him  be- 
fore the  furrender  of  Charlefton,  ifiued  writs 
for  a  new  election.  Thefe  were  ordered  to  be 
held  in  the  ufual  places  where  it  was  practicable, 

and 


(     334     ) 

and  in  other  cafes  as  near  as  fafety  and  other  cir- 
cumflances  would  permit.  By  the  fame  authority 
it  was  ordered,  that  at  the  election  the  votes  of 
fuch  only  mould  be  received  as  had  never  taken 
Britifh  protection,  or  who  having  taken  it,  had 
notwithstanding  re-joined  their  countrymen  on  or 
before  the  twenty-feventh  of  September  1781. 
Other  perfons,  though  refidents,  were  not  con- 
fidered  as  freemen  of  the  (late,  or  entitled  to  the 
full  privilege  of  citizenfhip.  A  general  aifembly 
was  chofen,  and  convened  in  January  1782  at 
Jackfonborough,  a  fmall  village  fituate  on  Edifto 
river,  about  twenty-five  miles  from  the  fea  and 
thirty-five  from  Charlefton.  The  legiilative  bo- 
dies, foon  after  their  meeting,  were  addrefled 
by  governor  Rutledge  with  the  following  fpeech : 

*  The  speech  of  his  excellency  John  Rutledge, 

'  efquire,  governor  and  commander  in  chief  of 

*  the  ftate  of  South-Carolina,  to  the  general 
6  affembly,  met  at  Jackfonborough,  on  Friday 
'  the  eighteenth  day  of  January,   1782. 

4  Honourable  gentlemen  of  the  fenate, 
*  Mr.  fpeaker,  and  gentlemen  of  the  houfe 

*  of  reprefentatives, 

'  Since  the  lafl  meeting  of  a  general  affembly, 
4  the  good  people  of  this  ftate  have  not  only  felt  the 
4  common  calamities  of  war,  but,  from  the  wanton 

*  and  favage  manner  in  which  it  has  been  profe- 
6  cuted,  they  have  experienced  fuch  feverities  as 

'  are 


(     335     ) 

'  are  unpractifed,  and  will  fcarcely  be  credited  by 
'  civilized  nations. 

6  The  enemy,  unable  to  make  any  impreffion 

*  on  the  northern  dates,  the  number  of  whofe  in- 

*  habitants,  and  the  flrength  of  whofe  country, 
c  had  baffled  their  repeated  efforts,  turned  their 
'  views  towards  the  fouthern,  which,  a  difference 

*  of  circumftances,  afforded  fome  expectation  of 
'  conquering,  or  at  leafl  of  greatly  diflreffing. 
'  After  a  long  refiftance,  the  reduction  of  Charlef- 
£  ton  was  effected,  by  the  vail  fuperiority  of  force 
4  with  which  it  had  been  befieged.     The  lofs  of 

*  that  garrifon,  as  it  confuted  of  the  continental 
'  troops  of  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas,  and  of  a 
'  number  of  militia,  facilitated  the  enemy's  march 
1  into  the  country,  and  their  eflablifhment  of 
'  flrong  ports  in  the  upper  and  interior  parts  of 

*  it ;  and  the  unfavourable  iffue  of  the  action 
'  near  Camden  induced  them  vainly  to  imagine, 
'  that  no  other  army  could  be  collected  which 
'  they  might  not  eafily  defeat.  The  militia,  com- 
e  manded  by  the  brigadiers  Sumpter  and  Marion, 
c  whofe  enterprifing  fpirit  and  unremitted  perfe- 
'  verance  under  many  difficulties  are  deferving 
'  of  great  applaufe,  haraffed  and  often  defeated 
'  large  parties  ;  but  the  numbers  of  thofe  militia 
4  were  too  few  to  contend  effectually  with  the 
'  collected  flrength  of  the  enemy.  Regardlefs 
'  therefore  of  the  facred  ties  of  honour,  defli- 
'  tute   of  the   feelings   of   humanity,  and   deter- 

*  mined  to  extinguifh,  if  poffible,  every  fpark  of 

6  freedom 


(    33«    ) 

freedom  in  this  country,  they,  with  the  info- 
lent  pride  of  conquerors,  gave  unbounded  fcope 
to  the  exercife  of  their  tyrannical  difpofition, 
infringed  their  publick  engagements,  and  Vio- 
lated the  mofl  folemn  capitulations.  Many  of 
our  worthiefl  citizens  were,  without  caufe, 
long  and  clofely  confined — fome  on  board  of 
prifon-fhips,  and  others  in  the  town  and  caflle 
of  St.  Augufline — their  properties  difpofed  of 
at  the  will  and  caprice  of  the  enemy,  and  their 
families  fent  to  a  different  and  diflant  part  of 
the  continent  without  the  means  of  fupport. 
Many  who  had  furrendered  as  prisoners  of  war 
were  killed  in  cold  blood — feveral  fuffered 
death  in  the  mofl  ignominious  manner,  and 
others  were  delivered  up  to  favages,  and  put  to 
tortures  under  which  they  expired.  Thus  the 
lives,  liberties  and  properties  of  the  people 
were  dependent  folely  on  the  pleafure  of  Britifh 
officers,  who  deprived  them  of  either  or  all  on 
the  mofl  frivolous  pretences.  Indians,  flaves, 
and  a  defperate  banditti  of  the  mofl  profligate 
characters,  were  carelfed  and  employed  by  the 
enemy  to  execute  their  infamous  purpofes.  De- 
vaflation  and  ruin  marked  their  progrefs  and 
that  of  their  adherents — nor  were  their  vio- 
lences reflrained  by  the  charms  or  influence  of 
beauty  and  innocence — even  the  fair  fex,  whom 
it  is  the  duty  of  all,  and  the  pleafure  and  pride 
of  the  brave,  to  protect — they,  and  their  tender 
offspring,  were  victims  to  the  inveterate  malice 

of  an  unrelenting  foe.     Neither  the  tears  of  mo. 

6  thers 


(     337    ) 

thers,  nor  the  cries  of  infants,  could  excite  in 
their  breads  pity  or  companion.  Not  only  the 
peaceful  habitations  of  the  widow,  the  aged 
and  the  infirm,  but  the  holy  temples  of  the 
Moft:  High  were  confumed  in  flames,  kindled  by 
their  facrilegious  hands.  They  have  tarnifhed 
the  glory  of  the  Britim  arms,  difgraced  the  pro- 
feflion  of  a  Britifh  foldier,  and  fixed  indelible 
ftigmas  of  rapine,  cruelty,  perfidy  and  pro- 
fanenefs,  on  the  Britifli  name — But  I  can  now 
congratulate  you,  and  I  do  fo  moft:  cordially, 
on  the  pleafing  change  of  affairs  which,  under 
the  blefling  of  God,  the  wifdom,  prudence, 
addrefs  and  bravery  of  che  great  and  gallant  ge- 
neral Greene,  and  the  intrepidity  of  the  officers 
and  men  under  his  command,  has  been  happily 
effected — a  general  who  is  juftly  entitled,  from 
his  many  fignal  fervices,  to  honourable  and  fin- 
gular  marks  of  your  approbation  and  gratitude. 
His  fucceffes  have  been  more  rapid  and  com- 
plete than  the  moft  fanguine  could  have  ex- 
pected. The  enemy,  compelled  to  furrender 
or  evacuate  every  poft  which  they  held  in  the 
country,  frequently  defeated  and  driven  from 
place  to  place,  are  obliged  to  feek  refuge  under 
the  walls  of  Charlefton,  and  on  iflands  in  its 
vicinity.  We  have  now  the  full  and  abfolute 
polfeffion  of  every  other  part  of  the  Hate  ;  and 
the  legiflative,  executive  and  judicial  powers, 
are  in  the  free  exercife  of  their  refpecYive 
authorities. 

Vol.  II.  V  u  '  I 


(     33»     ) 

1  I  also  moft  heartily  congratulate  you  on  the 
glorious  victory  obtained  by  the  combined 
forces  of  America  and  France  over  their  com- 
mon enemy.  When  the  very  general  who  was 
fecond  in  command  at  the  reduction  of  Charles- 
ton, and  to  whofe  boafted  prowefs  and  highly 
extolled  abilities  the  conqueft  of  no  lefs  than 
three  ftates  had  been  arrogantly  committed, 
was  fpeedily  compelled  to  accept  of  the  fame 
mortifying  terms  which  had  been  impofed  on 
that  brave  but  unfortunate  garrifon,  to  Surren- 
der an  army  of  many  thoufand  regulars,  and 
to  abandon  his  wretched  followers,  whom  he 
had  artfully  feduced  from  their  allegiance  by 
fpecious  promifes  of  protection,  which  he  could 
never  have  hoped  to  fulfil,  to  the  jultice  or 
mercy  of  their  country — On  the  naval  fuperio- 
rity  eftablifhed  by  the  illuitrious  ally  of  the 
United  States — a  Superiority  in  itfelf  fo  decided, 
and  in  its  confequences  fo  extcnfive,  as  muit 
inevitably  foon  oblige  the  enemy  to  yield  to  us 
the  only  poft  which  they  occupy  in  this  ft  ate — 
On  the  reiterated  proofs  of  the  fincereit  friend- 
fhip,  and  on  the  great  fupport  which  America 
has  received  from  that  powerful  monarch — a 
monarch  whofe  magnanimity  is  univerfally  ac- 
knowledged and  admired,  and  on  whofe  royal 
word  we  may  confidently  rely  for  every  necef- 
fary  affi fiance — On  the  perfect  harmony  which 
fubfifts  between  France  and  America — On  the 
liability  which  her  independence  has  acquired  — 
and  on  the  certainty  that  it  is  too  deeply  rooted 

■  ever 


(    339    ) 

'  ever  to  be  fhaken ;  for,  animated  as  they  are 
'  by  national  honour,  and  united  by  one  common 
c  intereft,  it  muft  and  will  be  maintained. 

*  What  may  be  the  immediate  effects  on  the 
Britifh  nation,  of  the  events  which  I  have 
mentioned  ;  of  their  lofs  of  territory  in  other 
parts  of  the  world  ;  and  of  their  well-founded 
apprehenhons  from  the  powers  of  France,  Spain 
and  Holland,  it  is  impoffible  to  foretel.  If  ex- 
perience can  teach  wifdom  to  a  haughty  and 
infatuated  people,  and  if  they  will  now  be  go- 
verned by  reafon,  they  will  have  learned  that 
they  can  have  no  folid  ground  of  hope  to  con- 
quer any  ftate  in  the  union  ;  for,  though  their 
armies  have  obtained  temporary  advantages 
over  our  troops,  yet  the  citizens  of  thele  dates, 
firmly  refolved  as  they  are  never  to  return  to 
a  domination  which,  near  fix  years  ago,  they 
unanimouily  and  juftly  renounced,  cannot  be 
fubdued — and  they  muft  now  be  convinced 
that  it  is  the  height  of  folly  and  madnefs  to 
perfift  in  fo  ruinous  a  war.  If,  however,  we 
judge  as  we  ought  of  their  future  by  their  paft 
conduct,  we  may  prefume  that  they  will  not 
only  endeavour  to  keep  poffeilion  of  our  capi- 
tal, but  make  another  attempt,  howfoever  impro- 
bable the  fuccefs  of  it  may  appear,  to  fubjugate 
this  country — It  is  therefore  highly  incumbent 
on  us  to  ufe  our  moll  ftrenuous  efforts  to  fruf- 
trate  fo  fatal  a  defign.  And  I  earneftly  conjure 
you  by  the  duty  which  you  owe,  and  the  facred 

'  love 


(     34o     ) 

6  love  which  you  bear,  to  your  country ;  by  the 
'  conftant  remembrance  of  her  bitter  fufferings  ; 
c  and  by  the  juft  deteftation  of  Britifh  govern- 

*  ment,  which  you  and  your  pofterity  mufl  for- 
'  ever  poffefs,  to  exert  your  utmoft  faculties  for 
8  that  purpofe,  by  raifmg  and  equipping,  with 
'  all  poffible  expedition,  a  refpedtable  permanent 
e  force,  and  by  making  ample  provifion  for  their 
'  comfortable  fubfiftence.  I  am  fenfible  the  ex- 
'  pence  will  be  great,  but  a  meafure  fo  indifpen- 
'  fable  to  the  prefervation  of  our  freedom,  is 
c  above  every  pecuniary  confideration. 

'  The  organization  of  our  militia  is  like  wife 

*  a  fubjecl:  of  infinite  importance.  A  clear  and 
c  concife  law,  by  which  the  burdens  of  fervice 
'  will  be  equally  fuflained,  and  a  competent 
?  number  of  men  brought  forth  and  kept  in  the 
'  field  when  their  afiiftance  may  be  required,  is 
'  eflential  to  our  fecurity,  and  therefore  juftly 
c  claims  your  immediate  and  ferious  attention. 
'  Certain  it  is,  that  fome  of  our  militia  have, 
c  upon  feveral  occafions,  exhibited  inftances  of 
c  valour  which  would  have  reflected  honour  on 
'  veteran  troops.  The  courage  and  condu<5t  of 
'  the  generals  whom  I  have  mentioned,  the  cool 
'  and  determined  bravery  repeatedly  difplayed  by 
'  brigadier  Pickens,  and  indeed  the  behaviour  of 
c  many  officers  and  men  in  every  brigade,  are 
'  unquefiionable  tefli monies  of  the  truth  of  this 
'  aflertion ;  but  fuch  behaviour  cannot  be  ex- 
'  peeled  from  militia  in  general,   without  good 

*  order 


(     34i     ) 

e  order  and  ftrict  difcipline — nor  can  that  order 
'  and  difcipline  be  eftablifhed  but  by  a  falutary 
4  law  fteadily  executed. 

e  Another  important  matter  for  your  delibe- 

*  ration,  is  the  conduct  of  fuch  of  our  citizens 
'  as  voluntarily  avowing  their  allegiance,  and 
'  even  glorying  in  their  profeffions  of  loyalty  and 
c  attachment  to  his  Britannick  majefty,  have  of- 
'  fered  their  congratulations  on  the  fuccefs  of  his 
6  arms,  prayed  to  be  embodied  as  royal   militia, 

*  accepted  commiffions  in  his  fervice,  and  endea- 
e  voured  to  fubvert  our  conflitution  and  efhblifh 

*  his  power  in  its  ftead — of  thofe  who  have  re- 
'  turned  to  this  (late  in  defiance  of  a  law  by 
'  which  fuch  return  was  declared  to  be  a  capital 
c  offence,  and  have  abetted  the  Britim  intereft — 
1  and  of  fuch  whofe  behaviour  has  been  fo  repre- 
'  henfible,  that  juftice  and  policy  forbid  their 
'  free  re-admiffion  to  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
c  citizens. 

*  The  extraordinary   lenity   of   this   ftate   has 
'been     remarkably    confpicuous;     other     Hates 

*  have  thought  it  juft  and  expedient  to  appropri- 
'  ate  the  property  of  Britilh  fubjects  to  the  pub- 
c  lick  ufe,  but  we  have  forborne  to  take  even  the 
'  profits  of  the  eftates  of  our  mod  implacable 
'  enemies.  It  is  with  you  to  determine  whether 
'  the  forfeiture  and  appropriation  of  their  pro- 
'  perty  fiiould  now  take  place.     If  fuch  mall   be 

*  your  determination,  though  many  of  our  firmeft 

*  friends 


(      342      ) 

*  friends  have  been  reduced,  for  their  inflexible 

*  attachment  to  the  caufe  of  their  country,  from 

*  opulence   to  inconceivable   diftrefs,  and,  if  the 

*  enemy's  will  and  power  had  prevailed,  would 
'  have  been  doomed  to  indigence  and  beggary, 

*  yet  it  will  redound  to  the  reputation  of  this  ftate 
'  to  provide  a  becoming  fupport  for  the  families 
'  of  thofe  whom  you  may  deprive  of  their  pro- 
'  perty. 

'  The  value  of  paper  currency  became  of  late 
'  fo  much  depreciated,  that  it  was  requifite,  under 

*  the  powers  vefted  in  the  executive  during  the 

*  recefs  of  the  general  affembly,  to  fufpend  the 
'  laws  by  which  it  was  made  a  tender.  You  will 
'  now  confider  whether  it  may  not  be  proper  to 
c  repeal  thofe  laws,  and  fix  fome   equitable  mode 

*  for  the  difcharge  of  debts  contracted  whilft 
'  paper  money  was  in  circulation. 

'  In  the  prefent  fcarcity  of  fpecie  it  would  be 

*  difficult,  if  not  impracticable,  to  levy  a  tax  to 
any   conhderable  amount  towards  finking  the 

'  publick  debt ;  nor  will  the  creditors  of  the  (late 
'  expect  that  fuch  a  tax  mould,  at  this  time,  be 

*  impofed  ;  but  it  is  jufl  and  reafonable,  that  all 
c  unfettled  demands  mould  be  liquidated,  and 
1  fatisfactory  affurances  of  payment  given  to  the 
'  publick  creditors. 

c  The  intereft  and  honour,  the  fafety  and  hap- 

*  pinefs  of  our  country,  depend  fo  much  on  the 

*  remit 


(     343     ) 

*  refult  of  your  deliberations,  that  I  flatter  myfelf 

*  you  will  proceed,  in  the  weighty  bufinefs  be- 
4  tore  you,  with  firmnefs  and  temper,  with  vi- 
'  gour,  unanimity  and  difpatch. 

'  John  Rutledge.' 

To  this  fpeech  the  following  addreffes  were 
returned  by  the  two  branches  of  legiilature. 

6  The  address  of  the  honourable  the  senate 
'  in  anfwer  to  the  governor's  fpeech. 

*  May  it  pleafe  your  excellency, 

•  We  beg  leave  to  return  your  excellency  the 

*  thanks  of  this  houfe  for  your  fpeech, 

'  Any  words  that  we  might  adopt  would  con- 
'  vey  but  a  very  faint  idea  of  the  fatisfaction  we 
4  feel  on  the  perfect  re-eftablifhment  of  the  legif- 
'  lative,    executive  and  judicial   powers    in   this 

*  ftate. 

'  It  is  with  particular  pleafure,  that  we  take 
'  the  earlieft  opportunity  to  prefent  to  your  ex- 

*  cellency  our  unfeigned  thanks  for  your  unwea- 

*  ried  zeal  and  attention  to  the  real  intereft   of 

*  this  country,  and  to  teftify  our  entire  approba- 

*  tion  of  the  good  conduct  of  the  executive  fince 
'  the  lafl  meeting  of  the  general  afTembly. 

*  We  fee  and  revere  the  goodnefs  of  Divine 

*  Providence  in  fiultrating  and  difappointing  the 

c  attempts 


(     344     ) 

'  attempts  of  our  enemies  to  conquer  the  fouth- 
'  ern  flates  ;  and  we  truft,  that,  by  the  bleffing  of 
'  the  fame  Providence,  on  the  valour  and  intre- 
'  pidity  of  the  free  citizens  of  America,  their 
'  attacks  and  enterprizes  will  continue  to  be  re- 
'  pelled  and  defeated. 

6  We  reflect  with  pleafure  on  the  Heady  refo- 
1  lution  with  which  Charleflon  was  defended  by 

*  a  fmall  body  of  brave  men  againft  fuch  a  vaft 
'  fuperiority  of  force,  and  we  gratefully  acknow- 
'  ledge  the  meritorious  conduct  and  important 
1  fervices  of  the  officers  and  privates  of  the  mili- 
'  tia,  who  flood  forth  in  the  hour  of  danger,  and 
'  whofe  coolnefs,  perfeverance  and  ardour,  under 
4  a  complication  of  difficulties,   moft  juftly  entitle 

*  them  to  the  applaufe  of  their  country. 

'  We  flatter  ourfelves  that  the  blood  which  the 

*  enemy  has  inhumanly  fpilled,  the  wanton  deva- 
4  flation  which  has  marked  their  progrefs,  and  the 
1  tvrannical  fyflein  that  they  have  invariably  pur- 
■  fued,  and  which  your  excellency  hath  fo  juftly 

*  and  pathetically  defcribed  to  us,  will  roufe  the 
'  good  people  of  this  flate,  and  will  animate 
'  them  with  a  fpirit  to  protect  their  country,  to 
'  fave  their  rights  and  liberties,  and  to  maintain, 
'  at  all  hazards,  their  independency. 

'  It  is  with  inexprefiible  pleafure,  that  we  re- 

*  ceive  your  excellency's  congratulations  upon 
« the  great  and  glorious  events  of  the  campaign, 

'  on 


(     345     ) 

*  on  the  happy  change  of  affairs,  and  on  the 
|  pleafing  profpect  before  us  ;  and  we  allure  your 
■  excellency,  that  we  concur  mod  fincerely  with 
'  you,  in  acknowledging  and  applauding  the  me- 

*  ritorious  zeal,  and  the  very  important  fervices 
'  which  have  been  rendered  to  this  (late  by  the 
c  great  and  gallant  general  Greene,  and  the  brave 
i  and  intrepid  officers  and  men  under  his  com- 
\  mand,  and  to  whom  we  (hall  be  happy  to  give 
6  the  mod  honourable  and  lingular  teftimonies 
'  of  our  approbation  and  applaufe. 

4  We  are  truly  fenfible  of  the  immenfe  ad- 
'  vantage  which  the  United  States  derive  from 
'  the  magnanimous  prince  their  ally :  we  have 
6  the  mod  perfect  confidence  on  his  royal  word, 
'  and  on  the  fincerity  of  his  friendihip  ;  and  we 
'  think   ourfelves  much  indebted  to  that  illuftri- 

*  ous  monarch  for  the  great  and  efFeclual  aflid- 
'  ance  which  he  hath  been  pleafed  to  give  the 
'  confederated  dates,  and  by  whofe  means  they 
i  have  been  enabled  to  humble  the  pride  of  Bri- 

*  tain,  and  to  edablifh  their  independency  upon 
'  the  mod  permanent  bafis. 

*  '  The  importance  of  the  feveral  matters  which 
'  your  excellency  hath  recommended  to  our  con- 
4  fideration  is  fo  evident,  that  we  fhall  proceed 
i  to  deliberate  upon  them  with  all  podible  dif- 
c  patch  ;  and  we  flatter  ourfelves  that  our  bufmefs 

c  will 
Vol.  II.  W  w 


(     346     ) 

c  will  be  carried  on  with  temper,  firmnefs  and 
8  unanimity. 

'  J.  L.  Gervais,  prefident/ 

'  The  address  of  the  house  of  representa- 
'  tives  in  anfwer  to  the  governor's  fpeech. 

e  We,  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  of  the  ftate 
e  of   South-Carolina,    in   general  afiembly    met, 

*  return  your  excellency  our  moil  cordial  thanks 

*  for  your  very  interefting  fpeech  to  both  houfes 
'  at  the  opening  of  this  feflion,  the  language  of 
8  which  evidently  befpeaks  a  heart  glowing  with 
c  ardent  zeal  for  the  intereft  and  welfare  of  our 
6  common  country. 

e  We  want  words  to  exprefs  our  heart-felt  ex- 
'  ultation  on  the  pleafing  reverfe  in  our  affairs. 
c  On  this  fpot,  but  a  few  months  paft,  a  military 

*  defpotifm  prevailed,  and  tyranny,  with  lawlefs 
c  violence,  was  defolating  our  fair  poffeffions ; 
6  but  we  now,  with  extacy,  behold  a  free  go- 
'  vernment  re-eftabli(hed,  liberty,  that  greateft 
c  of  temporal  bleffings,  reftored,  and  every  citi- 
6  zen  fecured  in  the  poffeflion  of  his  property 
'  by  the  firm  barrier  of  the  law  of  his  country. 
'  This  aufpicious  change  is  in  a  great  degree  ow- 

*  ing  to  the  prudence,  firmnefs  and  good  conducl; 
'  of  your  excellency. 

c  If  any  thing  can  add  to  the  fublime  and  re- 
6  fined  enjoyment,  which  mud  arife  from  your 
c  excellency's  own  reflections  on  your  perfever- 

6  inS» 


(     347     ) 

i  ing,  unabated  and  fuccefsful  exertions  towards 

*  refcuing  your  country  from  the  iron  hand  of 
'  oppreffion,  be  pleafed,  fir,  to  accept  the  mod 
■  fincere  and  unfeigned  thanks  of  your  grateful 
'  fellow-citizens. 

c  The  black  catalogue  which  your  excellency 
'  has  given  of  Britifh  barbarities,  forms  but  a 
'  fmall  part  of  the  whole.  Whenever  the  hido- 
c  rick  page  mail  be  ftained  with  their  (lory,  it 
6  will  exhibit  a  nation  devoid  of  faith  ;  with 
'  whom  oaths,  treaties,  and  the  mod  folemn 
'  compacts  were  confidered  as  trifles  ;  who,  with- 
6  out  fcruple  or  remorfe,  had  abandoned  all  re- 
1  gard  to  humanity,  honour,  judice  and  every 
'  ennobling  fentimeut  of  the  human  bread.  It 
'  is  hardly  poflible  to  conceive  any  circumdance 
'  that  could  aggravate  the  atrocious  wickednefs 
'  of  their  conduct.  There  is  not  left  a  dep  in  the 
6  degradation  of  national  character  to  which  they 
f  can  now  defcend.  The  name  of  a  Briton  mud 
c  henceforward    be    a  term   of  reproach   among 

*  all  nations. 

'  We  mould  betray  a  great  degree  of  infenfi- 
6  bility,  and  be  wanting  in  juflice  to  his  merit, 
c  mould  we  omit  this  occafion  of  acknowledging, 
{  with  the  warmefc  gratitude,  our  obligations  to 
c  the  great  and  gallant  general  Greene.  His  at- 
'  enlevements  in  this  date,  while  they  rank  him 
'  with  the   greated   commanders    of    ancient    or 

*  modem  date,  will  engrave  his  name  in  indeli- 

'ble 


(     343     ) 

6  ble  characters  on  the  heart  of  every  friend  to 

*  this  country.  Our  acknowledgments  are  alfo 
6  due  to  all  the  brave  officers  and  men  under  his 
'  command,  who  have  fo  often  fought,  bled  and 
6  conquered  for  us.  The  generals  Sumpter,  Ma- 
'  rion  and  Pickens,  with  the  brave  militia  under 
c  their  commands,  thofe  virtuous  citizens  who 
'  did  not  defpair  of  the  commonwealth  in  her 
'  greateft  extremity,  are  deferving  of  the  highefl: 

*  commendation.  The  friendly,  feafonable  and 
6  effectual  aid,  recently  afforded  us  by  our  great 
'  and  illuflrious  ally,  by  means  of  which  the  ge- 

*  neral,  on  whom  the  Britifh  nation  feemed  mofl 
'  to  have  placed  their  dependence,  has  been  com- 
c  pelled  to  furrender  the  flower  of  the  Britifh 
c  army  to  our  immortal  commander  in  chief,  muft 
c  greatly  increafe  the  flame  of  gratitude  which 
'  had  been  before  kindled  in  the  bread  of  every 
?  American,  and  which  it  will  not  be  in  the  power 
c  of   time   or   accident   to   extinguifh.     We   per- 

*  fe&ly  concur  in  fentiment  with  your  excellen- 

*  cy,  that,  from  our  connexion  with  this  power- 
6  ful  and  wife  monarch,  we  may  expeel,  with 
'  well-grounded  confidence,  that  our  indepen- 
'  dence  will  be  fhortly  eftabliflied  upon  an  immov- 
c  able  bafis,  nor  need  we  harbour  a  fingle  fear 
c  of  its  diffolution. 

e  An  union  which  originated  from  fuch  liberal 

*  and  generous  motives,  and  which  is  founded 
4  on  mutual  intereft,  that  bed  cement  of  nations, 
'  muft  and  will  continue.     Whether  the  feries  of 

'  loffes, 


(     349     ) 

c  loffes,  difafters  and  defeats  of  the  year  paft, 
c  will  at  length  recover  Britain  from  her   deliri- 

■  urn,  time  only  can  difclofe  ;  but  as  misfortune 

■  hitherto,  inftead  of  producing  reflection  and 
'  prudence,  has  operated  to  increafe  her  infanity, 

*  we  agree  in  opinion  with  your  excellency,  that 
'  it  is  probable  fhe  will  not  only  endeavour   to 

*  keep  pofTeffion  of  our  capital,  but  make  another 
'  attempt  to  fubjugate  the  country — we  fhall  there- 

*  fore  immediately  enter  upon  the  profecution  of 
6  the  meafures  recommended  by  your  excellency, 
¥  as  necelTary  for  its  fafety  ;  and  being  fully  fen- 
'  iible    how   much    depends    upon    the    refult    of 

*  our  deliberations,  we  will  endeavour  to  proceed 
'  in  the  weighty  bufinefs  with  firmnefs  and  tem- 
'  per,  with  vigour,  unanimity  and  difpatch. 

e  By  order  of  the  houfe, 

'  Hugh  Rutledge,  fpeaker.' 

By  the  rotation  eftablifhed,  it  became  necelTa- 
ry to  choofe  a  new  governor.  The  faflrages  of 
a  majority  were  in  the  firft  inftance  in  favour  of 
the  honourable  Chriftopher  Gadfden,  efquire, 
who  declined  the  office  in  a  fhort  fpeech  to  the 
following  effect :  c  I  have  ferved  you  in  a  variety 
e  of  flations  for  thirty  years,  and  I  would  now 
4  cheerfully  make  one  of  a  forlorn  hope  in  an 
4  affault  on  the  lines  of  Charleflon,  if  it  was  pro- 
c  bab'ie  that,  with  the  certain  lofs  of  my  life,  you 

*  would  be  re-inftated   in  the   pofleflion    of  your 

■  capital.  What  I  can  do  for  my  country  I  am 
'  willing  to  do.     My  fentiments  of  the  American 

1  caufe 


(     35°     ) 

c  caufe  from  the  (tamp-aft  downwards  have  never 
c  changed.  I  am  (till  of  opinion  that  it  is  the 
c  caufe  of  liberty  and  of  human  nature.  If  my 
4  acceptance    of  the    office    of   governor    would 

*  ferve   my   country,    though   my    adminiftration 

*  would  be  attended  with  the  lofs  of  perfonal 
'  credit   and   reputation,  I  would   cheerfully   un- 

*  dertake  it.     The  prelent  times  require  the  vi- 

*  gour  and  activity  of  the  prime  of  life  ;  but  I 
'  feel  the  increafing  infirmities  of  old  age  to  fuch 
'  a  degree,  that  I  am  confeious  I  cannot  ferve  you 

*  to  advantage.  I  therefore  beg  for  your  fakes, 
6  and  for  the  fake  of  the  publick,  that  you  would 
6  indulge  me  with  the  liberty  of  declining  the 
6  arduous  trull. '  He  was  indulged  in  his  re- 
queft  j  but,  though  he  declined  the  laborious 
office  of  governor,  he  continued  to  ferve  both 
in  the  aiTembly  and  council,  where,  notwithftand- 
ing  the  long  confinement  he  had  fufFered  in  the 
callle  of  St.  Auguftine,  in  violation  of  the  capi- 
tulation of  Charlefton,  and  the  immenfe  lofs  of 
his  property,  he  oppofed  the  law,  which  was 
brought  in  on  this  occafion,  for  confifcating  the 
eftates  of  the  adherents  to  the  Britifh  govern- 
ment, and  zealoufly  contended  that  found  policy 
required  to  forget  and  forgive. 

The  general  afTembly  elected  the  honourable 
John  Mathews  governor,  filled  up  vacancies  in 
the  different  departments,  and  re-eftablifhed  civil 
government  in  all  its  branches.  They  alfo  dele- 
gated to  the  governor  or  commander  in  chief  the 

fame 


(    35'     ) 

fame  cxtenfive  powers,  with  fimilar  limitation, 
which  had  been  entrufted  to  his  predeceffor — '  Of 
'  doing  all  matters  and  things  which  were  judged 
'  expedient  and   neceffary   to  fecure   the   liberty, 

*  fafety  and  happincfs  of  the  ftate.'  Hitherto  the 
legiflature  of  the  ftate  had  given  every  man  the 
free  liberty  of  chooiing  his  fide,  and  retaining 
his  property  ;  but  the  conduct  of  the  Britifh, 
while  they  had  the  afcendency  in  the  ftate,  was 
fo  contrary  to  this  humane  mode  of  carrying 
on  war,  that  on  this  occafion  an  oppofite  line  of 
policy  was  adopted. 

Laws  were  paffed  for  confifcating  the  eftates, 
and  banifhing  the  perfons  of  the  active  decided 
friends  of  Britifh  government,  and  for  amercing 
the  eftates  of  others,  as  a  fubflitution  for  their 
perfonal  fervices,  of  which  their  country  had 
been  deprived.  Two  hundred  and  thirty-feven 
perfons  or  eftates  were  included  in  the  firft  clafs, 
and  forty-eight  in  the  laft.  Thofe  whole  fubmif- 
fion  appeared  to  be  neceffary  and  unavoidable, 
and  who  did  not  voluntarily  aid  or  abet  the  go- 
vernment of  the  conquerors,  were  generally  over- 
looked. The  reafons  that  induced  the  aifembly 
to  adopt  the  meafure  of  confiscation  are  (fated 
by  themfelves  in  the  preamble  to  the  act  which 
is  in  the  following  words  :  i  Whereas  the  thirteen 
'  Britifh  colonies,  now  the  United  States  of  Amc- 

*  rica,  were,  by  an  act  of  the  parliament  of  Great- 
f  Britain,  pafied  in  or  about  the  month  of  De- 
6  cember,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thoufand 

*  feven 


(     35*     ) 

feven  hundred  and  feventy-five,  declared  to  be 
in  rebellion,  and  out  of  the  protection  of  the 
Britifli  crown  ;  and  by  the  faid  act  not  only  the 
property  of  the  colonifts  was  declared  lubject  to 
feizure  and  condemnation,  but  divers  feizures 
and  deftruction  of  their  property  having  been 
made  after  the  nineteenth  day  of  April,  anno 
Domini  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fe- 
venty-five ;  and  before  the  pairing  of  the  faid 
aft,  fuch  feizures  and  deftruction  were  by  the 
faid  act  declared  to  be  lawful :  and  whereas  the 
good  people  of  thefe  ftates  having  not  only  fuf- 
fered  great  lofTes  and  damages  by  captures  of 
their  property  on  the  fea  by  the  fubjects  of  his 
Britannick  majefty,  but  by  their  feizing  and 
carrying  off  much  property  taken  on  the  land : 
in  confequence  of  fuch  proceedings  of  the  Bri- 
tifli crown,  and  thofe  acting  under  its  authority, 
the  honourable  Congrefs  of  the  United  States, 
after  due  and  mature  confederation,  authorized 
the  feizing  and  condemnation  of  all  property 
found  on  the  fea,  and  belonging  to  the  fubjecls 
of  Great-Britain,  and  recommended  to  the  fe- 
veral  ftates  in  which  fuch  fubjects  had  property, 
to  confifcate  the  fame  for  the  publick  ufe  ;  all 
political  connexion  between  Great-Britain  and 
the  United  States  having  been  diffolved  by  the 
feparation  of  thefe  ftates  from  that  kingdom, 
and  their  declaring  themfelves  free  and  inde- 
pendent of  her  :  in  purfuance  of  which  recom- 
mendation moft,  if  not  all,  have  difpofed  of 
fuch  property  for  the  publick  ufe.    And  whereas, 

*  notwithstanding 


(     353     ) 

«  notwithfhnding  this  ftate  has  forborne  even  to 
'  fequefter  the  profits  arifmg  from  the  eftates  of 
c  Britim  fubje&s,  the  enemy,  in  violation  of  the 
c  mofl  folemn  capitulations  and  publick  engage- 
6  ments,  by  which  the  property  of  individuals 
'  was  fecured  to  them,  feized  upon,  fer.uefttred 
6  and  applied  to  their  own  ufe,  not  only  in  fever  al 
c  inftances,    the    profits    of    tne    eftates,    but    in 

*  other    inftances   the    eftates    thcmftlves    ot    the 

*  good  citizens  of  this  (late,  and  have  commit- 
c  ted  the  molt   wanton  and   wilful  wafte   of  pro- 

*  perty  both  real  and  perfonal,  to  a  very  con- 
'  fiderable  amount. 

'  And    whereas,    from   a  proclamation   of   fir 
c  Henry   Clinton,    declaring,    that   if  any  perfon 

*  mould  appear  in  arms  in  order  to  prevent  the 

*  eftablifhment  of  his  Britannick  majeftv's  go- 
1  vernment  in  this  country,  fuch  perfons  mould 
'  be  treated  with  the  utmoft  feverity,  and  their 
■  eftates  be  immediately  feized  in  order  to  be  con- 
'  fifcated  :  and  whereas,  from  a  letter  of  lord 
8  Rawdon  to  lieutenant-colonel  Rugely,  declaring, 

*  that  every  militiaman  who  did  not  ufe  his  utmoft 
6  endeavours  to  apprehend  deferters,  mould  be 
c  punifhed  in  fuch  manner  as  his  lordfhip  mould 
'  think  adequate  to  fuch  offence,  by  whipping, 

*  imprifonment,  or  being  fent  to  ferve  his  Britan- 
'  nick   majeity   in   the    Weft-Indies.      From    earl 

*  Cornwallis's  letter  to  lieutenant-colonel  Cruger, 
!  *  bearing    date    the  eighteenth   of    Auguft,    one 

*  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  eighty,  declaring 

Vol.  II.  X  x  '  that 


(     354    ) 

that  he  had  given  orders  that  all  the  inhabitants 
who  had  fubmitted,  and  who  had  taken  part 
with  their  countrymen  in  the  firfl  action  near 
Camden,  although  fuch  fubmimon  was  an  ad 
of  force  or  necefiity,  mould  be  punifhed  with 
the  greateft  rigour — that  they  fhould  be  impri- 
foned,  and  their  whole  property  taken  from 
them  or  deftroyed — and  that  he  had  ordered, 
in  the  moll  pofitive  manner,  that  every  militia- 
man who  had  borne  arms  on  the  part  of  his 
Britannick  majefty,  and  who  had  afterwards 
joined  his  fellow-citizens,  although  he  had  been 
compelled  to  take  up  arms  againfl  them,  mould 
be  immediately  hanged  ;  and  ordering  the  faid 
lieutenant-colonel  Cruger  to  obey  thefe  directi- 
ons in  the  diftrict  in  which  he  commanded,  in 
the  ftricteft  manner.  And,  from  the  general 
tenor  of  the  enemy's  conduct  in  their  wilful 
and  wanton  wafte  and  deuruction  of  property 
as  aforefaid,  committing  to  a  cruel  imprifon- 
ment,  and  even  hanging,  and  otherwife  putting 
to  death  in  cold  blood  and  an  ignominious 
manner,  many  good  citizens  who  had  furren- 
dered  as  prifoners  of  war,  it  is  evident  that  it 
was  the  fixed  determination  of  the  enemy, 
notwithstanding  their  profeffions  to  the  contra- 
ry, to  treat  this  (late  as  a  conquered  country  j 
and  that  the  inhabitants  were  to  expect  the 
c  utmoft  feverities,  and  to  hold  their  lives,  liber- 
c  ties  and  properties,  folely  at  the  will  of  his 
c  Britannick  majefty's  officers. 

'  And 


(     355     ) 

*  And  it  is  therefore  inconfiftent  with  publick 
c  juflice  and  policy  to  afford  protection  any  longer 
'  to  the  property  of  Britiih  fubjects,  and  juft  and 
'  reafonable  to  apply  the  fame  towards  alleviat- 
'  ing  and  leflening  the  burdens  and  expences  of 

,  '  the  war,  which  mull  otherwife  fall  very  heavy 
'  on  the   diftreffed  inhabitants  of  this   ftate  j  Be 

'  *  it  therefore  enacted' — 

The  execution  of  thefe  laws,  fo  derogatory 
|  to  the  many  bold  promifes  of  the  Britifh  com- 
manders for  the  fecurity  and  protection  of  the 
property  of  their  adherents,  induced  general 
Leflie,  who  at  that  time  commanded  the  royal 
forces  in  Carolina,  to  concert  mea  hires  for  their 
indemnification.  To  this  end  he  fent  a  party  to 
feize  the  negroes  and  other  effects  belonging  to 
the  whig-citizens,  with  the  avowed  intention  of 
applying  it  to  the  relief  of  the  fufferers  by  the 
confifcation  law.  After  a  fuccefsful  excurfion  of 
this  kind,  he  wrote  the  following  letter  to  general 
Greene  : 

c  Head-Quarters,  April  4,   1782. 
'  Sir, 

6  It  was  with  deep  concern  I  viewed,  in  the 
c  proceedings  of  your  lad  affembly,  acts  for  amerc- 

*  ing  the  property  of  fome  peribns,  and  connfcat- 
'  ing  that  of  others,  whofe  principles  had  attached 

*  them  to    the    caufe    of   their    fovereign.     Yet, 
'  alarming   as  the   publick  refolutions   appeared, 

*  I  was  in  hopes  humanity,    as  well  as   policy, 

*  would 


(     356     ) 

would  have  arretted  their  execution,  and  that 
I  mould  not  have  been  compelled  to  take  mea- 
fures  for  their  counteraction,  injurious  to  the 
country,  and  therefore  painful  to  me.  But 
when  thefe  hopes  were  difappointed,  and  I 
found  the  effects  of  the  loyal  and  well-affected 
removed  from  their  eftates,  and  carried  to  parts 
far  diftant  from  them,  I  could  no  longer  remain 
the  quiet  fpectator  of  their  diftreffes  ;  but,  in 
order  to  induce  a  jufter  line  of  conduct,  I  have 
employed  a  part  of  the  force  entrufted  to  my 
charge  for  their  protection,  in  feizing  the  ne- 
groes of  your  friends,  that  reftitution  may  be 
thereby  made  to  fuch  of  ours  as  may  fuffer  un- 
der thefe  oppreilive  and  ruinous  refolutions. 
This,  fir,  was  the  object  of  the  late  excurfion 
towards  Santee,  and  thefe  principles  will  greatly 
mark  the  future  operations  of  this  army,  unlefs 
a  relinquimment  of  this  affumed  right  on  your 
part  fhould  juflify  lefs  deftructive  meafures  on 
mine. 

'  To  point  out  to  you,  or  the  world,  the   dif- 

*  tinction   between    temporary    fequeflration    and 

*  actual  confiscation  would   be  impertinent  ;  but 

*  it  will  by  no  means  be  fo  to  obferve  on  the  op- 

*  pofite  conduct  purfued  by  each  party  in   carry- 

*  ing  into  execution  thefe  very  different  meafures  ; 

*  for  whilft  you  have  endeavoured  to  involve,  in 

*  perpetual  ruin,  the  perfons  and  eftates  of  thofe 

*  who  have  differed   from  you  in  political  fenti- 

*  uients,  I  can  fafely  appeal  even  to  thofe  whofe 

'  violent 


(     3S7     ) 

<  violent  oppofition  to  the  King's  government 
1  compelled  the  with-holding   from   them    for    a 

*  time  their  pofTeflions  in  this  province,  for  the 
'  great  attention  which  has   been  invariably  paid 

*  to  their  property — the  connected  flate  in  which 
«  it  has  been  preferved — and  the  liberal  allow- 
'  ances   that  were  made  to  their   families,  info- 

*  much  that,  while  other  eftates  were   running  to 

*  wade  by  the  diffractions   of  the  country,  thefe 

*  have  greatly  thriven  at  the  expence  of  govern- 

*  ment. 

*  Thus  far  I  have  deemed  it  neceffary  to  urge 

*  the  motives  of  humanity,  policy  and  example, 
(  for  your  fufpenfion  of  fuch  rigorous  procedures  ; 
f  and  mould  you   think  a   meeting  of  commiffi- 

*  oners  on  each  fide  might  tend  to  leflen  the  de- 
1  variations  of  war,  and  fecure  inviolate  the  pro- 

*  perty    of   individuals,    I    mail    have    a   peculiar 

*  happinefs  in  embracing  propofals  that  may  ac- 
c  complifh  fuch  benevolent  purpofes  ;  but  if,  not- 
'  withftanding    this    earned    reprefentation,    you 

*  mould  ftill  perfevere  in  executing  thefe  acls  of 
c  your  affembly,  I  trufl  this  letter  will  hold  me 
c  juftifiable  to  the  world  for  any  meafures  which 
'  neceflity  may  adopt  in  counteraclion  of  fteps 
6  unjuft  in  their  principles  and  perfonally  diftrefs- 
1  ful  in  their  confequences  ;  and  that,  whilft  I 
'  only  endeavour  to  fecure  to  thofe,  who  with 
'  refpeclable  fteadinefs   have  attached   themfelves 

*  to  our  caufe,  the  full  poifeffion  of  their  efFecls, 

*  or,  in  cafe  of  loffes,  to  provide  an'  equitable  re- 

ftitution 


(   iss   ) 

*  ftitution  for  them,  I  fhall  be  clearly  exculpated 

*  from  all  the  horrors  and  calamities  which  the 
'  road  you  now  point  out  unavoidably  leads  to. 

*  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
'  your  mod  obedient 

*  and  mofl  humble  fervant, 
(Signed)  c  Alex.  Leslie. 

*  To  major-general  Greene.' 

To  this  letter  general  Greene  returned  an 
immediate  anfwer,  c  that  he  had  the  honour  to 
f  command  the  forces   of   the   United  States  in 

*  the  fouthern  department ;  but  had  nothing  to 
'  do  with  the  internal  police  of  any  (late.'  On 
which  lieutenant-general  Leflie  addreffed  himfelf 
to  governor  Mathews,  and  enclofed  the  letter 
which  had  been  addreffed  to  general  Greene,  to 
which  governor  Mathews  gave  the  following 
anfwer  : 

6  April  12,   1782. 
6  Sir, 

'  I  had  the  honour  of  receiving  your  letter  of 
«  the  eighth  inftant,  enclofing  one  from  you  to 
6  major-general   Greene  of   the  fourth,   and  his 

*  anfwer  to  you  of  the  fame  date. 

(  The  manner  in  which  you  refer  to  your  letter 
c  to  general  Greene,  obliges  me  to  view  that  letter 

*  as  now  addrefled  to  me.     I  mufl  therefore  beg 

*  leave  to  obferve  upon  it,  previous  to  anfwering 
'  the  one  immediately  addreffed  to  me. 

«  Your 


(     359     ) 

*  Your  remaining  fo  fliort  a  time  in  this  (late, 

*  after  the   furrender   of  Charledon,  and  not  re- 

*  turning  to  it  till  mod  of  the  fequedered  edates 

*  had  been  refcued  from  the  hands  of  your  fequef- 

*  trator,  has  put  it  out  of  your  power  to  fpeak  of 
'  the  management  of  them  in  this  country  from 

*  your  own   knowledge,    confequently   what   has 

*  been  faid  by  you  on  that  fubject  mud  have  been 

*  from    information.     The  character    of   general 

*  Leflie  has  always  been  reprefented  to  me  in  fo 
c  favourable  a  light,  that  candour  forbids  me  to 

*  entertain  the  mod  didant  idea  of  his  having 
4  intentionally  reprefented  matters  fo  contrary  to 
4  fact,  to  anfwer  even  the  greated  political  pur- 

*  pofes  ;  but  it  is  evident  that  he  has  been  mod 

*  grofsly  impofed  on  by  men  in  whom  he  had 
4  confided,  and  that  they  have  betrayed  him  into 

*  an  afiertion  which  mud  injure  his  feelings  when- 
6  ever  he  is  pofleffed  of  a  true  date  of  the  ma- 

*  nagement  of  thofe  edates  that  were  put  under 

*  fequedration  by  order  of  lord  Cornwallis. 

'  I  would  not,  fir,  give  an  hady  anfwer  to 

*  your  obfervations  on  this  fubjecl,  and   thought 

*  myfelf  well  judified  in  deviating  from  the  rule 

*  of  politenefs  in  delaying  an  anfwer,  that  I  might 

*  have  an   opportunity   of  invedigating  truth.     I 

*  have  taken   much  pains   in  my  enquiries,    the 

*  refult  of  which  has  been  the  mod  indubitable 

*  proofs,  that  fo  far  from  thefe  fequedered  edates 
"  having  had  the  greated  attention  paid  to  them 
«  —being  preferved  in  a  connected  date — and 

"  greatly 


(    360    ) 


(C 


greatly  thriven,"  mod   of  them,   while  under 

*  the  management  of  your  fequeftrator,  have  been 
1  very  greatly  injured  ;  many  have  been  nearly 
1  ruined,  and  others  altogether  fo.  What  expence 
'  the  Britiih  government  has  incurred  on  their 
'  account  I  know  not,  but,  I  can  with  confidence 

*  affert,    the   fequeftered   eftates   have  been  very 

*  little  benefited  thereby. 

*  I  will  now  appeal  to  a  fact  within  your  own 
'  knowledge.  You  know  that  great  numbers  of 
'  the  negroes,  belonging  to  thefe  eftates,  are  now 

*  within   your    lines,    and    loft    to    their    owners. 

*  And  on  few  plantations  is  a  four-footed  animal 

*  to  be  found.     How  then  do  you  prove  that  the 

*  eftates  have  been  preferved  in  a  connected  date, 
'  when  one  half  of  fome,  two  thirds  of  others, 
1  and  the  whole  of  a  few  of  the  eftates  have  been 
{  deprived  of  the  negroes  and  ftock  that  were 
'  upon  them  when  put  under  fequeftration  ?  How 
'  do  you  prove  that  thefe  eftates  have  greatly 
'  thriven  ;  and  that  the  greateft  attention  has  been 
6  paid  to  them  ? 

'  As  to  the  liberal  allowance  made  to  the  fa- 
'  milies  of  thofe  perfons  whofe  eftates  were  fe- 
6  queftered  :  this  fir,  I  mult  beg  leave  to  fay  you 
'  have  been  as  greatly  deceived  in,  as  the  other 
'  parts  of  your  information.  So  far  from  the 
'  wives  and  children  having  been  allowed  the 
6  ftipulated  funis  out  of  their  hufbands'    and  fa- 

*  tilers*    eftates,  the   truth    is,   that   after    much 

c  entreaty 


(     3««     ) 

*  entreaty,  and  in  many  inftances  very  unbecom- 
6  ing  treatment,  fome  have  obtained  trifling  fums 

*  compared  with  what  they  were  entitled  to,  while 

*  others  have  been  altogether  denied. 

c  On  this  ground  of  inveftigation  I  am  ready 
'  to  meet  you,  fir,  whenever  you  think  proper, 
1  when  I  will  undertake  to  produce  to  you  the 
e  proofs  for  every  thing  I  have  here  advanced. 

'  Your  obfervation  on  the  oppofite  conduct  of 
each  party  in  carrying  into  execution  the  mca- 
fures  of  fequeftration  and  connfeation,  fo  far 
from  being  founded  in  fact,  evidently  (hew  the 
uniform  deception  into  which  you  have  been  led. 
In  the  common  acceptation  of  the  word,  it  is 
true,  fequeftration  means  no  more  than  a  tem- 
porary privation  of  property  ;  but  your  fequef- 
trator  general,  and  molt  of  his  officers,  have 
conftrued  this  word  into  a  very  different  mean- 
ing ;  and,  regardlefs  of  the  articles  of  capitula- 
tion of  Charlefton,  as  well  as  of  the  mod  facred 
contracts  contained  in  marriage-fettlements,  eve- 
ry fpecies  of  property,  negroes,  plate,  houfe- 
hold  furniture,  horfes,  carriages,  cattle,  &c» 
have  been  indifcriminately  torn  from  their  own- 
ers by  perfons  now  under  your  immediate  com- 
mand, and  have  been  either  fent  beyond  feas, 
for  the  benefit  of  thole  who  had  taken — I  had 
almofl  faid  plundered  them,  or  now  remain 
within  your  lines,  and  in  either  cafe  loft:  to  their 
owners. 

Vol.  IT.  Y  y  *  Now. 


(     362     ) 

*  Now,  fir,  let  us  for  a  moment  view  the  con- 
fc  duct  of  the  legiflature  of  this  ftate  in  their  late 
1  feffion.     The  moft  facred  regard  has  been  paid 

*  by  them  to  private  contracts,  neither  marriage- 
'  fettlements  nor  the  faith  of  individuals  have 
4  been  violated,  but  left  to  their  full  operation. 
1  A  provifion  alfo  was  made  for  the  families  of 
'  thofe  whofe  eftates  have  been  confifcated.  And 
'  although  the  property  of  Britifh  fubjects  within 
'  this  ftate   has  been  confifcated,   yet  the  debts 

*  due  to  them  from  the  citizens  of  this  ftate  have 
'  been  left  untouched.  And  be  allured,  fir, 
"  whilft  I  have  the  honour  of  holding  the   rank 

*  I  now  do,  it  fhall  be  my  particular  bufinefs  to 

*  fee  that  this,  as  well  as  every  other  law  of  the 
«  ftate,  is  executed  with  lenity,  fidelity  and  inte- 
«  grity. 

'  After  thefe  observations  permit  me,  fir,  to 
'  draw  your  ferious  attention  to  a  candid  and 
'  impartial  view  of  the  conduct  of  each  party  on 
c  the  operation  of  your  fequeftration  and  our  con- 

*  fifcation  acts,  when  I  leave  you  at  liberty  and 
6  at  leifure  to  judge,  whether  you  find  any  diffe- 
'  rence  between   them,  and   if  you   do,  whether 

*  confutation  on  our  part  is  likely  to  be  produc- 
c  tive  of  more  ruinous  confequences  to  thofe  who 

*  are  affected  by  it,  than  fequeftration  on  your 
6  part  has  been  to  thofe  unfortunate  citizens  of 
c  this  ftate  who  have  felt  its  effects. 

1  As  to  the  affumption  of  a  right  on  the  part 

*  of 


(    3«3    ) 

*  of  the  ftate,  to  treat  its  citizens  according  to 
c  their  demerits,  I  mud  beg  leave  to  obferve  fuch 
6  language  is  only  calculated  to   irritate,  and   by 

*  no  means  to  accomplifh  the  ends  you  aim  at. 
'  And,  fir,  if  you  conceive  ours  to  be  no  more 
'  than  an  aflumed  right,  I  have   every   reafon   to 

*  fuppofe  that  no  convention  that  can  be  entered 
'  into  in  the  negotiation  that  you  propofe  can  be 
8  looked  upon  by  you  as  binding,  after  it  has 
£  been    in   the  mod   folemn    manner    concluded. 

*  And,  did  I  not  fuppofe  the  expreflion  had  in- 
6  advertently  efcaped  you,  I  mould  reft  the  mat- 
c  ter  here,  and  think  no  more  about  it.  But  the 
6  opinion  I  entertain  of  general  Leilie  forbids  me 
i  to  imagine  him  capable  of  deception. 

'  You  entirely  miftake  my  character  when  you 
e  fuppofe  me  to  be  intimidated  by  threats,  and 
c  thereby  deterred  from  executing  the  duties  of 
c  the  office  with  which  the  ftate  has  honoured  me. 

*  For  be  affured,  fir,  the  laws  of  this  ftate  trufted 
c  to  me  muft  and  fhall  be  carried  into  execution 
4  — maugre  the  confequences. 

'  The  powers  vefted  in  me  by  the  ftate  are 
4  very    extenfive  ;  but  I  fhall  ever  be  extremely 

*  cautious  how  I  exercife  them,  and  when  I  do 
4  I  muft  be  convinced  that  the  exercife  of  my  ex- 
4  traordinary  powers  is  calculated  to  produce 
4  fome   proportionate    benefit   to    the    ftate. 

*  I  would  recommend  to  you,  fir,  to  confider 

*  well 


(     364     ) 

*  well  the  confequences  before  you  carry  into 
«  execution  the  threats  you  hold  out ;  for  remem- 

*  ber  the  eftates  referved  by  marriage  fettlements, 
6  and  the  debts  due  to  thofe  who  have  attached 
'  themfelves  to  your  caufe,  as  well  as  the  debts 
■  due  to  the  fubje&s  of  Britain,  are  in  my  power, 
'  and  that  I  can,  in  an  hour's  time,  deprive  them 
6  of  every  benefit  to  be  derived  to  them  from  the 
e  benevolent  intentions  of  the  legiflature  of  this 
£  ftate.  My  fenfibility  would  be  extremely  wound- 
'  ed,  fhouki  I  be  reduced  to  the  painful  neceffity 
'  of  exercifmg  this  power ;  but  it  refls  with  you, 

*  fir,  whether  I  do  or  not.  And  I  fhall  be  as 
6  ready  as  you  are  to  appeal  to  the  world  for  the 

*  re&itude  of  my  conduct. 

c  Your  proportion  for  fufpending  the  opera- 

*  tion  of  the  confifcation  act,  without  offering 
6  any  equivalent,  is  inadmifiable.  If  you  have 
6  any  thing  ferious  and  folid  to  propofe  on  this 

*  head,  I  am  ready  to  appoint  commiffioners  on 
6  my  part  to  meet  thofe  of  yours  to  confer  on  the 
4  bufinefs, 

'  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
'  fir,  your  mod  obedient 
'  and  humble  fervant, 
(Signed)  ■  John  Mathews. 

i  Lieutenant-general  Leflie.' 

After  the  reduction  of  lord  Cornwallis  was 
completed,  the  Pennfylvania  line  marched  to 
South-Carolina.     This  increafe  of  force  enabled 

general 


(     365     ) 

general  Greene  to  detach  a  part  of  his  army 
to  Georgia.  During  the  two  or  three  preced- 
ing years,  that  flate  had  fuffered,  in  an  eminent 
degree,  the  defolations  of  war.  The  blood  of  its 
citizens  had  been  daily  fried  by  contending  par- 
ties, under  the  denomination  of  whigs  and  tories. 
Political  hatred  raged  to  fuch  a  degree,  that  a 
Georgia  parole,  and  a  thruft  with  the  bayonet, 
were  terms  of  equal  import.  A  few  of  the  friends 
of  the  revolution  kept  together  in  the  upper  coun- 
try, and  exercifed  the  powers  of  independent 
government ;  and  armed  parties  were  frequently 
making  excurfions  againft  Britifh  detachments. 
One  of  the  moft  fuccefsful  of  this  kind  was  on 
the  twenty- third  of  March  1781,  by  colonel 
Clark,  commanding  a  party  of  Georgia  militia, 
who  fell  in  with  major  Dunlap  near  Ninety-Six, 
at  the  head  of  a  detachment  of  Britifh  troops. 
The  major  and  thirty-four  of  his  men  were  killed, 
and  forty-two  taken  prifoners. 

In  January  1782  general  Wayne,  having  pre- 
vioufly  ordered  the  Americans  at  Augufla  to  join 
him  at  Ebenezer,  crofied  the  river  Savannah  at 
the  Two  Sifters  ferry,  with  about  a  hundred 
dragoons,  under  the  command  of  colonel  An- 
thony-Walton White.  He  was  foon  after  rein- 
forced by  three  hundred  continental  infantry, 
commanded  by  lieutenant-colonel  Pofey.  The 
Britifh  commander  in  Savannah,  on  hearing  of 
this  irruption  of  the  Americans,  fent  orders  to 
the  different  polls  to  burn,  as  far  as  they  could, 

all 


(     3<56    ) 

all  the  provifions  in  the  country,  and  then  to 
retire  within  their  works.  The  margin  of  the 
fiver  Savannah,  and  the  iflands  in  the  vicinity  of 
it,  were  foon  covered  with  fmoke,  and  prefented 
to  the  aftonifhed  eye  a  grand  but  an  awful  fpe&a- 
cle.  What  remained  of  the  laft  year's  crop  was 
fo  generally  deftroyed,  that  the  American  forces 
were  obliged  to  depend  chiefly  on  South-Carolina 
for  their  fupport. 

The  Briti/h  garrifon  at  this  time  confifted  of 
about  a  thoufand  regulars,  befides  a  confiderable 
number  of  militia,  and  was  under  the  command 
of  brigadier-general  Clarke.  Notwithstanding 
this  great  fuoeriority  of  force,  general  Wayne 
frequently  appeared  before  the  Britifh  lines,  and 
infulted  their  picquets.  Three  different  attempts 
were  made  to  furprize  an  advanced  party  of 
the  Americans  commanded  by  lieutenant-colonel 
Jackfon,  but  none  of  them  fucceeded. 

About  this  time  John  Martin,  efquire,  go- 
vernor of  the  ftate  of  Georgia,  came  with  his 
council  from  Augufla  to  Ebenezer,  and  re-efla- 
blifhed  American  government  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  fea-coaft.  Soon  after  his  arrival  he  iffued  a 
proclamation,  offering  to  every  Britifh  or  Heffian 
foldier,  who  mould  defert  from  Savannah,  two 
hundred  acres  of  land,  and  fome  (lock.  This 
had,  in  a  certain  degree,  the  defired  effect. 

On   the   twenty-nrft   of  May    1782,    colonel 

Brown, 


(    3<S7     ) 

Brown,  at  the  head  of  a  confiderable  party, 
marched  out  of  the  garrifon  of  Savannah,  with 
the  apparent  intention  of  attacking  the  Ameri- 
cans.-., General  Wayne,  by  a  bold  manoeuvre, 
got  between  colonel  Brown  and  the  Britifh  gar- 
rifon in  Savannah — attacked  him  at  twelve  o'clock 
at  night,  and  routed  his  whole  party.  The  van- 
guard of  the  Americans,  confining  of  fixty  horfe 
and  forty  infantry,  was  led  on  by  colonel  White 
of  the  cavalry,  and  captain  Parker  of  the  infan- 
try, to  a  fpirited  charge,  in  which  forty  of  the 
men,  commanded  by  colonel  Brown,  were  killed 
or  wounded,  about  twenty  taken  prilbners,  and 
the  remainder  obliged  to  fhelter  themfelves  in  the 
fwamps  under  cover  of  the  night.  This  advan- 
tage was  gained  by  the  liberal  ufe  of  the  fword 
and  bayonet.  Orders  had  been  previouily  given 
to  depend  exclufively  on  thefe  weapons ;  and 
that  this  might  be  more  punctually  complied  with, 
the  flints  were  taken  out  of  the  mufkets  of  the 
infantry.  Mr.  Jonathan  Brian,  a  refpectable  citi- 
zen of  the  ftate  of  Georgia,  though  nearly  eighty 
years  of  age,  was  among  the  foremoft  on  this 
occafion,  and  (hewed  as  much  fire  and  fpirit  as 
could  be  exhibited  by  a  young  foldier  in  the  pur- 
fuit  of  military  fame.  In  this  fuccefsful  enter- 
prize  the  Americans  had  only  five  privates  killed 
and  two  wounded. 

On  the  twenty-fourth  of  June  1782,  a  party 
of  Creek  Indians,  with  a  Britifh  officer,  made  in 
the  night  a  fpirited  attack  on  general  Wayne. 

The 


(     3«8     ) 

The  affailants  conducted  the  enterprize  with  fo 
much  ipirit  and  addrefs,  that  they  got  poffeffion 
of  two  held -pieces,  which  were  guarded  by  a 
fraall  party  in  the  rear  of  the  Americans.  ,.  The 
troops  commanded  by  general  Wayne  foon  rallied 
and  recovered  their  field-pieces.  A  fmart  action 
enfued,  in  which  they  fought  on  both  fides  in 
clofe  quarters  with  fwords  and  bayonets,  'though 
the  Indians,  in  this  unufual  mode  of  engaging, 
difplayed  uncommon  bravery,  yet  they  were 
completely  routed.  Fourteen  of  their  number 
were  killed.  Emifteffigo,  a  famous  Indian  chief, 
was  among  the  flain.  The  Americans  carried  ofF 
a  Britiih  ftandard,  and  a  large  number  of  horfes. 

The  prefence  of  an  American  force  between 
the  upper  country  and  the  garrifon  in  Savannah 
interrupted  the  communication  between  the  Indi- 
ans and  the  Britifh.  A  party  of  the  former, 
when  on  their  way  to  Savannah  with  a  confidera- 
ble  number  of  pack-horfes,  and  a  great  deal  of 
peltry,  w7as  taken  by  general  Wayne.  Two  of 
their  number  were  detained  as  hoflages,  but  the 
remainder  was  fent  home  with  a  friendly  talk  and 
provifions.  Thefe  lenient  meafures,  together 
with  the  recent  fucceffes  of  the  Americans,  had 
a  confiderable  influence  in  detaching  the  Indians 
from  their  Britiih  friends.  The  furrender  of  lord 
Cornwallis,  the  fucceffes  of  general  Greene  in 
South-Carolina,  together  with  the  declining  ftate 
of  the  royal  intereft  in  every  part  of  the  United 
States,  operated  on  the  government  of  Great- 
Britain 


(     3«9     ) 

Britain  fo  as  to  induce  a  refoluticn,  early  in  the 
year  1782,  to  abandon  all  oftenfive  operations  in 
America.  Under  this  fanclion,  on  the  twenty- 
fecond  of  May  1782,  general  Leflie  propofed  to 
general  Greene  a  ceflation  ot  hoftilitics  :  but  this 
was  declined  by  the  latter  for  want  of  inftructi- 
ons  from  Congre Is  on  the  fubject.  Neverthelcfs, 
there  was  nothing  of  conftqucnce  attempted  on 
either  fide. 

In  connexion  with  this  fyftem  of  abandoning 
offenfive  operations  in  America,  a  fchtme  was 
adopted  of  evacuating  the  weaker  Britifh  polls 
in  the  United  States.  As  it  had  been  the  lot  of 
Savannah  to  be  the  fir  ft  fouthern  poft  which  was 
reduced,  in  like  manner  it  was  the  firft  which  was 
evacuated.  When  this  meafure  was  determined 
upon,  the  merchants  and  others,  inhabitants 
thereof,  obtained  per  million  to  apply  to  general 
Wayne  for  the  fecurity  and  prefervation  of  their 
property.  To  their  deputies  he  replied,  *  that, 
'  mould  the  Britifh  garrifon  eventually  effect  an 
4  evacuation,  the  perfons  and  properties  of  fuch 
'  inhabitants  or  others,  who  choofe  to  remain  in 
6  Savannah,  will  be  protected  by  the  military, 
'  and  refigned  inviolate  into  the  hands  of  the  ci- 

*  vil  authority,  which  muft  ultimately  decide.' 
The  merchants  and  inhabitants  of  Savannah,  hav- 
ing fent  out  a  fecond  flag,  general  Wayne,  at 
the  defire  of  the  civil  authority  of  the  ftate,  fent 
them  for  anfwer,  '  that  the  merchants,  not  owing 

*  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  will  be  permit- 

Vol.  II.  Z  z  *  ted 


(     37°    ) 

6  ted  to  remain  a  reafonable  time  to  difpofe  of  their 
4  goods  and  fettle  their  affairs.'  Major  Haber- 
fliam,  who  was  charged  with  this  meffage,  pledg- 
ed himfelf  that  they  might  rely,  with  the  utmoft 
confidence,  on  the  terms  propofed  to  them. 

On  the  eleventh  of  July  1782  the  Britifh  eva- 
cuated the  town  of  Savannah,  and  the  Ameri- 
cans immediately  took  poffeffion  of  it.  Peace 
and  tranquillity  were  reftored  to  Georgia,  after 
it  had  been  near  four  years  in  the  poffeffion  of  the 
Britifh.  It  is  fuppofed,  by  well-informed  perfons, 
that  in  this  fpace  of  time,  the  flate  loft  by  the 
war  one  thoufand  of  its  citizens,  befides  four 
thoufand  flaves. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  year  1782 
conftant  reports  were  circulated,  that  the  Britifh 
intended  an  immediate  evacuation  of  Charlefton. 
The  apprehenfion  of  this  gave  a  ferious  alarm  to 
thofe  of  the  inhabitants  who  adhered  to  their  in- 
tereft.  There  was  no  part  of  South-Carolina 
without  the  Britifh  lines  which  was  not  formally 
in  the  peace  of  the  ftate,  excepting  a  fettlement 
on  Little  Peedee.  Major  Ganey,  at  the  head  of 
fome  loyaliils  refiding  near  that  river,  had  refufed 
to  do  militia  duty  under  general  Marion,  the 
brigadier  of  the  diftrid.  They  defended  them- 
felves  in  the  fwamps,  and  from  thence  frequently 
fallied  to  the  diftrefs  of  the  whig  inhabitants  of 
the  adjacent  country.  On  the  twenty-eighth  of 
April  178 1  a  party  of  them,  commanded  by  cap- 
tain 


(    37i     ) 

tain  Jones,  furrounded  and  fet  fire  to  the  houfc 
of  colonel  Kolb,  a  refpe&able  American  militia 
officer.  He,  after  receiving  aiTurances  of  being 
treated  as  a  prifoner  of  war,  furrendered.  Ne- 
verthelefs  he  was  put  to  inltant  death  in  the  pre- 
fence  of  his  wife  and  children.  When  the  Britifh. 
had  loit  ground  in  1781,  general  Marion  made 
a  treaty  ot  neutrality  with  them.  In  the  fummer 
of  1782  this  was  formally  renewed.  Though 
the  Britifh  intereft  was  entirely  ruined,  and  their 
departure  from  Charleston  loon  expected,  fuch 
was  the  generofity  of  the  government,  that  it 
gave  them  a  full  pardon  for  all  treafons  commit- 
ted againft  the  ft  ate,  the  fecurity  of  their  property, 
and  the  protection  of  the  laws,  on  the  conditi- 
on of  their  delivering  up  their  plunder — abjuring 
the  King  of  Great-Britain,  and  demeaning  them- 
felves  as  peaceable  citizens  of  the  ftate.  An 
alternative  was  offered  to  thofe  who  difapproved 
of  thefe  articles,  to  go  within  the  Britiih  lines, 
and  to  carry  off  or  fell  their  property.  aaa  Thefe 
lenient  meafures  brought  over  the  difaffecled  peo- 
ple of  the  fettlement.  Several  of  them  not  long 
after  fought  bravely  under  general  Marion,  and 
the  whole  conducted  themfelves  peaceably.  Re- 
gularity, order  and  government  took,  place  of 
reciprocal  depredations  and  hoftilitics. 

On  the  propofed  evacuation  of  Charlefton,  the 
merchants  who  came  with  the  Britifh  were  in   a 
moft  difagreeable  predicament.     They  had  enter- 
ed 

aaa  See  note  li. 


(     372     ) 

ed  into  extenfive  commercial  engagements  in  the 
fhort  interval  of  the  Britifh  fvvay.  Thofe  of  their 
debtors,  who  were  without  the  lines,  were  not 
fubjecl  to  their  jurifdiction  ;  thofe  who  were  with- 
in were  unable  to  pay.  It  was  fuppofed  that  all 
transfers  of  property,  by  the  authority  of  the 
board  of  police,  would  be  null  and  void  on  the 
departure  of  the  Britifh  from  the  ftate.  Envi- 
roned with  difficulties,  and  threatened  with  bank- 
ruptcy, if  they  fhould  leave  the  ftate  along  with 
the  garrifon,  they  applied  to  general  Leflie  for 
leave  to  negotiate  for  themfelves.  A  deputation 
of  their  body  waited  on  governor  Mathews,  and 
obtained  from  him  permiffion  to  refide  in  South- 
Carolina  for  eighteen  months  after  the  evacuation, 
with  the  full  liberty  of  difpofing  of  their  flock  of 
goods  on  hand,  and  of  collecting  the  debts  al- 
ready due  to  them.  This  indulgence  was  ex- 
tended to  a  longer  term  bv  the  legiflature  at  their 
next  meeting,  before  any  information  arrived 
that  the  preliminary  articles  of  peace  were  figned. 

After  the  intention  of  evacuating  Charlefton 
had  been  announced  in  publick  orders,  general 
Leflie  wrote  to  general  Greene,  offering  full  pay- 
ment for  rice  and  other  provifions  to  be  lent  into 
Charlefton,  and,  at  the  fame  time,  accompanied 
his  requeft  with  a  threat,  that,  if  it  was  not 
granted  for  money,  it  fhould  be  taken  by  force 
without  compenfation.  bbb  Every  pecuniary  con- 
fideration  operated  to  induce  the  acceptance  of 

thefe 
bb;>  See  note  lit. 


(     373     ) 

thefe  offers.  It  would  have  been  the  means  of 
retaining  in  the  date  many  thoufand  pounds  in 
gold  and  filver,  befides  faving  the  country  from 
depredation.  But  as  it  was  then  believed  that  the 
Britifh  meant  to  fupply  themielves  largely  with 
provifions,  the  better  to  enable  them  to  transfer 
the  war  to  the  French  Weft-India  Iflands,  a  fenfe 
of  honour — of  what  was  due  to  national  cha- 
racter— and  to  their  French  allies,  forbad  an  af- 
fent  to  the  advantageous  oifers  of  general  Leflie. 
Every  effort  was  made  by  the  commander  of  the 
American  army,  and  by  the  governor  of  the  (late, 
to  reftrain  the  intercourfe  between  town  and 
country  on  private  account,  though  the  necefiities 
of  the  American  army  made  a  fmall  deviation 
neceffarv  for  the  fake  of  obtaining  fupplies  for 
publick  fervice.  General  Leflie,  rinding  it  im- 
poflible  to  purchafe,  fent  out  parties  to  ieize  pro- 
vifions near  the  different  landings,  and  to  bring 
them  by  water  to  Charlefton.  This  was  effected 
in  fome  inftances  before  the  Americans  could  be 
collected  in  fufficient  force  for  the  defence  of 
their  property. 

One  of  the  moft  confiderable  parties  ordered 
on  this  bufinefs  was  fent  to  Combahee  ferry,  where 
they  arrived  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  Auguft  1782. 
Brigadier-general  Gift,  with  about  three  hundred 
cavalry  and  infantry,  of  the  continental  army, 
was  detached  to  oppofe  them.  He  fucceeded  fo 
far  as  to  capture  one  of  their  fchooners,  and  in  a 
great  degree  to  fruftrate  their  defigns.  Lieute- 
nant- 


(     374     ) 


nant-colonel  John  Laurens,  though  he  had  been 
confined  for  feveral  days  immediately  preceding, 
yet,  on  hearing  of  the  expedition,  rofe  from  his 
bed,  and  followed  general  Gift.  When  the  Bri- 
tifh  and  American  detachments  approached  within 
a  few  miles  of  each  other,  lieutenant-colonel  Lau- 
rens, being  in  advance  with  a  fmall  party  of  re- 
gulars and  militia,  engaged  with  a  much  fuperior 
force,  in  expectation  of  fupport  from  the  main 
body  in  his  rear.  In  the  midft  of  his  gallant 
exertions,  this  all-accomplilhed  youth  received 
a  mortal  wound.  Nature  had  adorned  him  with 
a  profufion  of  her  choiceft  gifts,  to  which  a  well- 
conducled  education  had  added  its  moft  ufeful 
as  well  as  its  mofl  elegant  improvements.  Though 
his  fortune  and  family  entitled  him  to  pre-emi- 
nence, yet  he  was  the  warm  friend  of  republican 
equality.  Generous  and  liberal,  his  heart  ex- 
panded with  genuine  philanthropy.  Zealous  for 
the  rights  of  humanity,  he  contended  that  per- 
fonal  liberty  was  the  birth-right  of  every  human 
being,  however  diverfified  by  country,  colour  or 
capacity.  His  insinuating  addrefs,  won  the  hearts 
of  all  his  acquaintances  :  his  Sincerity  and  virtue, 
fecured  their  lading  efteerm  Acting  from  the 
moft  honourable  principles — uniting  the  bravery 
and  other  talents  of  a  great  officer  with  the  know- 
ledge of  a  complete  Scholar,  and  the  engaging 
manners  of  a  well-bred  gentleman,  he  was  the 
idol  of  his  country — the  glory  of  the  army — and 
an  ornament  of  human  nature.  His  abilities 
ihone   in  the  legiflature   and  in  the  cabinet,  as 

well 


(     375     ) 

well  as  in  the  field,  and  were  equal  to  the  higheft 
flations.  His  admiring  country,  fenfible  of  his 
rifing  merit,  flood  prepared  to  confer  on  him  her 
mod  diftinguifhed  honours.  Cut  down  in  the 
midfl  of  all  thefe  profpects,  he  has  left  mankind 
to  deplore  the  calamities  of  war,  which,  in  the 
twenty-feventh  year  of  his  life,  deprived  fociety 
of  fo  invaluable  a  citizen. 

Throughout  the  year  1782  the  American 
army  acted  chiefly  on  the  defenfive.  A  fhort 
time  before  the  evacuation,  an  attempt  was  made 
againfl  a  Britifh  detachment  on  James-Ifland.  In 
this  unfuccefsful  enterprize  captain  Wilmot,  a 
brave  and  worthy  officer  of  the  Maryland  line, 
loft  his  life.  This  was  the  lafl  drop  of  blood 
which  was  fhed  in  the  American  war. 

When  the  long-expected  evacuation  of  Charlei- 
ton  really  drew  nigh,  it  was  apprehended  by  the 
inhabitants,  that  the  Britifh  army,  on  its  depar- 
ture, would  carry  off  with  them  fome  thoufands 
of  negroes  which  were  within  their  lines.  To 
prevent  this,  governor  Mathews  wrote  a  letter 
to  general  Leflie,  dated  Auguft  feventeenth, 
1782,  in  which  he  informed  him,  '  that,  if  the 
*  property  of  the  citizens  of  South-Carolina  was 
i  carried  off  from  its  owners  by  the  Britifh  army, 
<  he  mould  feize  on  the  debts  due  to  the  Britifh 
'  merchants — and  to  the  confifcated  cftates — and 
'  the  claims  on  thofe  eftares  by  marriage  fettle- 
'  ments — which  three  articles  were  not  included 

8  in 


(    37«    ) 

6  in  the  confiscation  acV  This  conditional  refolu- 
tion  operated  as  a  check  on  fome,  fo  as  to  reftrain 
their  avidity  for  plunder,  and  induced  general 
Leflie  to  propofe  a  negotiation,  for  fecuring  the 
property  of  both  parties.  The  honourable  Ben- 
jamin Guerard  and  Edward  Rutledge,  efquires, 
were  appointed  commiflloners  in  behalf  of  the 
ftate,  and  Alexander  Wright  and  James  Johnfon, 
efquires,  in  behalf  of  the  royalifts.  After  fundry 
converfations,  the  commiflioners  on  both  fides, 
on  the  tenth  of  October  1782,  ratified  a  compact 
on  this  fubject,  of  which  the  following  are  the 
principal  articles  : 

'  First,  That  all  the  flaves  of  the  citizens  of 
c  South-Carolina,  now  in  the  power  of  the  ho- 

*  nourable  lieutenant-general  Leflie,  fhall  be  re- 
'  ftored  to  their  former  owners,  as  far  as  is  prac- 
'  ticable,  except  fuch  flaves  as  may  have  rendered 
c  themfelves  particularly  obnoxious  on  account 
'  of  their  attachment  and  fervices  to  the  Britilh 
'  troops,  and  fuch  as  had  fpecifick  promifes  of 

*  freedom. 

'  That  the  faith  of  the  ftate  is  hereby  folemnly 
6  pledged,  that  none  of  the  debts  due  to  Britilh 
'  merchants,  or  to  perfons  who  have  been  ba* 
'  nifhed,  or  whofe  eftates  have  been  confifcated, 
e  or  property  fecured  by  family  fettlements  fairly 
c  made,  or  contracts  relative  thereto,  fhall  now, 

*  or  at  any  time  hereafter,  be  arreiled  or  with- 

*  held  by  the  executive  authority  of  the  ftate — 

*  that 


(     377     ) 

4  that  no  act  of  the  legiflature  (hall  hereafter  pafs 
4  for  confifcating  or  feizing  the  fame  in  any  man- 
4  ner  whatever,  if  it  is  in  the  power  of  the  exe- 
4  cntive  to  prevent  it — and  that  its  whole  power 

*  and  influence,  both  in  its  publick  and  private 
4  capacity,  mall  at  all  times  be  exerted  for  that 

*  purpofe. 

c  That  the  fame  power  (hall  be  allowed  for 
'  the  recovery  of  the  debts  and  property,  hereby 
'  protected  and  fecured  by  the  parties  or  their 
4  reprefentatives,  in  the  courts  of  juftice  or  other- 
£  wife,  as  the  citizens  of  the  ftate  may  at  any 
4  time  be  entitled  unto,  notwithstanding  any  acl: 
4  of  confifcation  or  banimment,  or  any  other  dif- 

*  ability  whatever — and  that  the  fame  may  be 
4  remitted  to  whatever  part  of  the  world  they 
'  may  think  proper,  under  the  fame,  and  no 
4  other,  regulations  than  the  citizens  of  the  ftate 

*  may  be  fubject  to. 

4  That  no  flaves  reftored  to  their  former  own- 

*  ers,  by  virtue  of  this  agreement,  mail  be  pu- 
4  nifhed  by  authority  of  the  ftate  for  having  left 
'  their  mailers,  and  attached  themfelves  to  the 
4  Britifh  troops  ;  and  it  will  be  particularly  re- 
4  commended  to  their  refpeclive  owners  to  for- 
4  give  them  for  the  fame. 

4  That  no  violence  or  infult  (hall  be  offered 
4  to  the  perfons  or  houfes  of  the  families  of  fuch 
4  perfons  as  are  obliged  to  leave  the  ftate  for  their 

Vol.  II.  'I  A  4  adherence 


(     378     ) 

*  adherence  to  the  Britifh  government,  when  the 
'  American  army  mall  take  pofleflion  of  the  town, 
c  or  at  any  time  afterwards,  as  far  as  it  is  in  the 
4  power  of  thofe  in  authority  to  prevent  it. 

'  That    Edward    Blake    and    Roger-Parker 

*  Saunders,  efquires,  be  permitted  to  refide  in 
'  Charlefton,  on  their  parole  of  honour,  to  aflifl 
4  in  the  execution  of  the  firft  article  of  this 
6  compact,' 

In  confequence  of  this  agreement  governor 
Mathews  gave  a  commiffion  and  a  flag  to  the  ho- 
nourable Thomas  Fergufon  and  Thomas  War- 
ing, efquires,  to  refide  near  the  Britifh  lines,  with 
inftru&ions  to  receive  fuch  negroes  as  mould  be 
delivered  from  the  garrifon.  Edward  Blake  and 
Roger-Parker  Saunders,  efquires,  had  alfo  a  com- 
miflion  and  a  flag  given  them  to  refide  in  Charlef- 
ton,  and  forward  the  delivery  of  the  'negroes  to 
the  gentlemen  who  were  waiting  to  receive  them 
without  the  garrifon.  Governor  Mathews  re- 
quefted  the  citizens  of  the  date  to  attend  for  the 
purpofe  of  receiving  their  negroes,  and  earnefily 
entreated  that  they  would  forgive  them  for  hav- 
ing deferted  their  fervice  and  joined  the  Britifh. 
Great  were  the  expectations  of  the  fullering  in- 
habitants, that  they  would  foon  obtain  re-polfeffi- 
on  of  their  property  j  but  thefe  delufive  hopes 
were  of  fhort  duration.  Notwithstanding  the  fo- 
lemnity  with  which  the  compact  had  been  ratified, 

it 


(    379    ) 

it  was  fo  far  evaded  as  to  be  in  a  great  meafure 
ineffectual  for  the  end  propoied. 

Edward  Blake  and  Roger-Parker  Saunders, 
efquires,  having  waited  on  general  Leflie,  were 
permitted  to  examine  the  fleet  bound  to  St.  Au- 
guftine  ;  but  were  not  fuffered  to  examine  any 
veffel  that  wore  the  King's  pendant.  Inftead  of 
an  examination  the  word  of  the  commanding 
officer,  to  relfore  all  the  Haves  that  were  on 
board,  in  violation  of  the  compact,  was  offered 
as  an  equivalent.  In  their  fearch  of  the  Auguf- 
tine  fleet,  they  found  and  claimed  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-fix  negroes.  When  they  attend- 
ed to  receive  them  on  ihore,  they  were  furprized 
to  find  no  more  than  feventy-three  landed  for 
deliverv.  They  then  claimed  this  fmall  refi- 
due  of  the  original  number  to  be  forwarded  to 
the  other  commiflioners  without  the  lines,  but 
they  were  informed  by  general  Leflie,  that  no 
negroes  would  be  delivered  till  three  foldiers  were 
reftored  that  had  been  taken  by  a  party  of  ge- 
neral Greene's  army.  On  that  occaiion  the  fol- 
lowing letter  was  written  to  Edward  Blake  and 
Roger-Parker  Saunders  : 

'Head-Quarters,  Oft.  18,   1782. 

'  Gentlemen, 

1  General  Leflie  was  much  furprized  on  find- 
'  ing  that  a  large  patrole  from  general  Greene's 
c  army,  two  days  ago,    came   down  fo  near  our 

'  advanced 


(    38°    ) 

'  advanced  poft  on  Charlefton  Neck,  as  to  carry 
'  off  three  foldiers  who  were  a  little  way  in  the 
6  front.  At  the  time  this  act  of  hoftility  was 
4  committed,  mr.   Fergufon   and  another  perfon 

*  was  at  Accabee,  where  I  believe  they  ftill  re- 
'  main,  in  expectation  of  receiving  the  negroes 
6  to  be   delivered  up,  without   any  fanction  but 

*  that  of  the  agreement  entered  into. 

'I  am  directed  to  obferve,  that  if   a  line  of 

*  conduct  on  the  part  of  general  Greene,  fo  dif- 
'  ferent  from  ours,  is  adopted,  that  it  muft  of 
'  courfe  put  an  end  to  the  pacifick  intentions  ge- 
'  neral  Leflie  means  to  follow  in   regard  to  this 

*  province,  during  the  fhort  time  he  is  to  remain 
«  in  it. 

'  He  wifhes  you  will  inform  governor  Mathews, 

*  that  he  expects  the  foldiers  taken  away  will  be 

*  returned,  and  that  the  governor  will  take  pro- 
c  per  meafures  to  have  this  requifition  complied 
'  with.     Until  this  is  done  general  Leflie  mull  be 

*  under  the  neceility  of  putting  a  flop  to  the 
'  farther  completion  of  the  agreement. 

'  I  am,  gentlemen, 
'  your  moft  obedient, 
*  humble  fervant, 
«  J.  Weyms,  D.  A.  General. 

e  Iloger-P.  Saunders  and 
'  Edward  Blake,  efquires.' 

This 


(    3»'     ) 

This  letter  being  forwarded  to  governor  Ma- 
thews, he  replied  to  it  in  a  letter  to  general  Leflie, 
in  the  following  words  : 

'Sir,  *  October  19,   1782. 

1  I  was  a  few  minutes  ago  favoured  with  a  let- 
'  ter  from  meflrs.  Blake  and  Saunders,  enclofing 
'  one  to  them  from  major  Weyms,  written  by 
'  your  authority.  As  I  do  not  like  a  fecond-hand 
'  correfpondence,  I  therefore  addrefs  myfelf  im- 
'  mediately  to  you. 

c  I  addressed  a  letter  to  you  this  morning, 
'  by  which  you  will  find,  that  I  was  not  even 
'  then  without  fome  apprehenfions  of  an  intended 
'  evafion  of  the  compact  entered  into  on  the  tenth 

*  inftant  ;  but  on  the  receipt  of  major  Weyms's 
6  letter,  no  room  was  left  me  for  doubt ;  which 
e  obliges  me,  without  giving  farther  trouble  to 
6  thofe  engaged  in  the  bufinefs,  and  introducing 
'  farther  altercation  between  us,  to  declare,  that 

*  I  look  on  that  agreement  as  diflblved,  and  have 
6  accordingly  ordered  my  commiffioners  immedi- 
'  ately  to  quit  your  lines.  But,  before  I  take 
'  my  final  leave  of  you,  permit  me  to  make  one 
'  or  two  obfervations  on  major  Weyms's  letter, 
"  as  probably  the  whole  correfpondence  between 

*  us  may  one  day  be  brought  to  publick  view. 

'  On  the  twelfth  inflant  I  wrote  to  you,  to 
e  know  whether  perfons  going  to  Accabee,  to 
'  bring  off  their  negroes  when    brought   there, 

6  mould 


(     3^     ) 

*  mould  be  prote&ed  from  your  armed  parties ; 
c  and  farther,  to  permit  me  to  fend  a  party  of 
6  militia  to  guard  the  negroes  remaining  unclaim- 
'  ed  to  fome  part  of  the  country  where  they 
£  could  be  fupplied  with  provifions.  To  this 
'  letter  I  have  received  no  anfwer,  which  has 
c  obliged   me  to    ufe   the   precaution   of   giving 

*  flags  to  all  perfons  who  have  applied  to  go  to 

*  Accabee,  as  I  could  on  no  principle  look  on 
'  that  ground  as  neutral  until  it  had  been  mutu- 

*  ally  agreed  on  as  fuch.  Indeed  I  was  left  to 
4  conclude  the  contrary  was  intended  on  your 
'  part,  both  by  your  tedious  filence,  and  detach- 
'  ments  from  your  army  making  excurfions  as 
c  far  as  Afhley  ferry,  which   was  abfolutely  the 

*  cafe  the  morning  of  the  day  that  the  party  from 

*  general  Greene's  army  took  the  foldiers  you 
'  fo  peremptorily  demand  of  me.  And,  if  I  am 
'  rightly  informed,  hoftilities  were  commenced 
'  by  your  party.  But  be  that  as  it  may,  I  con- 
'  ceive  it   of  little  confequence,    as  either  party 

*  had  a  right  to  commence  hoftilities  on  hoftile 
c  ground,  and  between  enemies  every  fpot  muft 
6  be  confidered  as  fuch  until  mutually  agreed 
6  upon  to  be  otherwife.  Befides,  it  is  a  well- 
'  known  fact,  that  there  is  not  a  day  but  fome 
'  of  your  armed  parties  are  on  that  very  ground 
'  which  you  affect  to  hold  neutral. 

'  With  regard  to  meffrs.  Fergufon  and  War- 
'  ing  remaining  at  Accabee  unmolefted  :  I  hold 

*  myfelf  under  no  manner  of  obligation  to  you 

6  for 


(     33.3     ) 

'  for  this   forbearance,  as   I   informed   you   they 

*  were  there  under  the  fanction  of  a  nag — that 
4  they  were  to  remain  there  for  the  purpofe  of 
'  receiving  the  negroes  lent  out  by  the  agents  in 
!  Charleston.  They  were  therefore  authorized 
'  to  continue  there  till  you  fignihed  the  contrary 

*  to  them.  Flags  from  you  have  remained  within 
'  half  a  mile  of  our  lines  for  feveral  days,  even 
'  on  private  bufinefs,  without  the  lead  moleftation 
1  whatever.  Befides,  fir,  if  your  reafoning,  as 
£  far  as  it  applies  to  thofe  gentlemen,  proves  any 

*  thing,  it  proves  too  much,  becaufe,  on  the 
'  fame  principle,  the  other  two  commiffioners,  be- 
'  ing  in  Charleflon,  ought  to  make  that  neutral 
'  ground  alfo,  notwithstanding  no  Stipulation  for 
'  that  purpofe  had  been  entered  into.  I  never 
c  interfere  with  general  Greene's  military  plans, 
'  therefore  the  paragraph  which  relates  to  hi* 
'  operations  ought  to  have  been  addreffed  to  him  ; 
1  but  I  believe  he  pays  as  little  regard  to  threats 
4  as  I  do. 

c  I  have  the  honour  to  be 

(Signed)  '  John  Mathews. 

'  Lieutenant-general  Leil'ie.' 

This  was  the  unfuccefsful  termination  of  a 
benevolent  fcheme  originally  calculated  for  miti- 
gating the  calamities  of  war.  Motives  of  hu- 
manity, together  with  the  facred  obligation  of 
the  provisional  articles  of  peace,  prevented  the 
flate  of  South-Carolina  from  extending  their  con- 
futation laws.     Inflead  of  adding  to  the  lilt  of 

the 


(    3U    ) 

the  unhappy  fufferers  on  that  fcore,  the  fuccef- 
five  affetnblies  diminifhed  their  number. 

The  profpects  of  gain,  from  the  fale  of  plun- 
dered negroes,  were  too  feducing  to  be  refifted 
by  the  officers,  privates  and  followers  of  the  Bri- 
tifli  army.  On  their  departure  from  Charlefton 
upwards  of  eight  hundred  flaves,  who  had  been 
employed  in  the  engineer  department,  were  (hip- 
ped off  for  the  Weft-Indies.  It  was  faid  and  be- 
lieved, that  thefe  were  taken  by  the  direction, 
and  fold  for  the  benefit  of  lieutenant-colonel 
Moncrieff.  The  profefhonal  abilities  of  that  dif- 
tinguiihed  officer  cannot  be  too  much  applauded, 
nor  his  rapacity  too  much  detefted.  The  Haves 
carried  off  by  the  chief  engineer  were  but  a  fmall 
part  of  the  whole  taken  away  at  the  evacuation, 
but  their  number  is  very  inconhderable  when 
compared  with  the  thoufands  that  were  loft  from 
the  fir  ft  to  the  laft  of  the  war.  It  has  been  com- 
puted by  good  judges,  that,  between  the  years 
1775  and  1783,  the  ftate  of  South-Carolina  was 
deprived  of  negroes  to  the  amount  of  twenty -five 
thoufand. 

The  evacuation,  though  officially  announced 
by  general  Leflie  on  the  feventh  of  Auguft,  as  a 
meafure  foon  to  be  adopted,  did  not  take  place 
till  the  fourteenth  of  December  1782.  On  that 
and  the  fucceeding  days  the  Britifli  went  on 
board  their  mipping,  and  the  town  was  entered 
by  governor  Mathews,  and  the  American  army, 

without 


(    385    ) 

without  any  confufion  or  diforder.  Thofe  who 
remained  in  Charlefton  felt  themfelves  happy  in 
being  delivered  from  the  feverities  of  a  garrifon 
life.  The  exiled  citizens  experienced  fenfations 
more  eafily  conceived  than  exprefled,  on  return- 
ing to  their  houfes  and  eftates.  To  crown  their 
other  bleffings  provifional  articles  of  peace  were 
foon  announced  to  have  been  figned  at  Paris,  on 
the  thirtieth  of  November  1782,  by  which  the 
King  of  Great-Britain  acknowledged  *  the  United 

*  States  of  New-Hampfhire,  MaiTachufetts,  Con- 
c  necticut,  Rhode-Ifland,  New- York,  New-Jerfey, 
?  Pennfylvania,    Delaware,    Maryland,    Virginia, 

*  North-Carolina,  South- Carolina  and  Georgia, 
«  to  be  free,  fovereign  and  independent  Mates  j  that 
6  he  treated  with  them  as  fuch  ;  and,  for  himfelf, 
6  his   heirs  and  fuccefibrs,  relinquifhed  all  claim 

*  to  the  government,  propriety  or  territorial  rights 

*  of  the  fame.' ccc  The  patriot  exulted  in  the  ac- 
knowledged independence  of  his  country.  The 
foldier  rejoiced  that  the  toils  of  war  were  ended, 
and  the  objects  of  it  fully  obtained.  The  farmer 
redoubled  his  induftry,  from  the  pleafing  con- 
viction that  the  produce  of  his  labour  would  be 
fecured  to  him  without  any  danger  from  Britifh 
bayonets  or  American  imprefs-warrants.  Cheer- 
fulnefs  and  good  humour  took  poffeffion  of  minds 
that,  during  feven  years,  had  been  continually 
occupied  with  anxiety  and  diftrefs.  The  army 
was  foon  after  difbanded.  Such,  at  that  time, 
was  the  fituation  of  the  finances  of  the  United 

Vol.  II.  3  B  States, 

ccc  See  note  liii. 


(     386     ) 

States,  that  Congrefs  was  fcarcely  able  to  dif- 
charge  to  that  virtuous  army,  which  with  the 
price  of  their  blood  had  fecured  their  indepen- 
dence, as  much  of  the  arrears  of  many  years  pay, 
as  was  fufHcient  to  defray  their  expences  in  re- 
turning to  their  refpecYive  habitations.  The  lau- 
rels they  had  dearly  earned,  the  applaufe  of 
their  countrymen  which  they  had  eminently  ob- 
tained, and  the  plaudits  of  their  confeiences 
which  they  honeflly  pofTeffed,  were  almofl  the 
only  rewards  they  carried  home,  at  the  termina- 
tion of  a  war  in  which  many  had  injured  their 
conftitutions,  and  all  had  diminifhed  their  for- 
tunes. Sympathizing  with  the  diftreffes  of  their 
countrymen — fcnfible  of  their  inability  to  pay 
them  their  ftipulated  due — and  confiding  in  their 
juflice  to  make  them  future  retribution,  they 
cheerfully  relinquished  the  uniform  of  the  mili- 
tary for  the  plain  garb  of  the  citizen.  The  pri- 
vate foldier  exchanged  his  bayonet  and  firelock, 
for  the  implements  of  hufbandry,  and  betook 
himfelf  to  rural  occupations.  Subalterns,  cap- 
tains, field  and  general  officers  returned  with 
pleafure  to  their  ancient  civil  employments.  No 
man  aimed  at  more  than  the  equal  rights  of  citi- 
zenfhip  ;  and  every  citizen  felt  hinuelf  free  and 
independent. 

A  spirit  of  induftry  took  place.  The  citi- 
zens, inftead  of  repining  at  their  loflfes,  generally 
fet  themfelvts  to  repair  them  by  diligence  and 
economy.     The  continental  officers  who  had  ferv- 

ed     ' 


! 


(    3»7    ) 

ed  in  the  ftate,  and  whofe  bravery  and  exertions 
had  rendered  them  confpicuous,  were  fo  well 
received  by  the  ladies,  that  feveral  of  them  had 
their  gallantry  rewarded  by  the  poffefiion  of  fome 
of  the  fined  women  and  greateft  fortunes  in  South- 
Carolina.  The  unfortunate  adherents  to  royal 
government  were  treated  by  thofe  in  power  with 
moderation  and  lenity.  In  conformity  to  the 
treaty  of  peace,  and  the  recommendation  of 
Congrefs,  the  legiflature  permitted  the  greater 
part  of  the  exiles  to  return.  Thefe  were  divided 
into  three  claries.  Thirty-one  were  fully  reftored 
to  their  property  and  citizenfhip,  thirty-three 
were  difqualified  from  holding  any  place  of  truft 
within  the  ftate  for  the  fpace  of  feven  years,  and 
they,  with  fixty-two  others,  were  relieved  from 
total  confiscation  on  the  condition  of  their  paying 
twelve  per  cent  on  the  equitable  value  of  their 
property.  Though  the  ftate  laboured  under  an 
immenfe  load  of  publick  debt,  contracted  during 
the  war,  it  generoufly  reftored  confifcated  pro- 
perty in  its  actual  pofTemon,  to  the  amount  of 
four  hundred  and  fifty-fix  thoufand  one  hundred 
and  eleven  pounds  fterling.  The  bleffings  of 
peace  were  diffufed  among  the  people,  and  no- 
thing is  now  wanting  but  the  fmiles  of  Heaven, 
and  their  own  good  conduct,  to  make  them  a 
great  and  a  happy  republick. 


NOTES. 


NOTES. 


N 


O 


E         S. 


NOTE      I. 


Page     13. 


A  lift  of  the  Americans  who  were  killed  or  wounded 
at  the  aclion  near  Beaufort,  on  the  ninth  of  Fe- 
bruary 1779. 


Killed. 

Lieutenant  Benja- 
min Wilkins, 
John  Frafer, 
John  Craig, 
John  Williams, 
Alexander  Douglafs, 
Charles  Smith, 
James  Heathcott, 
Jofeph  Solomon. 


Wounded. 

Honourable  captain 
Thomas  Heyward, 

Captain  Thomas 
M'Laughlin, 

Lieutenant  Brown, 

Lieutenant  Sawyer^ 

John  Calvert, 

Francis  Dearing, 

John  Righton, 

John  Lawrence, 

John  Green, 

Wounded, 


(    392     ) 


Wounded. 
John  Anthony, 
I.  D.  Miller, 
Anthony  Watts, 
John  Collins, 
Stephen  Deveaux, 
William  Rea, 
John  Crofkeys, 


Wounded. 
Michael  Campbell, 
Ephraim  Adams, 
Samuel  Howard, 
John  Graves, 
Thomas  Feapue, 
John  Oliphant. 


The  laft-named  in  the  lift  of  the  wounded 
was  a  private  continental  foldier — all  the  others 
were  of  the  militia. 


NOTE      II.      Page     18. 


THE  territory  of  the  United  States  contains 
by  computation  a  million  of  fquare  miles, 
in  which  are  640,000,000  of  acres. 

Deduct  for  water  51,000,000 

Acres  of  land  in 

the  United  States,  589,000,000  of  ditto. 

That  part  of  the  United  States  comprehended 
between  the  weft  temporary  line  of  Pennfylvania 
on  the  eaft,  the  boundary  line  between  Britain 
and  the  United  States  extending  from  the  river 
St.  Croix  to  the  north-weft  extremity  of  the  Lake 
of  the  Woods  on  the  north,  the  river  Miifidippi 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  on  the  weft,  and  the 
river  Ohio  on  the  fouth  to  the  aforementioned 
bounds  of  Pennfylvania,  contains  by  computation 

about 


(     393     ] 

about  four  hundred  and  eleven  thoufand  fquare 
miles,  in  which  are  263,040,000  acres. 

Deducl  for  water      43,040,000 

To  be  difpofed  of  by 

order  of  Congrefs,  220,000,000  of  acres. 


The  whole  of  this  immenfe  extent  of  unappro-. 
priated  weftern  territory,  containing,  as  above 
flated,  220,000,000  of  acres,  has  been,  by  the 
ceflion  of  fome  of  the  original  thirteen  ftates,  and 
by  the  treaty  of  peace,  transferred  to  the  federal 
government,  and  is  pledged  as  a  fund  for  finking 
the  continental  debt.  It  is  in  contemplation  to 
divide  it  into  new  itates,  with  republican  con- 
ftitutions  fimilar  to  the  old  itates  near  the  At- 
lantick  ocean. 

Ejiimate  of  the  nwnber  of  acres  of  water y  north  and 
weftward  of  the  river  Ohio,  within  the  territory. 
of  the  United  States. 

Acres. 
In  lake  Superior,         -  -  21,952,780 

Lake  of  the  Woods,  -  1,133,800 

Lake  Rain,  &c.         -  -  165,200 

Red  lake,  -  -  551,000 

Lake  Michigan,-         -  -         10,368,000 

Bay  Puan,  -  -  1,216,000 

Lake  Huron,  -  -  5,009,920 

Lake  St.  Clair,  -  -  89,500 

Lake  Erie,  weftern  part,  -         2,252,800 

Sundry  fmall  lakes  and  rivers,  301,000 

43,040,000 
Vol.  II.  3  C  Ejiimate 


(     394    ) 

Eftimate  cf  the  number  of  acres  of  water  within, 
the  thirteen  United  States. 

Brought  forward,  43,040,000 

In  lake  Erie,  weftward 

of  the  line  extended  from 

the   north-weft    corner    of 

Pennfylvania,  due  north  to 

the  boundary  between  the 

Britifh    territory    and    the 

United  States,  -  410,000 

In  lake  Ontario,         -         2,390,000 
Lake  Champlain,  500,000 

Chefapeak  bay,  -  1,700,000 
Albermarle  bay,  -  330,000 
Delaware  bay,  -         630,000 

All   the   rivers   within  the 

thirteen  ftates  including  the 

Ohio,         -  -  2,000,000 


7,960,000 


Total, 


51,000,000 


The  above  calculations  were  made  from  a&ual 
meafurement  of  the  beft  maps,  by 

Thomas  Hutchins, 
geographer  to  the 
United  States. 


NOTE 


(     395     ) 


NOTE      III.      Page 


3°« 


"Names  of  American  officers  who  were  either  killed 
or  wounded  in  the  attack  on  the  Britifh  lines  at 
Stono,  June  twentieth  1779. 


CAPTAIN  Hext, 
Lieutenant  Fifby3 
Lieutenant  Smith, 

Captain  Pagget, 
Captain  Goodwin, 
Lieutenant  Fifhbourn, 
Lieutenant  Hamilton, 
Lieutenant  Pollard, 

Lieutenant  Deal, 

Lieutenant  Brown, 

Lieutenant  Prince, 

Colonel  Roberts, 

Captain  Mitchell, 

Colonel  Armftrong, 

Colonel  Little, 

Major  Dixon, 

Captain  Rhodes, 

Lieutenant  Charlton, 

Lieutenant  Campbell, 

Captain  Sheed, 

Captain  Camplin, 

Lieutenant  Jones, 

Colonel  de  Laumoy,  engineer. 

Lieutenant  Davie,  militia  horfe. 

Mr.  Witing, 

Mr.  Ancrum, 


Second  battalion 
light  infantry. 


South-Carolina 
continental  brigade. 


South-Carolina 
militia. 

South-Carolina 
artillery. 


North-Carolina 
continental  brigade. 


North-Carolina 
militia. 


Volunteers, 


(     30     ) 


NOTE       IV.       Page 


40. 


A  lift  of  the  killed  and  wounded  officers  in  the 
attack  on  the  lines  of  Savannah  on  the  ninth 
of  October   1779. 


Killed. 

Wounded. 

Tk/TAJOR  Motte, 
lVX   Major  Wife, 

Captains, 

Roux, 

Major  Beraud, 

Rendelo, 

Captain  Shepherd, 

(Farrar, 

Captain  Donnom. 

Giles, 

Smith, 

Lieutenants, 

.    Warren ; 

Hume, 

Hogan, 

Wickham, 

Davis, 

Bum, 

Treville. 

Bailey. 

Lieutenants; 

Wounded. 

Gray, 

Brigadier-general 

Petrie, 

count  Pulaflii, 

Gallon, 

Major  L'Enfant, 

Defaufure, 

Parker, 

W^alker, 

Bonneau, 

Wade, 

Wilkie, 

Vlelandj 

Par  fon  s. 

Volunteers,  mr.  Jones 

killed,  mr.  Lovd  and  mr. 

John  Owen,  wounded. 

The 

(     397     ) 

The  following  noie  was  intended  to  be  referred  to 
from  page  51,  line  12,  but  the  reference  was 
omitted  by  miftake, 

THAT  the  American  fleet  abandoned  the 
defence  of  the  Bar,  has  been  confidered 
by  fome  as  a  capital  error.  The  reafons  that  led 
to  this  meafure,  are  laid  down  in  the  following 
letter,  written,  in  anfwer  to  fundry  requifitions  of 
general  Lincoln,  by  the  fubferibers,  the  firfl  four 
of  whom  were  officers  of  the  continental  navy, 
and  the  remaining  five  branch  pilots  of  the  har- 
bour of  Charleflon  : 

To  the  honourable  major-general  Lincoln, 

Charleflon,  February  27,  1780. 
Honoured  fir, 

Your's  of  yeflerday  we  have  received,  and, 
after  having  carefully  confidered  and  attended 
to  the  feveral  requifitions  therein  contained,  beg 
leave  to  return  the  following  anfwers  :  at  low 
water  there  are  eleven  feet  in  the  channel  from 
the  bar  to  Five  Fathom  Hole.  Five  Fathom  Hole 
is  three  miles  from  the  bar,  where  you  will  have 
three  fathoms  at  low  water.  They  cannot  be 
anchored  until  they  are  at  that  diftance  from  the 
bar.  In  the  place  where  the  fhips  can  be  anchor- 
ed., the  bar  cannot  be  covered  or  annoyed.  OfT 
the  north  Breaker  Head,  where  the  fhips  can  be 
anchored,  to  moor  them  that  they  may  fwing  in 

fafety, 


(     39»     ) 

iafety,  they  will  be  within  one  mile  and  an  half 
of  the  fhore.  If  any  batteries  are  thrown  up  to 
ad  in  conjunction  with  the  mips,  and  the  enemy's 
force  fhould  be  fuperior,  fo  much  as  to  caufe  a 
retreat  to  be  neceffary,  it  will  be  impomble  for 
us  to  cover  or  take  them  off.  Our  opinion  is, 
that  the  fhips  can  do  the  mod  effectual  fervice  for 
the  defence  of  the  town  and  its  fecurity,  to  ad 
in  conjunction  with  fort  Moultrie,  which  we 
think  will  bed  anfwer  the  purpofe  of  the  mips 
being  fent  here,  and  confequently,  if  fo,  the 
views  of  Congrefs.  Our  reafons  are,  that  the 
channel  is  fo  narrow  between  the  fort  and  the 
middle  ground,  that  they  may  be  moored  fo  as 
to  rake  the  channel,  and  prevent  the  enemy's 
troops  being  landed  to  annoy  the  fort.  The  ene- 
my, we  apprehend,  may  be  prevented  from 
founding  and  buoying  the  bar  by  the  brig  Ge- 
neral Lincoln,  the  (late  brig  Notre  Dame,  and 
other  fmall  veffels  that  may  be  occafionally  em- 
ployed for  that  purpofe.  We  are,  with  refped, 
your  honour's  mod  obedient  humble  fervants, 

Abraham  Whipple,    Luke  Swain, 
Hoysted  Hacker,       John  Whitaker, 
Samuel  Tucker,  Stephen  Duvall, 

Thomas  Simpson,        Thomas  Tucker. 
John  Tarron, 


NOTE 


(    399    ) 

NOTE      V.      P  a  g  e     59. 

Copy  of  the  fummons  fent  to  major-general  Lincoln 
the  tenth  of  April  1780. 

Camp  before  Charleflon,  April  10,  1780. 

SIR  Henry  Clinton,  K.  B.  general  and  com- 
mander in  chief  of  his  majefty's  forces  in 
the  colonies  lying  on  the  Atlantic,  from  Nova- 
Scotia,  &c.  &c.  and  vice-admiral  Arbuthnot, 
commander  in  chief  of  his  majefty's  mips,  &c. 
in  North-America,  &c.  &c.  regretting  the  effufion 
of  blood,  and  the  diftreffes  which  mull  now  com- 
mence, deem  it  confonant  to  humanity  to  warn 
the  town  and  garrifon  of  Charleflon  of  the  ha- 
vock  and  defolation  with  which  they  are  threat- 
ened from  the  formidable  force  furrounding  them 
by  land  and  fea.  An  alternative  is  offered  at  this 
hour  to  the  inhabitants  of  faving  their  lives  and 
property,  contained  in  the  town,  or  of  abiding 
by  the  fatal  confequences  of  a  cannonade  and 
florin. 

Should  the  place,  in  a  fallacious  fecurity,  or 
its  commander,  in  a  wanton  indifference  to  the 
fate  of  its  inhabitants,  delay  the  furrender,  or 
fhould  publick  flores  or  (hipping  be  deftroyed, 
the  refentment  of  an  exafperated  foldiery  may 
intervene  j  but  the  fame  mild  and  companionate 
offer  can  never  be  renewed. 

The 


(     4oo     ) 

The  refpedYive  commanders,  who  hereby  fum- 
mon  the  town,  do  not  apprehend  ib  rafli  a  part 
as  further  refiftance  will  be  taken  ;  but  rather 
that  the  gates  will  be  opened,  and  themfelvts 
received  with  a  degree  of  confidence  which  will 
forebode  further  reconciliation. 

(Signed)  H.  Clinton, 

M.  Arbuthnot. 

Copy  of  a  letter  from  major-general  Lincoln  to  gene- 
ral fir  Henry  Clinton  and  ^ice-admiral  Arbuthnot, 
dated  Charlejhn,  April  10,   1780. 

Gentlemen, 
I  have  received  your  fummons  of  this  date. 
Sixty  days  have  paffed  fmce  it  has  been  known 
that  your  intentions  againfl;  this  town  were  hoftile, 
in  which  time  has  been  afforded  to  abandon  it ; 
but  duty  and  inclination  point  to  the  propriety  of 
fupporting  it  to  the  laft  extremity. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

(Signed)  B.  Lincoln. 

Commanding  in  the  fouth 
department. 

Copy  of  a  letter  from  fir  Henry  Clinton  to  major* 
general  Lincoln,  dated  camp  before  Charlejlon-, 
May  8,   1780. 

Si  R, 

Circumstanced  as  I  now  am,  with  refpeel 
10  the  place  invefted,  humanity  only  can  induce 

me 


(     4oi     ) 

me  to  lay  within  your  reach   the  terms  I  had 
determined  fhould  not  again  be  proffered. 

The  fall  of  fort  Sullivan,  the  deftrucYion  on 
the  fixth  inflant  of  what  remained  of  your  caval- 
ry, the  critical  period  to  which  our  approaches 
againft  the  town  have  brought  us,  mark  this  as 
the  term  of  your  hopes  of  fuccour,  could  you 
ever  have  framed  any,  and  as  an  hour  beyond 
which  refi fiance  is  temerity. 

By  this  laft  fummons,  therefore,  1  throw  to 
your  charge  whatever  vindictive  feverity  exafpe- 
rated  foldiers  may  inflict  on  the  unhappy  people 
whom  you  devote,  by  perfevering  in  a  fruitlefs 
defence. 

I  shall  expect  your  anfwer  until  eight  o'clock, 
when  hoflilities  will  commence  again,  unlefs  the 
town  be  furrendered. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  See. 
(Signed)  H.  Clinton. 

In  confequence  of  this  letter,  articles  of  ca- 
pitulation were  propofed  by  major-general  Lin- 
coln, and  anfwered  by  their  excellencies  general 
fir  Henry  Clinton,  knight  of  the  bath,  and  vice- 
admiral  Arbuthnot ;  which  anfwers  being  deemed 
by  general  Lincoln  to  be  inadmiffible,  he  pro- 
pofed that  other  articles,  which  he  then  fent, 
might  be  acceded  to.  Thofe  articles  were  re- 
jected by  fir  Henry  Clinton  and  vice-admiral  Ar- 

Vol.  II.  3  D  buthnotj 


(      402       ) 

buthnot ;  and  on  the  eleventh  of  May  major-ge- 
neral Lincoln  wrote  the  following  letter  : 

Copy  of  a  letter  from  major-general  Lincoln  to  gene- 
ral fir  Henry  Clinton,  dated  Charleflon,  May  1 1 , 
1780. 

S  IR, 

The  fame  motives  of  humanity  which  inclined 
you  to  propofe  articles  of  capitulation  to  this 
garrifon  induced  me  to  offer  thofe  I  had  the  ho- 
nour of  fending  you  on  the  eighth  inftant.  They 
then  appeared  to  me  fuch  as  I  might  proffer  and 
you  receive  with  honour  to  both  parties.  Your 
exceptions  to  them,  as  they  principally  concerned 
the  militia  and  citizens,  I  then  conceived  were 
fuch  as  could  not  be  concurred  with ;  but  a  re- 
cent application  from  thofe  people,  wherein  they 
exprefs  a  willingnefs  to  comply  with  them,  and 
a  wifli  on  my  part  to  lefTen  as  much  as  may  be 
the  diftreffes  of  war  to  individuals,  lead  me  now 
to  offer  you  my  acceptance  of  them. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

(Signed)  B.  Lincoln. 

His  excellency  fir  Henry  Clinton. 

Copy  of  a  letter  from  fir  Henry  Clinton  to  major- 
general  Lincoln,  dated  camp  before  Charlejlon, 
May  11,    1780. 

Sir, 
When   you   rejected    the    favourable    terms 

which 


(     403     ) 

which  were  dictated  by  an  earned  defire  to  pre- 
vent the  efFufion  of  blood,  and  interpofed  articles 
that  were  wholly  inadmiffible,  both  the  admiral 
and  myfelf  were  of  opinion  that  the  furrcnder  of 
the  town  at  difcretion  was  the  only  condition  that 
mould  afterwards  be  attended  to  ;  but  as  the  mo- 
tives which  then  induced  them  are  ftill  prevalent, 
I  now  inform  you  that  the  terms  then  offered  will 
ftill  be  granted 

A  copy  of  the  articles  fhall  be  fent  for  your 
ratification  as  foon  as  they  can  be  prepared  ;  and 
immediately  after  they  are  exchanged,  a  detach- 
ment of  grenadiers  will  be  fent  to  take  poffeffion 
of  the  horn  work  oppofite  your  main  gate. 
Every  arrangement  which  may  conduce  to  good 
order  in  occupying  the  town,  fhall  be  fettled  be- 
fore noon  to-morrow,  and  at  that  time  your  gar- 
rifon  will  march  out. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

(Signed)  H.  Clinton. 

Major-general  Lincoln. 


S  O  U  T  H- 


(     404     ) 
SOUTH-CAROLINA. 

Articles  of  capitulation  between  their  excellencies  fir 
Henry  Clinton,  knight  of  the  bath,  general  and 
commander  in  chief  of  his  majeflf  s  forces  in  the 
fever al  provinces  and  colonies  on  the  Atlantic, 
from  Nova-Scotia  to  Wejl-Florida  inch/five,  Ma- 
riot  Arbuthnot,  efquire,  vice-admiral  of  the  Blue, 
and  commander  in  chief  of  all  his  majejiy' *s  Jhips 
and  vcjfels  in  North- America,  and  major-general 
Benjamin  Lincoln,  commander  in  chief  in  the 
town   and  harbour  oj  Charlejlon. 

Article  I.  That  all  acts  of  hoflility  and  work 
fhall  ceafc  between  the  bcfiegers  and  the  befieged, 
until  the  articles  of  capitulation  ihall  be  agreed 
on,  figned  and  executed,  or  collectively  rejected. 

Answer.  All  acts  of  hoflility  and  work  fhall 
ceafe,  until  the  articles  of  capitulation  are  finally 
agreed  to  or  rejected. 

Article  II.  The  town  and  fortifications  fhall 
be  furrendered  to  the  commander  in  chief  of 
the  Britifh  forces,  fuch  as  they  now  fland. 

Answer.  The  town  and  fortifications,  with 
the  (hipping  at  the  wharves,  artillery,  and  all  other 
publick  (lores  whatfoever,  fhall  be  furrendered 
in  their  prefent  ftatc,  to  the  commanders  of  the 
inverting  forces  ;  proper  officers  (hall  attend  from 
the  refpective  departments  to  receive  them. 

Article 


(     4©5     ) 

Article  III.  The  continental  troops  and  Tail- 
ors, with  their  baggage,  fhall  be  conducted  to 
a  place  to  be  agreed  on,  where  they  will  remain 
prifoners  of  war  until  exchanged.  While  pri- 
foners  they  fhall  be  fupplied  with  good  and  whole- 
fome  pro vifions  in  fuch  quantity  as  is  lerved  out 
to  the  troops  of  his  Britannick  majefty. 

Answer.  Granted. 

Article  IV.  The  militia  now  in  garrifon  fhall 
be  permitted  to  return  to  their  refpective  homes, 
and  be  fecured  in  their  perfons  and  property. 

Answer.  The  militia  now  in  garrifon  fhall 
be  permitted  to  return  to  their  refpective  homes 
as  prifoners  on  parole  ;  which  parole,  as  long  as 
they  obferve,  fhall  fecure  them  from  being  mo- 
lefted  in  their  property  by  the  Britifh  troops. 

Article  V.  The  fick  and  wounded  fhall  be 
continued  under  the  care  of  their  own  furgeons, 
and  be  fupplied  with  medicines,  and  fuch  necef- 
faries  as  are  allowed  to  the  Britifh  hofpitals. 

Answer.  Granted. 

Article  VI.  The  officers  of  the  army  and 
navy  fhall  keep  their  horfes,  fwords,  pillols,  and 
baggage,  which  fhall  not  be  fearched,  and  retain 
their  fervants. 

Answer. 


(     406     ) 

Answer.  Granted,  except  with  refpect  to  the 
horles,  which  will  not  be  allowed  to  go  out  of 
town,  but  may  be  difpofed  of  by  a  perfon  left 
from  each  corps  for  that  purpofe. 

Article  VII.  The  garrifon  (hall,  at  an  hour 
appointed,  march  out  with  mouldered  arms, 
drums  beating,  and  colours  flying,  to  a  place  to 
be  agreed  on,  where  they  will  pile  their  arms. 

Answer.  The  whole  garrifon  fhall,  at  an  hour 
to  be  appointed,  march  out  of  the  town  to  the 
ground  between  the  works  of  the  place  and  the 
canal,  where  they  will  depofit  their  arms.  The 
drums  are  not  to  beat  a  Britifh  march,  or  colours 
to  be  uncafed. 

Article  VIII.  That  the  French  conful,  his 
houfe,  papers,  and  other  moveable  property,  fhali 
be  protected  and  untouched,  and  a  proper  time 
granted  to  him  for  retiring  to  any  place  that  may 
afierwards  be  agreed  upon  between  him  and  the 
commander  in  chief  of  the  Britifh  forces. 

Answer.  Agreed,  with  this  reftriction,  that 
he  is  to  confider  himfelf  as  a  prifoner  on  parole. 

Article  IX.  That  the  citizens  fhall  be  pro- 
tected in  their  perfons  and  properties. 

Answer.  All  civil  officers,  and  the  citizens 
who  have  borne  arms  during  the  fiege,  mult  be 

prifoners 


(     407     ) 

prifoners  on  parole  ;  and,  with  refpect  to  their 
property  in  the  city,  mall  have  the  fame  terms  as 
are  granted  to  the  militia  ;  and  all  other  perfons 
now  in  the  town,  not  described  in  this  or  any 
other  article,  are  notwithstanding  understood  to 
be  prifoners  on  parole. 

Article  X.  That  a  twelvemonth's  time  be 
allowed  all  fuch  as  do  not  choofe  to  continue  un- 
der the  Britifh  government  to  difpofe  of  their 
effects,  real  and  perfonal,  in  the  ftate,  without 
any  molestation  whatever,  or  to  remove  fuch 
part  thereof  as  they  choofe,  as  well  as  themfelves 
and  families  ;  and  that,  during  that  time,  they 
or  any  of  them  may  have  it  at  their  option  to 
refide  occasionally  in  town  or  country. 

Answer.  The  difcuflion  of  this  article  of 
courfe  cannot  poflibly  be  entered  into  at  prefent. 

Article  XI.  That  the  fame  protection  to  their 
perfons  and  properties,  and  the  fame  time  for  the 
removal  of  their  effects,  be  given  to  the  subjects 
of  France  and  Spain,  as  are  required  for  the 
citizens  in  the  preceding  article. 

Answer.  The  subjects  of  France  and  Spain 
fhall  have  the  fame  terms  as  are  granted  to  the 
French  conful. 

Article  XII.  That  a  veflcl  be  permitted  to 

go 


(     4o3     ) 

go  to  Philadelphia  with  the  general's  defpatches, 
which  are  not  to  be  opened. 

Answer.  Granted;  and  a  proper  vefiel  with 
a  flag  will  be  provided  for  that  purpofe. 

All  publick  papers  and  records  mud  be  care- 
fully preferved,  and  faithfully  delivered  to  fuch 
perfons  as  fhall  be  appointed  to  receive  them. 

Done  in  Charlefton,  May  12,   1780. 

B.  Lincoln. 

Done  in  camp,  before  Charlefton, 
May  12,    1780. 

(Signed)  H.  Clinton, 

M.  Arbuthnot. 


NOTE       VI.       P  a  g  e     86. 
In  Congrefs,  January  2,   1779. 

RESOLVED,  that  whereas  many  counter- 
feits have  appeared  in  circulation,  of  vari- 
ous denominations,  or  the  emiflions  of  May 
twentieth,  1777,  and  April  eleventh,  1778,  and 
counterfeits  of  thefe  emifiions  have  lately  been 
iffued  by  our  enemies  at  New- York,  and  are 
found  to  be  fpreading  and  increafmg  fail  in  vari- 
ous parts  of  thefe  United  States,  whereby  indi- 
viduals are  defrauded,  prices  enhanced,  and  the 

credit 


(     4©9     ) 

credit  of  the  paper  currency  greatly  injured  ;  and 
it  is  become  neceffary  for  the  fecurity  of  indivi- 
duals, and  fafety  of  the  publick,  that  thofe  two 
emiffions  mould  ceafe  to  be  a  circulating  medium, 
and  mould  be  called  in  and  exchanged,  or  other- 
wife  provided  for  as  foon  as  may  be,  with  con- 
venience to  the  prefent  holders  :  Therefore, 

Resolved,  That  the  following  bills  be  taken 
',  out  of  circulation,  namely,  the  whole  emiffions  of 
!  May  twentieth,  1777,  and  April  eleventh,  1778. 

That  they  be  brought  in  for  that  purpofe  in 
the  manner  hereafter  provided,  by  the  firft  day 
of  June  next,  and  not  afterwards  redeemable. 

That  they  be  received  for  debts  and  taxes 
into  the  continental  treafury,  and  into  the  ftate 
treafuries  for  continental  taxes,  until  the  firft  day 
I  of  June  next. 

That  they  be  received  until  the  firft  day  of 
June  next,  into  the  continental  loan  offices,  either 
on  loan,  or  to  be  exchanged  at  the  election  of 
the  owners,  for  other  bills  of  the  like  tenor,  to 
be  provided  for  that  purpofe. 

That  the  bills  lodged  in  the  faid  offices  to  be 
fo  exchanged,  be  there  regiftered,  and  indented 
certificates  thereof  given  to  the  owners  by  the 
refpective  commiffioners  of  the  faid  offices. 

Vol.  II.  3  E  That 


(     4io     ) 

That  the  commiffioners  of  the  loan-offices 
make  returns  to  the  treafury  board,  immediately 
after  the  firft  day  of  June  next,  of  the  amount 
of  the  bills  received  into  their  refpective  offices 
to  be  exchanged  as  aforefaid,  and  that  proper 
bills  to  exchange  the  fame  be  furnifhed,  and  rea- 
dy to  be  delivered  out  at  their  faid  offices,  within 
fixty  days  from  and  after  the  faid  firft  day  of 
June. 

That  the  firft-mentioned  bills,  as  they  are 
brought  into  the  treafuries  and  loan-offices,  be 
immediately  erofled  and  ftruck  through  with  a 
circular  punch  of  one  inch  diameter,  to  be  after- 
wards examined  and  burned,  as  Congrefs  fhall 
direct. 

Extract  from  the  minutes, 

Cha.  Thomson,  fecretary. 


NOTE      VII.      Page 


93- 


THESE  events,  though  extraordinary,  were 
not  without  a  precedent  in  the  annals  of  the 
province,  and  ought  to  caution  the  people  of  that 
country  againft  a  legal  tender  of  any  paper  cur- 
rency. In  the  narrative  of  the  proceedings  of 
South-Carolina,  in  the  year  17 19,  by  Francis 
Yonge,  printed  in  London  in  1726,  page  8,  are 
found  the  following  words  :  '  The  publick  emer- 
6  gencies,  in  the  year  171 5,  had  occafioned  the 
«  ftamping  the  aforefaid  fum  of  eighty  thoufand 

'  pounds 


(     4"      ) 

*  pounds  in  bills  of  credit,  to  pay  their  foldiers 
'  and  other  charges  the  country  was  forced  to  be 

*  at  j   and  it  was  enacted   by  the  affembly  they 

*  mould  be  current  in  all  payments  between  man 

*  and  man.     From  whence  it  followed  that  thofe 

*  who  had  money  owing  them  on  bond  or  other- 
c  wife  before  the  war,  and  who  mult  have  been 
'  paid  in  gold  or  filver,  or  its  value,  if  thefe  bills 

*  had  not  been  made  current  in  all  payments,  loll 
4  feven-eighths  of  their  money.  Thefe  loffes  fell 
■  chiefly  on  the  merchants,  and  fuch  of  the  inha- 

*  bitants  of  Charleflon  as  were  monied  men,  and, 
'  on  the  contrary,  the  planters,  who  were  their 

*  debtors,  were  the  gainers.' 


NOTE       VIII.       Page     96. 

Circular  letter  from  the  Congrefs  of  the  United  States 
of  America ,  to  their  conjlituents. 

Friends  and  fellow-citizens, 

IN  governments  raifed  on  the  generous  princi- 
ples of  equal  liberty,  where  the  rulers  of  the 
ftate  are  the  fervants  of  the  people,  and  not  the 
mafters  of  thofe  from  whom  they  derive  authori- 
ty ;  it  is  their  duty  to  inform  their  fellow-citizens 
of  the  ftate  of  their  affairs,  and  by  evincing  the 
propriety  of  publick  meafures,  lead  them  to 
unite  the  influence  of  inclinations,  to  the  force 
of  legal  obligation  in  rendering  them  fuccefsful. 
This  duty  ceafes  not,  even  in  times  of  the  moft 

perfect 


(     412     ) 

perfect  peace,  order  and  tranquillity,  when  the 
fafety  of  the  commonwealth  is  neither  endangered 
by  force  of  feduclion  from  abroad,  or  by  facYion, 
treachery,  or  mifgu'uied  ambition  from  within. 
At  this  feafon,  therefore,  we  find  ourfelves  in  a 
particular  manner  imprefTed  with  a  fenfe  of  it, 
and  can  no  longer  forbear  calling  your  attention 
to  a  fubjecl  much  mifreprefented,  and  refpecYing 
which  dangerous  as  well  as  erroneous  opinions 
have  been  held  and  propagated  j  we  mean  your 
finances. 

The  ungrateful  defpotifm  and  inordinate  love 
of  domination,  which  marked  the  unnatural  de- 
figns  of  the  Britifh  King  and  his  venal  parliament 
to  enilave  the  people  of  America,  reduced  you 
to  the  neceility  of  either  aiferting  your  rights  by 
arms,  or  inglorioufly  pairing  under  the  yoke. 
You  nobly  preferred  war.  Armies  were  then  to 
be  raifed,  paid  and  fupplied  ;  money  became  ne- 
ceffary  for  thefe  purpofes.  Of  your  own  there 
was  but  little  ;  and  of  no  nation  in  the  world 
could  you  then  borrow.  The  little  that  was 
fpread  among  you  could  be  collected  only  by 
taxes,  and  to  this  end  regular  governments  were 
cflcntial ;  of  thefe  you  were  alfo  deftitute.  So 
circumftanced,  you  had  no  other  refource  but  the 
natural  value  and  wealth  of  your  fertile  country. 
Bills  were  iiiued  on  the  credit  of  this  bank,  and 
your  faith  was  pledged  for  their  redemption. 
After  a  confj.derable  number  of  thefe  had  circu- 
lated,   loans  were  folicited,  an.d   offices  for   the 

purpofe 


(    4>3     ) 

purpofe  eftabliflied.     Thus  a  national  debt  was 
unavoidably  created,  and  the  amount  of  it  is  as 

follows : 

Dollars. 

Bills  emitted  and  circulating,  59,948,880 

Monies    borrowed    before    the 

firft    of    lyiarch,     1778,    the 

interefl  of  which  is  payable 

in  France,  7,545,196  67-90 

Monies  borrowed  fmce  the  firft 

of  March,  1778,  the  interefl 

of  which  is  payable  here,  26,188,909 

Money  due  abroad,  not  exactly 

known— the  balance  not  hav- 
ing been  transmitted,  fuppof- 

ed  about  4,000,000 

For  your  further  fatisfaction  we  fhall  order  a 
particular  account  of  the  feveral  emiffions,  with 
the  times  limited  for  their  redemption,  and  alfo 
of  the  feveral  loans,  the  interefl  allowed  on  each, 
and  the  terms  afligned  for  their  payment,  to  be 
prepared  and  published. 

The  taxes  have  as  yet  brought  into  the  trea- 
sury no  more  than  3,027,560,  fo  that  all  the  mo- 
nies fupplied  to  Congrefs  by  the  people  of  Ame- 
rica, amount  to  no  more  than  ^^J^i^S  cl°^ars 
and  fixty-feven  ninetieths,  that  being  the  fum  of 
the  loans  and  taxes  received.  Judge  then  of  the 
neeeffity  of.  emiffions,  and  learn,  from  whom  and 
from  whence  that  neeeffity  arofe. 

We 


(     414     ) 

We  are  alfo  to  inform  you,  that  on  the  firft 
day  of  September  inftant,  we  refolved,  '  that  we 
'  would  on  no  account  whatever  emit  more  bills 
•  of  credit  than  to  make  the  whole  amount  of 
'  fuch  bills  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars,'  and 
as  the  fum  emitted  and  in  circulation  amounted 
to  159,648,880  dollars,  and  the  fum  of  forty  mil- 
lions fifty-one  thoufand  one  hundred  and  twenty 
dollars  remained  to  complete  the  two  hundred 
millions  above-mentioned,  we  on  the  third  day 
of  September  inftant,  further  refolved,  '  that  we 
'  would  emit  fuch  part  only  of  the  faid  fum  of 
'  40,051,120  dollars  as  mould  be  abfolutely  ne- 
6  ceffary  for  publick  exigencies  before  adequate 
4  fupplies  could  otherwife  be  obtained,  relying 
c  for  fuch  fupplies  on  the  exertions  of  the  feveral 
« ftates.' 

Exclusive  of  the  great  and  ordinary  ex- 
pences  incident  to  the  war,  the  depreciation  of 
the  currency  has  fo  fwelled  the  prices  of  every 
neceflary  article,  and,  of  confequence,  made 
fuch  additions  to  the  ufual  amount  of  expendi- 
tures, that  very  confiderable  fupplies  mufl  be 
immediately  provided  by  loans  and  taxes :  and 
we  unanimoufly  declare  it  to  be  eflential  to  the 
welfare  of  thefe  flates,  that  the  taxes  already 
called  for,  be  paid  into  the  continental  treafury 
by  the  time  recommended  for  that  purpofe.  It 
is  alfo  highly  proper  that  you  mould  extend  your 
views  beyond  that  period,  and  prepare  in  feafon 
as  well  for  bringing  your  refpective   quotas  of 

troops 


(    4<5     ) 

troops  into  the  field  early  in  the  next  campaign, 
as  for  providing  the  fupplies  neceffary  in  the 
courfe  of  it.  Wc  (hall  take  care  to  apprize  you 
from  time  to  time  of  the  ftate  of  the  treafury, 
and  to  recommend  the  proper  meafures  for  fup- 
plying  it.  To  keep  your  battalions  full,  to  en- 
courage loans,  and  to  affefs  your  taxes  with  pru- 
dence, collect  them  with  firmnefs,  and  pay  them 
with  punctuality,  is  all  that  will  be  requifite  on 
your  part.  Further  ways  and  means  of  provid- 
ing for  the  publick  exigencies,  are  now  under 
confideration,  and  will  foon  be  laid  before  you. 

Having  thus  given  you  a  fhort  and  plain  flatc 
of  your  debt,  and  pointed  out  the  neceffity  of 
punctuality  in  furnifhing  the  fupplies  already  re- 
quired, we  mail  proceed  to  make  a  few  remarks 
on  the  depreciation  of  the  currency,  to  which 
we  entreat  your  attention. 

The  depreciation  of  bills  of  credit  is  always 
either  natural  or  artificial,  or  both.  The  latter 
is  our  cafe.  The  moment  the  fum  in  circulation 
exceeded  what  was  neceffary  as  a  medium  in  com- 
merce, it  began  and  continued  to  depreciate  in 
proportion  as  the  amount  of  the  furplus  increaf- 
ed ;  and  that  proportion  would  hold  good  until 
the  fum  emitted  mould  become  fo  great  as  nearly 
to  equal  the  value  of  the  capital  or  flock,  on  the 
credit  of  which  the  bills  were  iffued.  Suppofing, 
therefore,  that  30,000,000  was  neceffary  for  a 
circulating  medium,  and  that  160,0.00,000  had 

iffued, 


(     4i6     ) 

iflued,  the  natural  depreciation  is  but  little  more 
than  five  to  one  :  but  the  actual  depreciation  ex- 
ceeds that  proportion,  and  that  excefs  is  artificial. 
The  natural  depreciation  is  to  be  removed  only 
by  lefTening  the  quantity  of  moriey  in  circulation. 
It  will  regain  its  primitive  value  whenever  it  fhall 
be  reduced  to  the  fum  neceflary  for  a  medium  of 
commerce.  This  is  only  to  be  effected  by  loans 
and  taxes. 

The  artificial  depreciation  is  a  more  ferious 
fubject,  and  merits  minute  inveftigation.  A  dif- 
truft,  however  occafioned,  entertained  by  the 
mafs  of  the  people^  in  the  ability  or  inclination 
of  the  United  States  to  redeem  their  bills;  is  the 
caufe  of  it.  Let  us  enquire  how  far  reafon  will 
juftify  a  diftruff.  in  the  ability  of  the  United 
States. 

The  ability  of  the  United  States  mud  depend 
on  two  things  :  firfr.,  the  luccefs  of  the  prefent 
revolution,  and,  fecondly,  on  the  fuffieiency  of 
the  natural  wealth,  value,  and  refources  of  the 
country. 

That  the  time  has  been  when  honed  men 
might,  without  being  chargeable  with  timidity, 
have  doubted  the  fuccefs  of  the  prefent  revolu- 
tion, we  admit  ;  but  that  period  is  parted.  The 
independence  of  America  is  now  as  fixed  as  fate, 
and  the  petulant  efforts  of  Britain  to  break  it 
down  are  as  vain  and  fruitlefs  as  the  raging  of 

the 


(     4>7     ) 

the  waves  which  beat  againfl  their  cliffs.  Let 
thole  who  are  (till  aifli&ed  with  thefe  doubts  con- 
fider  the  character  and  condition  of  our  enemies. 
Let  them  remember  that  we  are  contending 
againll  a  kingdom  crumbling  into  pieces  ;  a  na- 
tion without  publick  virtue  ;  and  a  people  fold 
to,  and  betrayed  by,  their  own  reprefentatives  ; 
againfl:  a  prince  governed  by  his  paffions,  and  a 
miniftry  without  confidence  or  wifdom  ;  againfl 
armies  half  paid,  and  generals  half  trufted  ; 
againfl  a  government  equal  only  to  plans  of  plun- 
der, conflagration  and  murder — a  government 
by  the  molt  impious  violations  of  the  rights  of 
religion,  juflice,  humanity  and  mankind,  court- 
ing the  vengeance  of  Heaven,  and  revolting  from 
the  protection  of  Providence.  Againfl  the  fury 
of  thefe  enemies  you  made  fuccefsful  refinance, 
when  fingle,  alone,  and  friendlefs,  in  the  days 
of  weaknefs  and  infancy,  before  your  '  hands  had 
6  been  taught  to  war  or  your  fingers  to  fight.*  And 
can  there  be  any  reafon  to  apprehend  that  the 
Divine  Difpofer  of  human  events,  after  having 
feparated  us  from  the  houfe  of  bondage,  and  led 
us  fare  through  a  fea  of  blood,  towards  the  land 
of  liberty  and  promife,  will  leave  the  work  oi 
our  political  redemption  unfinifhed,  and  either 
permit  us  to  perifh  in  a  wildernefs  of  difficulties, 
or  fuffer  us  to  be  carried  back  in  chains  to  that 
country  of  oppreffion,  from  whofe  tyranny  lie 
hath  mercifully  delivered  us  with  a  flrelched-out 
arm. 

Vol.  II.  3  1  IN 


(    418    ) 

In  clofe  alliance  with  one  of  the  mod  power- 
ful nations  in  Europe,  which  has  generoufly  made 
our  caufe  her  own  ;  in  amity  with  many  others, 
and  enjoying  the  good- will  of  all,  what  danger 
have  we  to  fear  from  Britain  ?  Inftead  of  acquir- 
ing acceflions  of  territory  by  conqueft,  the  limits 
of  her  empire  daily  contract  ;  her  fleets  no  lon- 
ger rule  the  ocean,  nor  are  her  armies  invincible 
by  land.  How  many  of  her  ftandards,  wrefled 
from  the  hands  of  her  champions,  are  among 
your  trophies,  and  have  graced  the  triumphs  of 
your  troops  ?  And  how  great  is  the  number  of 
thofe,  who,  fent  to  bind  you  in  fetters,  have  be- 
come your  captives,  and  receive  their  lives  from 
your  hands  ?  In  fhort,  whoever  confiders  that 
thefe  ftates  are  daily  increafing  in  power  ;  that 
their  armies  are  become  veterans  ;  that  their  go- 
vernments, founded  in  freedom,  are  eftablifhed  ; 
that  their  fertile  country,  and  their  affectionate 
ally,  furnifh  them  with  ample  fupplies  ;  that  the 
Spanifh  monarch,  well  prepared  for  war,  with 
fleets  and  armies  ready  for  combat,  and  a  trea- 
fury  overflowing  with  wealth,  has  entered  the 
lifts  againft  Britain  ;  that  the  other  European  na- 
tions, often  infulted  by  her  pride,  and  alarmed 
by  the  ftrides  of  her  ambition,  have  left  her  to 
her  fate  ;  that  Ireland,  wearied  with  her  oppreffi- 
ons,  is  panting  for  liberty,  and  even  Scotland 
difpleafed  and  uneafy  at  her  edicts — Whoever 
confiders  thefe  things,  inftead  of  doubting  the 
iflue  of  the  war,  will  rejoice  in  the  glorious,  the 
lure  and  certain  profpec~t  of  fuccefs. 

This 


(     419     ) 

This  point  being  eflablilhed,  the  next  queftion 
is,  whether  the  natural  wealth,  value  and  refources 
of  the  country  will  be  equal  to  the  payment  of 
the  debt  ? 

Let  us  fuppofe,  for  the  fake  of  argument, 
that  at  the  conclufion  of  the  war,  the  emiffions 
ihould  amount  to  200,000,000  ;  that  exclufive  of 
fupplies  from  taxes,  which  will  not  be  inconfide- 
rable,  the  loans  fhould  amount  to  100,000.000; 
then  the  whole  national  debt  of  the  United  States 
would  be  300,000,000.  There  are  at  prefent 
3,000,000  of  inhabitants  in  the  thirteen  dates  ; 
three  hundred  million  of  dollars  divided  among 
three  million  of  people  would  give  to  each  perfon 
one  hundred  dollars  ;  and  is  there  an  individual 
in  America  unable  in  the  courfe  of  eighteen  or 
tv/enty  years  to  pay  it  again  ?  Suppofe  the  whole 
debt  affefled,  as  it  ought  to  be,  on  the  inhabi- 
tants in  proportion  to  their  refpeclive  eftates, 
what  would  then  be  the  fhare  of  the  poorer  peo- 
ple ?  Perhaps  not  ten  dollars.  Befides,  as  this 
debt  will  not  be  payable  immediately,  but  proba- 
bly twenty  years  allotted  for  it,  the  number  of 
inhabitants  by  that  time  in  America,  will  be  far 
more  than  double  their  prefent  amount.  It  is 
well  known  that  the  inhabitants  of  this  country 
increafed  almofr.  in  the  ratio  of  compound  inte- 
rcft»  By  natural  population  they  doubled  every 
twenty  years,  and  how  great  may  be  the  hoft  of 
emigrants  from  other  countries  cannot  be  afcer- 
tained.     We  have  the  higheft   reafon   to   believe 

the 


(      42o      ) 

the  number  will  be  immenfe.  Suppofe  that  only 
ten  thoufind  mould  arrive  the  firft  year  after  the 
war,  what  will  thofe  ten  thoufand  with  their  fa- 
milies count  in  twenty  years  time  ?  Probably 
double  the  number.  This  obfervation  applies 
with  proportionable  force  to  the  emigrants  of 
every  fucceffive  year.  Thus  you  fee  great  part 
of  your  debt  will  be  payable  not  merely  by  the 
prtfent  number  of  inhabitants,  but  by  that  num- 
ber fwelled  and  increafed  by  the  natural  popula- 
tion of  the  prefent  inhabitants,  by  multitudes  of 
emigrants  daily  arriving  Irom  other  countries, 
and  by  the  natural  population  of  thofe  fucceffive 
emigrants,  fo  that  every  perfon's  fhare  of  the 
debt  will  be  conftantly  diminifhing  by  others 
coming  in  to  pay  a  proportion  of  it. 

These  are  advantages  which  none  but  young 
countries  enjoy.  The  number  of  inhabitants  in 
every  country  in  Europe,  remains  nearly  the 
fame  from  one  century  to  another.  No  country 
will  produce  more  people  than  it  can  fubfifl,  and 
every  country,  if  free  and  cultivated,  will  pro- 
duce as  many  as  it  can  maintain.  Hence  we 
may  form  foine  idea  of  the  future  population  of 
thefe  lxates.  Extenfive  wilderneffes,  now  fcarce- 
ly  known  or  explored,  remain  to  be  cultivated, 
and  vail  lakes  and  rivers,  whofe  waters  have  for 
ages  rolled  in  filence  and  obfcurity  to  the  ocean, 
are  yet  to  hear  the  din  of  induftry,  become  fub- 
fervknt  to  commerce,  and  boalt  delightful  villas, 
pfddcd  fpires,  and  fpacious  cities  riling  on  their 
banks.  Thus 


(     4^1      ) 

Thus  much  for  the  number  of  perfons  to  pay 
the  debt.  The  next  point  is  their  ability.  They 
who  enquire  how  many  millions  of  acres  are  con- 
tained only  in  the  fettled  part  of  North-America, 
and  how  much  each  acre  is  worth,  will  acquire 
very  enlarged  and  yet  very  adequate  ideas  of  the 
value  of  this  country.  But  thofe  who  will  carry 
their  enquiries  further,  and  learn  that  we  here- 
tofore paid  an  annual  tax  to  Britain  of  three  mil- 
lions flerling  in  the  way  of  trade,  and  flili  grew 
rich  ;  that  our  commerce  was  then  confined  to 
her  ;  that  we  were  obliged  to  carry  our  commo- 
dities to  her  market,  and  confequently  to  fell 
them  at  her  price  ;  that  we  were  compelled  to 
purchafe  foreign  commodities  at  her  flores,  and 
on  her  terms,  and  were  forbid  to  eflabliih  any 
manufactories  incompatible  with  her  views  of 
gain  ;  that  in  future  the  whole  world  will  be  open 
to  us,  and  we  mail  be  at  liberty  to  purchafe  from 
thofe  who  will  fell  on  the  bed  terms,  and  to  fell 
to  thofe  who  will  give  the  beft  prices  ;  that  as 
this  country  increafes  in  number  of  inhabitants 
and  cultivation,  the  productions  of  the  earth 
will  be  proportionably  increafed,  and  the  riches 
of  the  whole  proportionably  greater :  whoever 
examines  the  force  of  thefe  and  fimilar  obferva- 
tions,  muff  fmile  at  the  ignorance  of  thofe  who 
doubt  the  ability  of  the  United  States  to  redeem 
their  bills. 

Let  it  alfo  be  remembered   that  paper  money 
is  the  only  kind  of  money  which  cannot  *  make 

c  unto 


(       422       ) 

c  unto  itfelf  wings  and  fly  away.'  It  remains 
with  us,  it  will  not  forfake  us,  it  is  always  ready 
and  at  hand  for  the  purpofe  of  commerce  or 
taxes,  and  every  induftrious  man  can  find  it. 
On  the  contrary,  mould  Britain  like  Nineveh 
(and  for  the  fame  reafon)  yet  find  mercy,  and 
efcape  the  ftorm  ready  to  burft  upon  her,  me 
will  find  her  national  debt  in  a  very  different  fi- 
tuation.  Her  territory  diminifhed,  her  people 
wafted,  her  commerce  ruined,  her  monopolies 
gone,  me  mud  provide  for  the  difcharge  of  her 
immenfe  debt  by  taxes  to  be  paid  in  fpecie,  in 
gold  or  filver,  perhaps  now  buried  in  the  mines 
of  Mexico  or  Peru,  or  ftill  concealed  in  the 
brooks  and  rivulets  of  Africa  or  Indoflan. 

Having  fhewn  that  there  is  no  reafon  to  doubt 
the  ability  of  the  United  States  to  pay  their  debt, 
let  us  next  enquire  whether  as  much  can  be  faid 
for  their  inclination. 

Under  this  head,  three  things  are  to  be  at- 
tended to : 

i ft.  Whether  and  in  what  manner  the  faith 
of  the  United  States  have  been  pledged  for  the 
redemption  of  their  bills. 

2d.  Whether  they  have  put  themfelves  in  a 
political  capacity  to  redeem  them — and, 

}d.  Whether,  admitting  the  two  former  pro- 

pofitions, 


(     4*3     ) 

pofitions,  there  is  any  reafon  to  apprehend  a  wan- 
ton violation  of  the  publick  Faith. 

i ft.  It  muft  be  evident  to  every  man  who 
reads  the  journals  of  Congrefs,  or  looks  at  the 
face  of  one  of  their  bills,  that  Congrefs  have 
pledged  the  faith  of  their  conftituents  for  the 
redemption  of  them.  And  it  muft  be  equally 
evident,  not  only  that  they  had  authority  to  do 
fo,  but  that  their  conftituents  have  actually  rati- 
fied their  acts,  by  receiving  their  bills,  palling 
laws  eftablifhing  their  currency,  and  puniihing 
thofe  who  counterfeit  them.  So  that  it  may  with 
truth  be  faid  that  the  people  have  pledged  their 
faith  for  the  redemption  of  them,  and  that  not 
only  collectively  by  their  reprefentatives,  but  in- 
dividually. 

2,d.  Whether  the  United  States  have  put 
themfelves  in  a  political  capacity  to  redeem  their 
bills,  is  a  queftion  which  calls  for  more  full  dif- 
cuftion. 

Our  enemies,  as  well  foreign  as  domeftick, 
have  laboured  to  raife  doubts  on  this  head.  They 
argue  that  the  confederation  of  the  fiates  re- 
mains yet  to  be  perfected  ;  that  the  union  may 
be  diffolved  ;  Congrefs  be  abolifhed,  and  each 
ftate  refuming  its  delegated  powers,  proceed  in 
future  to  hold  and  exercife  all  the  rights  of  fo- 
vereignty  appertaining  to  an  independent  ftate. 
In  fuch  an  event,  fay  they,  the  continental  bills 

of 


(     4H     ) 

of  credit,  created  and  fupported  by  the  union, 
would  die  with  it.  This  pofition  being  aflumed, 
they  next  proceed  to  afifert  this  event  to  be  pro- 
bable, and  in  proof  of  it  urge  our  divifions,  our 
parties,  our  feparate  interefts,  diftinct  manners, 
former  prejudices,  and  many  other  arguments 
equally  plaufible  and  equally  fallacious.  Examine 
this  matter. 

For  every  purpofe  efTential  to  the  defence  of 
thefe  dates  in  the  progrefs  of  the  prefent  war, 
and  neceffary  to  the  attainment  of  the  objects  of 
it,  thefe  dates  now  are  as  fully,  legally,  and  ab- 
iblutely  confederated,  as  it  is  poflible  for  them  to 
be.  Read  the  credentials  of  the  different  dele- 
gates who  compofed  the  Congrefs  in  1774,  1775* 
and  part  of  1  yj6.  You  will  find  that  they  efla- 
blifhed  an  union  for  the  exprefs  purpofe  of  op- 
pofing  the  oppreffions  of  Britain,  and  obtaining 
redrefs  of  grievances.  On  the  fourth  of  July, 
1776,  your  reprefentatives  in  Congrefs,  perceiv- 
ing that  nothing  lefs  than  unconditional  fubmiffi- 
on  would  fatisfy  our  enemies,  did,  in  the  name 
of  the  people  of  the  Thirteen  United  Colonies, 
declare  them  to  be  free  and  independent  flates  ; 
and,  c  for  the  fupport  of  that  declaration,  with  a 
'  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine  Pro- 
6  vidence,  did  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  their 
6  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  facred  honour.' 
Was  ever  confederation  more  formal,  more  fo- 
lcmn,  or  explicit ;  it  has  been  exprefsly  afTented 
to  and  ratified  by  every  ftate  in  the  union.  Ac- 
cordingly, 


(     425     ) 

cordingly,  for  the  direct  fupport  of  this  declara- 
tion, that  is  for  the  fupport  of  the  independence 
of  thefe  dates,  armies  have  been  raifed,  and  bills 
of  credit  emitted,  and  loans  made  to  pay  and 
fupply  them.  The  redemption  therefore  of  thefe 
bills,  the  payment  of  thefe  debts,  and  the  fettle- 
ment  of  the  accounts  of  the  feveral  dates,  for 
expenditures  or  fervices  for  the  common  benefit 
and  in  this  common  caufe,  are  among  the  objects 
of  this  confederation,  and  confequently  while 
all  or  any  of  its  objects  remain  unattained,  it 
cannot,  fo  far  as  it  may  refpect  fuch  objects,  be 
diflblved,  confident  with  the  laws  of  God  or 
man. 

But  we  are  periuaded,  and  our  enemies  will 
find,  that  our  union  is  not  to  end  here.  They 
are  midaken  when  they  fuppofe  us  kept  together 
only  by  a  fenfe  of  preient  danger.  It  is  a  fact 
which  they  only  will  difpute,  that  the  people  of 
thefe  dates  were  never  fo  cordially  united  as  at 
this  day.  By  having  been  obliged  to  mix  with 
each  other,  former  prejudices  have  worn  ofF,  and 
their  feveral  manners  become  blended.  A  fenfe 
of  common  permanent  intered,  mutual  affection, 
(having  been  brethren  in  affliction)  the  ties  of 
fanguinity  daily  extending,  condant  reciprocity 
of  good  offices,  fimilarity  in  language,  in  go- 
vernments, and  therefore  in  manners,  the  im- 
portance, weight,  and  fplendour  of  the  union, 
all  confpire  in  forming  a  ftrong  chain  of  con- 
nexion,  which  mud  /br-ever  bind  us  together. 

Vol.  IT.  3  G  The 


(     4^6     ) 

The  United  Provinces  of  the  Netherlands  and  the 
United  Cantons  of  Switzerland  became  free  and 
independent  under  circumdances  very  like  our's : 
their  independence  has  been  long  edablimed,  and 
yet  their  confederacies  continue  in  full  vigour. 
What  reafon  can  be  affigned  why  our  union 
mould  be  lefs  lading?  or  why  mould  the  people 
of  thefe  dates  be  fuppofed  lefs  wife  than  the  in- 
habitants of  thofe  ?  You  are  not  uninformed  that 
a  plan  for  a  perpetual  confederation  has  been 
prepared,  and  that  twelve  of  the  thirteen  dates 
have  already  acceded  to  it.  But  enough  has 
been  faid  to  mew  that  for  every  purpofe  of  the 
prefent  war,  and  all  things  incident  to  it,  there 
does  at  prefent  exid  a  perfect  folemn  confedera- 
tion, and  therefore  that  the  dates  now  are  and 
always  will  be  in  political  capacity  to  redeem 
their  bills,  pay  their  debts,  and  fettle  their  ac- 
counts. 

3d.  Whether,  admitting  the  ability  and  poli- 
tical capacity  of  the  United  States  to  redeem 
their  bills,  there  is  any  reafon  to  apprehend  a 
wanton  violation  of  the  publick  faith  ? 

It  is  with  great  regret  and  reluctance  that  we 
can  prevail  upon  ourfelves  to  take  the  lead  notice 
of  a  quedion  which  involves  in  it  a  doubt  fo  in- 
jurious to  the  honour  and  dignity  of  America. 

The  enemy,  aware  that  the  drength  of  Ame- 
lica  lay  in  the  union  of  her  citizens,  and  the 

wifdom 


(    4*7     ) 

wifdom  and  integrity  of  thofe  to  whom  they 
committed  the  direction  of  their  affairs,  have 
taken  unwearied  pains  to  difunite  and  alarm  the 
people,  to  depreciate  the  abilities  and  virtue  of 
their  rulers,  and  to  impair  the  confidence  repofed 
in  them  by  their  condiments.  To  this  end  re- 
peated attempts  have  been  made  to  draw  an  ab- 
furd  and  fanciful  line  of  diflinction  between  the 
Congrefs  and  the  people,  and  to  create  an  opinion 
and  a  belief  that  their  interefts  and  views  were 
different  and  oppofed.  Hence  the  ridiculous 
tales,  the  invidious  infinuations,  and  the  whimfi- 
cal  fufpicions  that  have  been  forged  and  propa- 
gated by  difguifed  emiffaries  and  traitors,  in  the 
garb  of  patriots.  Hence  has  proceeded  the  not- 
able difcovery,  that  as  the  Congrefs  made  the 
money  they  alfo  can  deftroy  it ;  and  that  it  will 
exift  no  longer  than  they  find  it  convenient  to 
permit  it. 

It  is  not  furprifing,  that  in  a  free  country, 
where  the  tongues  and  pens  of  fuch  people  are 
and  mud  be  licenfed,  fuch  political  herefies 
fhould  be  inculcated  and  diffufed,  but  it  is  really 
aftonifhing,  that  the  mind  of  a  fingle  virtuous 
citizen  in  ilmerica  ihould  be  influenced  by  them. 
It  certainly  cannot  be  neceffary  to  remind  you, 
that  your  reprefentatives  here  are  chofen  from 
among  yourfelves  ;  that  you  are,  or  ought  to  be 
acquainted  with  their  feveral  characters ;  that 
they  are  fent  here  to  fpcak  your  fentiments,  and 
that  it  is  conftantly  in  your  power  to  remove  fuch 

as 


(     4*8     ) 

as  do  not.  You  furely  are  convinced,  that  it  is 
no  more  in  their  power  to  annihilate  your  money 
than  your  independence,  and  that  any  act  of 
theirs  for  either  of  thofe  purpofes  would  be  null 
and  void. 

We  mould  pay  an  ill  compliment  to  the  under- 
Handing  and  honour  of  every  true  American, 
were  we  to  adduce  many  arguments  to  fliew  the 
bafenefs,  or  bad  policy  of  violating  our  national 
faith,  or  omitting  to  purfue  the  meafures  necef- 
fary  to  preferve  it.  A  bankrupt  faithlefs  repub- 
lick  would  be  a  novelty  in  the  political  world, 
and  appear  among  reputable  nations,  like  a  com- 
mon proftitute  among  chafte  and  refpe&able 
matrons.  The  pride  of  America  revolts  from 
the  idea  ;  her  citizens  know  for  what  purpofes 
thefe  emiffions  were  made,  and  have  repeatedly 
plighted  their  faith  for  the  redemption  of  them ; 
they  are  to  be  found  in  every  man's  pofTeffion, 
and  every  man  is  interefted  in  their  being  re- 
deemed ;  they  mult,  therefore,  entertain  a  high 
opinion  of  American  credulity,  who  fuppofe  the 
people  capable  of  believing,  on  due  reflection, 
that  all  iVmerica  will,  againfl:  the  faith,  the  ho- 
nour, and  the  intereli  of  all  America,  be  ever 
prevailed  upon  to  countenance,  fupport,  or  per- 
mit fo  ruinous,  fo  difgraceful  a  meafure.  We  are 
convinced,  that  the  efforts  and  arts  of  our  ene- 
mies will  not  be  wanting  to  draw  us  into  this 
humiliating  and  contemptible  fituation.  Impel- 
led  by  malice,    and  the  fuggeftions  of  chagrin 

and 


(    4^9     ) 

and  difappointment  at  not  being  able  to  bend 
our  necks  to  their  yoke,  they  will  endeavour  to 
force  or  feduce  us  to  commit  this  unpardonable 
fin,  in  order  to  fubject  us  to  the  punifhment  due 
to  it,  and  that  we  may  thenceforth  be  a  reproach 
and  a  bye-word  among  the  nations.  Apprized 
of  thefe  confequences,  knowing  the  value  of 
national  character,  and  impreffed  with  a  due  fenfe 
of  the  immutable  laws  of  juftice  and  honour,  it 
is  impoffible  that  America  mould  think  without 
horror  of  fuch  an  execrable  deed. 

If  then  neither  our  ability  or  inclination  to 
difcharge  the  publick  debt,  are  juftly  queftiona- 
ble,  let  our  conduct  correfpond  with  this  confi- 
dence, and  let  us  refcue  our  credit  from  its 
prefent  imputations.  Had  the  attention  of  Ame- 
rica to  this  objecl  been  unremitted,  had  taxes 
been  feafonably  impofed  and  collected,  had  pro- 
per loans  been  made,  had  laws  been  palfed,  and 
executed  for  punifhing  thofe  who  malicioufly  en- 
deavoured to  injure  the  publick  credit ;  had 
thefe  and  many  other  things  equally  neceffary 
been  done,  and  had  our  currency,  notwithftand- 
ing  all  thefe  efforts,  declined  to  its  prefent  degree 
of  depreciation,  ou|  cafe  would  indeed  have  been 
deplorable.  But  as  thefe  exertions  have  not  been 
made,  we  may  yet  experience  the  good  effects 
which  naturally  refult  from  them.  Our  former 
negligences  therefore  mould  now  animate  us  with 
.hope,  and  teach   us  not  to  defpair  of  removing 

by 


(    43<>    ) 

by  vigilance  and  application  the  evils  which  fu- 
pinenefs  and  inattention  have  produced. 

It  has  been  already  obferved,  that  in  order  to 
prevent  the  further  natural  depreciation  of  our 
bills,  we  have  refolved  to  flop  the  prefs,  and  to 
call  upon  you  for  fupplies  by  loans  and  taxes. 
You  are  in  capacity  to  afford  them,  and  are 
bound  by  the  ftrongeft  ties  to  do  it.  Leave  us 
not,  therefore,  without  fupplies,  nor  let  in  that 
flood  of  evils  which  would  follow  from  fuch  ne- 
glect. It  would  be  an  event  mofl  grateful  to  our 
enemies,  and  depend  upon  it,  they  will  redou- 
ble their  artifices  and  induftry  to  compafs  it. 
Be  therefore  upon  your  guard,  and  examine  well 
the  policy  of  every  meafure,  and  the  evidence 
of  every  report  that  may  be  propofed  or  menti- 
oned to  you  before  you  adopt  the  one  or  believe 
the  other.  Recollect  that  it  is  the  price  of  the 
liberty,  the  peace  and  the  fafety  of  yourfelves  and 
pofterity,  that  now  is  required  ; — that  peace,  li- 
berty and  fafety,  for  the  attainment  and  fecurity 
of  which,  you  have  fo  often  and  fo  folemnly  de- 
clared your  readinefs  to  facrifice  your  lives  and 
fortunes.  The  war,  though  drawing  faft  to  a 
fuccefsful  iffue,  (fill  rages.  Difdain  to  leave  the 
whole  bufinefs  of  your  defence  to  your  ally.  Be 
mindful  that  the  brighter!:  profpecls  may  be  cloud- 
ed, and  that  prudence  bids  us  be  prepared  for 
every  event.  Provide,  therefore,  for  continuing 
your  armies  in  the  field  till  victory  and  peace  mall 
lead  them  home,  and  avoid  the  reproach  of  per- 
mitting 


(    43'     ) 

mitting  the  currency  to  depreciate  in  your  hands, 
when,  by  yielding  a  part  to  taxes  and  loans,  the 
whole  might  have  been  appreciated  and  preferved. 
Humanity  as  well  as  juftice  makes  this  demand 
upon  you,  the  complaints  of  ruined  widows,  and 
the  cries  of  fatherlefs  children,  whofe  whole  fup~ 
port  has  been  placed  in  your  hands  and  melted 
away,  have  doubtlefs  reached  you — take  care  that 
they  afcend  no  higher.  Roufe,  therefore  ;  drive 
who  (hall  do  mofl  for  his  country ;  re-kindle 
that  flame  of  patriotifm,  which,  at  the  mention 
of  difgrace  and  flavery,  blazed  throughout  Ame- 
rica, and  animated  all  her  citizens.  Determine 
to  finiih  the  conteft  as  you  began  it,  honeflly  and 
glorioufly. — Let  it  never  be  faid  that  America 
had  no  fooner  become  independent,  than  me  be- 
came infolvent,  or  that  her  infant  glories  and 
growing  fame  were  obfcured  and  tarnifhed  by 
broken  contracts  and  violated  faith,  in  the  very 
hour  when  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  were  ad- 
miring, and  almoft  adoring  the  fplendour  of  her 
rifing. 

By  the  unanimous  order  of  Congrefs, 

John  Jay,  prefident. 

Philadelphia,  Sept.  13, 
1779. 

NOTE 


C    432    ) 

NOTE      IX.      Page     no. 

Waxhaws,  May  30,   1780. 
My  lord, 

I  Have  the  honour  to  inform  you,  that  yefter- 
day  at  three  o'clock,  P.  M.  after  a  march  of 
one  hundred  and  five  miles  in  fifty-four  hours, 
with  the  corps  of  cavalry,  the  infantry  of  the 
legion,  mounted  on  horfes,  and  a  three-pounder, 
at  Waxhaws,  near  the  line  which  divides  North 
from  South-Carolina,  the  rebel  force,  commanded 
by  colonel  Buford,  confifting  of  the  eleventh  Vir- 
ginia and  detachments  of  other  regiments,  from 
the  fame  province,  with  artillery,  and  fome  ca- 
valry, were  brought  to  a&ion. 

After  the  fummons,  in  which  terms  fimilar 
to  thole  accepted  by  Charlefton  were  offered  and 
pofitively  rejected,  the  action  commenced  in  a 
wood  ;  the  attacks  were  pointed  at  both  flanks ; 
the  front  and  referve  by  two  hundred  and  feventy 
cavalry  and  infantry  blended  ;  and,  at  the  fame 
inftant,  all  were  equally  victorious,  few  of  the 
enemy  efcaping,  except  the  commanding  officer 
by  a  precipitate  flight  on  horfeback. 

It  is  above  my  ability  to  fay  any  thing  in  com- 
mendation of  the  bravery  and  exertion  of  officers 

and 


(     433     ) 

and  men.     I  leave  their  merit  to  your  lordfliip's 
confideration. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

Ban.  Tarleton, 

Lieutenant-colonel  comm.  B.  legion. 
Lieutenant-general  earl  Cornwallis. 

Return  of*  rebels  killed,  wounded  and  taken,  in  the 
affair  at  Wax  haws  9  the  twenty-ninth  of  May, 
lySo. 

One  lieutenant-colonel,  three  captains,  eight 
fubalterns,  one  adjutant,  one  quartermafter, 
ninety-nine  ferjeants  and  rank  and  file,  killed. 

Three  captains,  five  fubalterns,  one  hundred 
and  forty- two  ferjeants  and  rank  and  file,  wound- 
ed, unable  to  travel,  and  left  on  parole. 

Two  captains,  one  fubaltern,  fifty  ferjeants 
and  rank  and  file,  prifoners. 

• 
Taken,  three  ftand  of  colours,  two  brafs  fix- 
pounders,  two  royals,  two  waggons  with  am- 
munition, fcne  artillery  forge-cart,  fifty-five  bar- 
rels of  powder,  twenty-fix  waggons  loaded  with 
new  clothing,  arms,  mufket-cartridges,  new  car- 
tridge-boxes, flints,  and  camp  equipage. 

(Signed)  Ban.  Tarleton, 

Lieutenant-colonel  comm.  B.  legion. 

Vol.  IL  3  H  Return 


(     434     ) 

Return  of  Britijh  killed  and  wounded  in  the  affair 
at  Waxhaws,  the  twenty-ninth  of  May,  1780. 

Cavalry.  Two  privates,  eleven  horfes  killed; 
one  fubaltern,  eight  privates,  nineteen  horfes, 
wounded. 

Infantry.  Two  fubalterns,  one  private,  kill- 
ed ;  three  privates,  wounded. 

N.  B.  Lieutenant  Patefchall,  feventeenth 
dragoons,  wounded  ;  lieutenant  Lauchlin  M'Do- 
nald,  of  the  legion  infantry,  killed  ;  enfign  Camp- 
bell, of  the  legion  infantry,  ferving  with  the  caval- 
ry, killed. 

(Signed)  B.  Tarleton. 

Lieutenant-colonel  comm.  B.  L. 


NOTE       X.       Page     110. 

Camden,  June  2,   1780. 
Si  r, 

IN  my  letter  of  the  thirtieth  of  laft  month,  I 
enclofed  a  note  from  lieutenant-colonel  Tar- 
leton, wrote  in  great  hafte  from  the  field  of  acti- 
on, and  I  explained  my  reafons  for  fending  the 
detachment  under  his  command  in  purfuit  of  the 
enemy. 

I  have  now  the  honour  of  tranfmitting  to  you 
his  account  of  the  march  and  engagement,  with 
the  lofs  on  both  fides. 

I 


(    435     ) 

I  can  only  add  the  higheft  encomiums  on  the 
conduct  of  lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton.  It  will 
give  me  the  mod  fenfible  fatisfaction  to  hear  that 
your  excellency  has  been  able  to  obtain  for  him 
fome  diftinguifhed  mark  of  his  majefty's  favour. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

Cornwallis. 
His  excellency  fir  Henry 
Clinton,  K.  B.  &c. 

NOTE       XI.       Page     no. 
SOUTH- CAROLINA. 

By  his  excellency  fir  Henry  Clinton,  knight  of  the 
moft  honourable  order  of  the  bath,  general  com- 
mander in  chief  of  all  his  majefy's  forces  ivithin 
the  colonies  lying  on  the  Atlantic  ocean,  from  Nova* 
Scotia  to  Weft-Florida  inclufve. 

PROCLAMATION. 

WHEREAS,  notwithstanding  the  gracious 
offers,  which  have  been  made  to  receiye 
to  his  majefty's  peace  and  protection,  with  par- 
don and  oblivion  for  their  paft  offences,  all  thofe 
his  deluded  and  infatuated  fubje&s,  who  mould 
return  to  their  duty,  and  a  due  obedience  to  the 
laws  ;  yet  there  are  fome  wicked  and  defperate 
men,  who,  regardlefs  of  the  ruin  and  mifery  in 
which  the  country  will  be  involved,  are  ftill  en- 
deavouring to  fupport  the  flame  of  rebellion,  and, 

under 


(     436     ) 

under  pretence  of  authority  derived  from  the  late 
ufurped  legiflatures,  are  attempting,  by  enormous 
fines,  grievous  imprifonments,  and  fanguinary 
punifhments,  to  compel  his  majefty's  faithful  and 
unwilling  fubjecls  to  take  up  arms  againft  his 
authority  and  government ;  and  it  is  therefore 
become  neeeffary,  as  well  for  the  protection  of 
the  loyal  fubjecls,  as  to  procure  the  eftablifhment 
of  peace  and  good  government  in  the  country, 
to  prevent,  by  the  terror  of  example,  fuch  enor- 
mous offences  being  committed  in  future  j  I  have 
therefore  thought  fit  to  iffue  this  my  proclamati- 
on to  declare,  that  if  any  perfon  mail  hereafter 
appear  in  arms,  in  order  to  prevent  the  eftablifh- 
ment of  his  majefty's  government  in  this  country, 
or  fhall,  under  any  pretence  or  authority  whatfo- 
ever,  attempt  to  compel  any  other  perfon  or  per- 
fons  to  do  fo,  or  who  fhall  hinder  or  intimidate, 
or  attempt  to  hinder  or  intimidate,  the  King's 
faithful  and  loyal  fubje&s  from  joining  his  forces, 
or  otherwife  performing  thofe  duties  their  allegi- 
ance requires,  fuch  perfon  or  perfons  fo  offend- 
ing fhall  be  treated  with  that  feverity  fo  hardened 
and  criminal  an  obftinacy  will  deferve,  and  his 
or  their  eftates  will  be  immediately  feized  in  order 
to  be  confifcated.  And  for  the  encouragement 
of  the  King's  faithful  and  peaceable  fubjecls,  I 
do  again  affure  them,  that  they  fhall  meet  with 
effectual  countenance,  protection  and  fupport ; 
and  whenever  the  fituation  of  the  country  will 
permit  of  the  reftoration  of  civil  government 
and  peace,  they  will,  by  the  commimoners  ap- 
pointed 


(    437     ) 

pointed  by  his  majefty  for  that  purpofe,  be  re- 
flored  to  the  full  poflcflion  of  that  liberty  in  their 

(perfons  and  property,  which  they  had  before  ex- 
perienced under  the  Britifh  government.  And 
that  fo  defirable  an  event  may  be  the  more  fpeedi- 
ly  accomplifhed,  I  do  hereby,  in  his  majefly's 
name,  require  and  command  all  perfons  whatfo- 
ever  to  be  aiding  and  affifting  to  his  forces,  when- 
ever they  (hall  be  required,  in  order  to  extirpate 
the  rebellion,  and  thereby  reftore  peace  and  prof- 
perity  to  this,  at  prefent,  defolated  and  diflracled 
country. 

Given  under  my  hand,  at  head- 
quarters, in  Charlefton,  the  22d 
day  of  May,   1780. 

(Signed)  H,  Clinton. 

By  his  excellency's  command, 

(Signed)  Nathaniel  Philips, 

Afiifting  fccretary. 


NOTE 


(     438     ) 

NOTE       XII.       Page     hi. 

SOUTH. CAROLINA. 

By  fir  Henry  Clinton,  knight  of  the  bath,  general 
of  his  majejly's  forces,  and  Mariot  Arbuthnot, 
efquire,  vice-ad?niral  of  the  Blue,  his  majefiy's 
comnuffioners  to  reftore  peace  and  good  government 
in  the  fever al  colonies  in  rebellion  in  North  - 
America. 

PROCLAMATION. 

I S  majefty  having  been  pleafed  by  his  letters 
patent,  under  the  Great  Seal  of  Great- 
Britain,  to  appoint  us  to  be  his  commiffioners,  to 
reftore  the  bleffings  of  peace  and  liberty  to  the 
feveral  colonies  in  rebellion  in  America,  we  do 
hereby  make  publick  his  mod  gracious  intentions, 
and  in  obedience  to  his  commands,  do  declare, 
to  fuch  of  his  deluded  fubjecls,  as  have  been 
perverted  from  their  duty  by  the  factious  arts  of 
felf-interefted  and  ambitious  men,  that  they  will 
(till  be  received  with  mercy  and  forgivenefs,  if 
they  immediately  return  to  their  allegiance,  and 
a  due  obedience  to  thofe  laws  and  that  govern- 
ment which  they  formerly  boafted  was  their  befl: 
birthright  and  noblefl  inheritance,  and  upon  a 
due  experience  of  the  fincerity  of  their  profelli- 
ons,  a  full  and  free  pardon  will  be  granted  for 
the  treafonable  offences  which  they  have  hereto- 
fore committed,  in  fuch  manner  and  form  as  his 
majefty's  commiflion  doth  direct. 

Nevertheless, 


(    439     ) 

Nevertheless,  it  is  only  to  thofe,  who, 
convinced  of  their  errors,  are  firmly  refolved  to 
return  and  to  fupport  that  government  under 
which  they  were  formerly  fo  happy  and  free,  that 
thefe  gracious  offers  are  once  more  renewed,  and 
therefore  thofe  perfons  are  excepted,  who,  not- 
withftanding  their  prefent  hopelefs  fituation,  and 
regardlefs  of  the  accumulating  preffure  of  the 
miferies  of  the  people,  which  their  infatuated 
conduct  mufl  contribute  to  increafe,  are  never- 
thelefs  (till  fo  hardened  in  their  guilt,  as  to  en- 
deavour to  keep  alive  the  flame  of  rebellion  in 
this  province,  which  will  otherwife  foon  be  re- 
inftated  in  its  former  profperity,  fecurity  and 
peace. 

Nor  can  we  at  prefent  refolve  to  extend  the 
royal  clemency  to  thofe  who  are  polluted  with 
the  blood  of  their  fellow-citizens,  mod  wantonly 
and  inhumanly  fhed  under  the  mock  forms  of 
juftice,  becaufe  they  refufed  fubmiffion  to  an  ufur- 
pation,  which  they  abhorred,  and  would  not  op- 
pofe  that  government  with  which  they  deemed 
themfelves  infeparably  connected  :  and  in  order 
to  give  quiet  and  content  to  the  minds  of  his 
majefty's  faithful  and  well -affected  fubjecls,  we 
do  again  affure  them,  that  they  fliall  have  effec- 
tual countenance,  protection  and  fupport,  and,  as 
foon  as  the  fituation  of  the  province  will  admit, 
the  inhabitants  will  be  re-inftated  in  the  poffeliion 
of  all  thofe  rights  and  immunities  which  they 
heretofore  enjoyed  under  a  free  Britifii  govern- 
ment, 


(     440     ) 

ment,  exempt  from  taxation,  except  by  their 
own  legiflature :  and  we  do  hereby  call  upon  all 
his  majefty's  faithful  fubje&s,  to  be  aiding  with 
their  endeavours,  in  order  that  a  meafure  fo  con- 
ducive to  their  own  happinefs,  and  the  welfare 
and  profperity  of  the  province,  may  be  the  more 
fpeedily  and  eafily  attained. 

Given  under  our  hands  and  feals, 
at  Charleflon,  the  firft  day  of 
June,  in  the  twentieth  year  of 
his  majefly's  reign,  and  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord,  1780. 

H.  Clinton, 
M.  Arbuthnot. 

By  their  excellencies  command, 

James  Simpson,  fecretary. 


NOTE 


C    441  ") 

NOTE       XIII.       Page     116. 
SOUTH- CAROLINA. 

By  his  excellency  fir  Henry  Clinton,  knight  of  the 
mofl  honourable  order  of  the  bath,  general  and 
commander  in  chief  of  all  his  majefly's  forces 
ivithin  the  colonies  lying  on  the  Atlantic  ocean, 
from  Nova-Scotia  to  Weft-Florida  inclujive,  &c. 
&c. 

PROCLAMATION. 

WHEREAS,  after  the  arrival  of  his  ma- 
jelly's  forces  under  my  command  in  this 
province  in  February  lad,  numbers  of  perfons 
were  made  prifoners  by  the  army,  or  voluntarily 
furrendered  themfelves  as  fuch,  and  fuch  perfons 
were  afterwards  difmifled  on  their  refpeclive 
paroles :  and  whereas,  fince  the  furrender  of 
Charlefton,  and  the  defeats  and  difperfion  of  the 
rebel  forces,  it  is  become  unnecefTary  that  fuch 
paroles  mould  be  any  longer  obferved  ;  and  pro- 
per that  all  perfons  mould  take  an  acuve  part  in 
fettling  and  fecuring  his  majefty's  government,  and 
delivering  the  country  from  that  anarchy  which 
for  fome  time  pad  hath  prevailed  ;  I  do  there- 
fore iflue  this  my  proclamation  to  declare,  that 
all  the  inhabitants  of  this  province,  who  are  now 
prifoners  upon  parole  and  were  not  in  the  milita- 
ry line  (thofe  who  were  in  fort  Moultrie  and 
Charlefton  at  the  times  of  their  capitulation  and 
Vol.  II.  3  I  furrender. 


(     44^     ) 

furrender,  or  were  then  in  actual  confinement, 
exrcpted)  that,  from  and  after  the  twentieth  day 
of  June  inftant,  they  are  freed  and  exempted 
from  all  fuch  paroles,  and  may  hold  themfelves 
as  reftored  to  all  the  rights  and  duties  belonging 
to  citizens  and  inhabitants. 

And  all  perfons  under  the  description  before- 
mentioned,  who  mall  afterwards  negleft  to  re- 
turn to  their  allegiance,  and  to  his  majeffy's  go- 
vernment, will  be  confidered  as  enemies  and  re- 
bels to  the  fame,  and  treated  accordingly. 

Given  under  my  hand,  at  head- 
quarters in  Cbarleflon,  the  third 
day  of  June,  1780,  and  in  the 
twentieth  year  of  his  majefty's 
reign. 

(Signed)  H.  Clinton. 

By  his  excellency's  command, 

(Signed)  Peter  Russel, 

Aflifting  fecretary. 


NOTE 


(     443     ) 
NOTE       XIV.       Page     118. 

To  their  excellencies  fir  Henry  Clinton,  knight  of  the 
bath,  general  of  his  majefty's  forces,  and  Mariot 
Arbuthnot,  efquire,  vice-admiral  of  the  Blue,  his 
majefty's  commijfioners  to  refiore  peace  and  good 
government  in  the  feveral  colonies  in  rebellion  in 
North-America. 

The  humble  addrefs  of  divers  inhabitants  of 
Charlejion. 

THE  inhabitants  of  Charlefton,  by  the  ar- 
ticles of  capitulation,  are  declared  prifoners 
on  parole  j  but  we  the  under-written,  having 
every  inducement  to  return  to  our  allegiance, 
and  ardently  hoping  fpeedily  to  be  re-admitted 
to  the  chara&er  and  condition  of  Britifh  fubjects, 
take  this  opportunity  of  tendering  to  your  ex- 
cellencies our  warmed  congratulations  on  the 
refloration  of  this  capital  and  province  to  their 
political  connexion  with  the  crown  and  govern- 
ment of  Great-Britain  ;  an  event  which  will  add 
luftre  to  your  excellencies  characters,  and,  we 
truft,  entitle  you  to  the  moft  diftinguifhing  mark 
of  the  royal  favour.  Although  the  right  of  tax- 
ing America  in  parliament,  excited  confiderable 
ferments  in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  this  pro- 
vince, yet  it  may,  with  a  religious  adherence  to 
truth,  be  affirmed,  that  they  did  not  entertain 
the  moft  diftant  thought  of  diffblving  the  union 
that  fo  happily  fubfifted  between  them  and  their 

parent 


(     444     ) 

parent  country  ;  and  when,  in  the  progrefs  of 
that  fatal  controverfy,  the  doctrines  of  indepen- 
dency (which  originated  in  the  more  northern 
colonies)  made  its  appearance  among  us,  our 
nature  revolted  at  the  idea,  and  we  look  back 
with  the  moil  painful  regret  on  thofe  convulfions 
that  gave  exigence  to  a  power  of  fubverting  a 
conftitution,  for  which  we  always  had,  and  ever 
fhall  retain,  the  mod  profound  veneration,  and 
iubftituting  in  its  Head  a  rank  democracy,  which 
however  carefully  digefted  in  theory,  on  being 
reduced  into  practice,  has  exhibited  a  fyflem  of 
tyrannick  domination,  only  to  be  found  among  the 
uncivilized  part  of  mankind,  or  in  the  hiftory  of 
the  dark  and  barbarous  ages  of  antiquity. 

We  fincerely  lament,  that  after  the  repeal  of 
thofe  flatutes,  which  gave  rife  to  the  troubles  in 
America,  the  overtures  made  by  his  majefly's 
commiffioners,  from  time  to  time,  were  not  re- 
garded by  our  late  rulers.  To  this  fatal  inatten- 
tion are  to  be  attributed  thofe  calamities  which 
have  involved  our  country  in  a  ftate  of  mifery 
and  ruin,  from  which,  however,  we  truft,  it  will 
loon  emerge,  by  the  wifdom  and  clemency  of  his 
majefty's  aufpicious  government,  and  the  influ- 
ence of  prudential  laws,  adapted  to  the  nature 
of  the  evils  we  labour  under  ;  and  that  the  peo- 
ple will  be  reftored  to  thofe  privileges,  in  the 
enjoyment  whereof  their  former  felicity  confided.- 

Animated  with  thefe  hopes,  we  entreat  your 

excellencies 


(     445     ) 

excellencies  interpofition  in  alluring  his  majefty, 
that  we  fhall  glory  in  every  occafion  of  manifefl- 
ing  that  zeal  and  affection  for  his  perfon  and  go- 
vernment, with  which  gratitude  can  infpire  a  free 
and  joyful  people. 

Charlefton,  June  5,  1780. 

[Signed  by  two  hundred  and  ten  of  the  prin- 
cipal inhabitants.] 


NOTE       XV.       Page     120. 

SOUTH-CAROLINA. 

By   the  right  honourable  Charles  earl  Cornwallisy 
lieutenant-general  of  his  maje/ly's  forces,  <&c. 

A      PROCLAMATION. 

WHEREAS  it  hath  been  reprefented  unto 
me,  that  fome  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
province  have  endeavoured  to  difpofe  of  great 
part  of  their  property,  and  intended  to  remove 
with  their  effects  out  of  the  limits  of  his  majefly's 
government,  whereby  the  merchants  in  Great- 
Britain,  and  other  lawful  creditors,  may  be  great- 
ly injured  and  defrauded  of  the  juft  debts  which 
are  due  to  them  ;  and,  for  many  other  reafons, 
the  fame  ought  not  at  prefent  to  be  permitted  : 
I  do  therefore,  by  this  my  proclamation,  ftrictly 
forbid  all  perfons  whatever,  from  felling  or  dif- 
pofing  of,  or  from  offering  to  fale  or  difpofal,  any 

lands, 


(     446     ) 

lands,  houfes  or  negroes,  without  having  firft 
obtained  a  licenfe  fo  to  do  from  the  commandant 
of  Charlefton,  who,  in  fit  and  reafonable  cafes, 
will  grant  the  fame  ;  and  all  houfes,  lands  or  ne- 
groes, which  Ihall  hereafter  be  fold  or  otherwife 
difpofed  of,  without  fuch  licenfe,  will  be  feized 
and  fequeftered.  And  whereas  the  privileges 
and  advantages  incident  to  the  trade  and  com- 
merce which  is  carried  on  in  this  province,  are 
by  law  limited  to,  and  ought  to  be  exclufively 
enjoyed  by,  his  majefty's  liege  and  faithful  fub- 
jects  j  yet,  neverthelefs,  perfons  who  are  prifoners 
have  prefumed  to  interfere  therein,  and  have 
opened  fhops  for  the  purpofe  of  carrying  on  trade 
and  commerce  in  Charlefton  ;  all  fuch  perfons  are 
hereby  cautioned  againft  continuing  fuch  prac- 
tices, and  if,  in  future,  they  do  not  defift  there- 
from, their  goods  and  merchandize  will  be  feized 
and  forfeited  ;  and  all  auctioneers  and  vendue- 
mafters,  or  other  perfons,  are  hereby  ftri&ly  en- 
joined from  carrying  on  any  trade,  or  felling  or 
difpofing  of  any  goods,  wares  or  merchandize, 
on  account  of,  or  for  the  benefit  of  fuch  perfons, 
upon  pain  of  having  their  licenfe  taken  from 
them,  or  being  otherwife  dealt  with,  according 
to  the  nature  of  the  cafe.  Provided  neverthelefs, 
that  nothing  is  hereby  to  be  conftrued  to  extend 
to  prevent  bakers,  butchers,  or  any  handicraft 
tradefman,  manufacturer,  or  labourer,  from  ex- 
ercifing  or  carrying  on  their  ufual  and  accuftomed 
occupations  and  employments.  And  as  fundry 
perfons  may   clandestinely   withdraw  themfelves 

from 


(     447     ) 

from  this  province,  to  the  prejudice  of  his  maje- 
fty's  fervice,  and  injury  of  their  lawful  creditors, 
I  do  hereby,  in  the  mofl  ftrict  manner,  prohibit 
and  forbid  all  matters  of  tranfports,  or  other 
veflels  employed  in  his  majefty's  fervice,  from 
receiving  on  board,  or  carrying  away  any  perfons 
■whatever,  either  white  or  black,  except  the  crew 
they  brought  with  them,  unlefs  they  ihall  receive 
a  written  pafiport  or  permiilion  from  the  com- 
mandant at  Charlefton  for  that  purpofe.  And 
the  more  effectually  to  prevent  the  fame  being 
done  in  the  veflels  employed  in  the  trade  and 
commerce  of  the  country,  the  matters  of  all  fuch 
veflels  are  hereby  ordered  to  comply  with  the 
directions  fpecified  in  two  acts  of  the  general 
aflembly  of  this  province,  the  one  entitled,  c  An 
'  act  for  the  entry  of  veflels  ;y  and  the  other,  '  An 
c  additional  act  to  an  act  for  the  entry  of  veflels,' 
upon  pain  of  being  profecuted  for  the  penalties 
inflicted  by  the  faid  acts,  in  cafe  of  their  neglect 
or  refufal. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Charlef- 
ton,  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  July, 
Anno  Dom.  one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  eighty,  and  in  the 
twentieth  year  of  his  majefty's 
reign. 

CORNWALLIS. 

By  his  lordfhip's  command, 
A.  Ross,  aid-de-camp. 

NOTE 


(     448     ) 

NOTE      XVI.      Page     121. 

Philadelphia,  Auguft  12. 
In  Congrefs,  June  25,  1780. 

WHEREAS  it  has  been  reported,  in  order 
to  feduce  the  ftates  of  South-Carolina 
and  Georgia  from  their  allegiance  to  thefe  United 
States,  that  a  treaty  of  peace  between  America 
and  Great-Britain  was  about  to  take  place,  in 
which  thofe  two  ftates  would  be  ceded  to  Great- 
Britain  j 

Resolved  unanimoufly,  that  the  faid  report 
is  infidious,  and  utterly  void  of  foundation  ;  that 
this  confederacy  is  mofl  facredly  pledged  to  fup- 
port  the  liberty  and  independency  of  every  one 
of  its  members,  and,  in  a  firm  reliance  on  tbe 
Divine  blefling,  will  unremittingly  perfevere  in 
their  exertions  for  the  eftablifhment  of  the  fame, 
and  for  the  recovery  and  prefervation  of  any 
and  every  part  of  thefe  United  States,  that  has 
been,  or  may  hereafter  be  invaded  or  pofiefTed 
by  the  common  enemy. 

Extract  from  the  minutes, 

Charles  Thomson,  fecretary. 

NOTE 


(     449     ) 
NOTE       XVII.       Page     145. 

Charlefton,  Augufl  29. 

Copy  of  a  proclamation  ijfued  by  general  Gates,  at 
Peedee,  the  fourth  injiant. 

By  Horatio  Gates,  efquire,  major-general  and  com- 
mander in  chief  of  the  army  of  the  United  States 
in  the  fouthern  department  of  America,  &c.  &c. 
&c. 

A      PROCLAMATION. 

THE  patriotick  exertions  of  the  virtuous  ci- 
tizens of  the  United  States  having  enabled 
me,  under  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence, 
to  vindicate  the  rights  of  America  in  this  date, 
and  by  the  approach  of  a  numerous,  well-ap- 
pointed, and  formidable  army,  to  compel  our 
late  triumphant  and  infulting  foes  to  retreat  from 
their  moft  advantageous  ports,  with  precipitation 
and  difmay  ;  I  have  judged  it  moft  expedient, 
at  this  period  of  my  progrefs,  to  give  aflurances 
of  forgivenefs  and  perfect  fecurity  to  fuch  of  the 
unfortunate  citizens  of  this  ftate,  as  have  been  in- 
duced by  the  terror  of  fanguinary  punifhments, 
the  menace  of  confifcation,  and  all  the  arbitrary 
meafures  of  military  domination,  apparently  to 
acquiefce  under  the  Britifh  government,  and  to 
make  a  forced  declaration  of  allegiance  and  fup- 
port  to  a  tyranny,  which  the  indignant  fouls  of 

citizens 
Vol.  II.  %  K 


(     45°     ) 

citizens  refolved  on  freedom,  inwardly  revolted 
at,  with  horror  and  deteflation. 

And  in  order  to  afford  an  opportunity  to  the 
real  friends  of  America  to  teilify  their  affection 
and  attachment  to  the  caufe  of  liberty,  an  invi- 
tation is  hereby  held  out  to  them  to  aflert  that 
rank  among  the  free  and  independent  citizens  of 
America,  in  which  their  former  exertions  and 
zeal  had  defervedly  placed  them,  and  to  join 
heartily,  when  called  upon,  in  refcuing  them- 
felves  and  their  country  from  an  oppofition  of  a 
government  impofed  on  them  by  the  ruffian  hand 
of  conqueft.  Neverthelefs,  I  cannot  at  prefent 
refolve  to  extend  thefe  offers  of  pardon  and  fecu- 
rity  to  fuch,  as  in  the  hour  of  devaftation,  have 
exercifed  acts  of  barbarity  and  depredation  on 
the  perfons  and  property  of  their  fellow-citizens  ; 
nor  to  fuch,  as  being  apprized  of  the  fecurity 
afforded  to  them  by  the  army  under  my  com- 
mand, mail  be  fo  loft  to  a  fenfe  of  honour  and 
the  duty  they  owe  to  their  country,  as  hereafter 
to  give  countenance  and  fupport  to  that  enemy, 
who,  but  for  the  difaffe&ion  of  many  of  the  apof- 
tate  fons  of  America,  had  long  ere  this  been  dri- 
ven from  the  continent. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  ftate  may  rely  on  the 
affurance  that  an  army  compofed  of  their  bre- 
thren and  fellow- citizens  cannot  be  brought 
among  them  with  the  hoftile  vices  of  plunder 
and  depredation.  Such  triumphs,  under  the  co- 
lour 


(    45'     ) 

lour  of  protection  and  fupport,  are  left  to  grace 
the  Britifh  arms  alone :  but  they  may  reft  fatis- 
fied,  that  the  genuine  motive  which  has  given 
energy  to  the  prefent  exertions,  is  the  hope  of 
refcuing  them  from  the  iron  rod  of  oppreffion, 
and  reftoring  to  them  thofe  bleffings  of  freedom 
and  independence  which  it  is  the  duty  and  inte- 
reft  of  the  citizens  of  thefe  United  States,  jointly 
and  reciprocally,  to  fupport  and  confirm. 

Given  at  head-quarters,  on  the  ri- 
ver Peedee,  this  fourth  day  of 
Auguft,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thoufand  feven  hun- 
dred and  eighty,  and  in  the 
fifth  year  of  our  independence. 

Horatio  Gates. 
By  the  general's  command, 

Christ.  Richmond,  fecretary. 


NOTE       XVIII.       Page     i 


49- 


A  copy  of  a  letter  to  generals  Smallwood  and  Gi/i, 
from  the  chevalier  Dti-Buyffon. 

Charlotte,  Auguft  16,   1780. 
Dear  generals, 

HAVING    received  feveral  wounds  in  the 
action  of  the  fixteenth  inftant,  I  was  made 
prifoner  with  the  honourable  major-general  the 

Baron 


(     45^     ) 

Baron  de  Kalb,  with  whom  I  ferved  as  aid-de- 
camp and  friend,  and  had  an  opportunity  of  at- 
tending that  great  and  good  officer  during  the 
ihort  time  he  languished  with  eleven  wounds, 
which  proved  mortal  on  the  third  day. 

It  is  with  pleafure  I  obey  the  baron's  laft  com- 
mands, in  prefenting  his  moft  affectionate  compli- 
ments to  all  the  officers  and  men  of  his  divifion  ; 
he  expreffed  the  greatefl  fatisfa&ion  in  the  tefti- 
mony  given  by  the  Britifh  army  of  the  bravery 
of  his  troops,  and  he  was  charmed  with  the  firm 
oppofition  they  made  to  fuperior  force,  when 
abandoned  by  the  reft  of  the  army.  The  gallant 
behaviour  of  the  Delaware  regiment  and  the 
companies  of  artillery  attached  to  the  brigades 
afforded  him  infinite  pleafure,  and  the  exempla- 
ry conduct  of  the  whole  divifion  gave  him  an 
endearing  fenfe  of  the  merit  of  the  troops  he  had 
the  honour  to  command. 

I  am,  dear  generals, 

with  regard  and  refpect, 

your  mofl  obedient  humble  fervant, 

Le  Chevalier  Du-Buysson. 
To  brigadier-generals 
Smallwood  and  Gift. 

Resolved,  that  the  thanks  of  Congrefs  be 
given  to  the  brigadiers  Smallwood  and  Gift,  and 
to  the  officers  and  regular  troops  of  Maryland 
and  Delaware  ;  to  the  different  corps  of  light 
infantry,    under   colonel  Porterfield   and    major 

Armftrong- 


(    453    ) 

Armftrong,  and  to  the  cavalry  under  colonel  Ar- 
mand,  for  the  bravery  and  good  conduct  which 
they  difplayed  in  the  a&ion  of  the  fixteenth  of 
Auguft  laft,  near  Camden,  in  the  ftate  of  South- 
Carolina. 


NOTE      XIX.      Page     150. 

CONGRESS  having  refumed  the  confide- 
ration  of  the  report  of  the  committee  to 
which  general  Gates's  letter  had  been  referred, 
for  the  purpofe  of  decreeing  the  honours  due  to 
the  memory  of  major-general  Baron  de  Kalb,  and 
the  other  officers  and  foldiers,  it  was 

Resolved,  that  a  monument  be  erected  to 
the  memory  of  the  deceafed  major-general  Baron 
de  Kalb,  in  the  town  of  Annapolis,  in  the  ftate 
of  Maryland,  with  the  following  infcription  : 

c  Sacred  to  the  memory  of  the  Baron  de  Kalb, 
'  knight  of  the  royal  order  of  military  merit,  bri- 
'  gadier  of  the  armies  of  France,  and  major-ge- 
4  neral  in  the  fervice  of  the  United  States  or 
'  America.     Having  ferved  with  honour  and  re- 

*  putation  for  three  years,  he  gave  a  laft  and 
c  glorious  proof  of  his  attachment  to  the  liberties 
'  of  mankind,  and  to  the  caufe  of  America,  in 
4  the  action  near  Camden,  in  the  ftate  of  South- 
'  Carolina,  where,  leading  on  the  regular  troops 

*  of    Maryland    and    Delaware   againft   fuperior 

c  forces, 


(     454     ) 

'  forces,  and  animating  them  by  his  example  to 
6  deeds  of  valour,  he  was  wounded  in  feveral 
'  places,  and  died  the  nineteenth  of  Auguft  fol- 

*  lowing,  in  the  forty-eighth  year  of  his  age.    The 

*  Congrefs  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in 

*  acknowledgment  of  his  zeal,  of  his  fervices,  and 
'  of  his  merit,  hath  ere&ed  this  monument.' 


NOTE       XX.       Page     153. 

Lift  of  continental  officers  killed,  captivated,  wound- 
ed and  miffing,  in  the  aclions  of  the  fifteenth  and 
eighteenth  of  Auguft,   1780. 

KILLED.  The  honourable  major-general 
the  Baron  de  Kalb ;  captain  Williams,  fixth 
Maryland  regiment ;  captain  Duvall,  fecond  do. 
lieutenant  Donovan,  fixth  ditto  ;  lieutenant  and 
adjutant  Coleman,  artillery. 

Wounded.  Captain  Somervell,  fixth  Mary- 
land regiment;  Gibfon,  fifth  ditto;  Roan,  Vir- 
ginia flate  artillery ;  lieutenant  Duvall,  third 
Maryland  regiment ;  Sears  ditto ;  enfign  Fickle, 
feventh. 

Prisoners.  Lieutenant-colonel  Woolford,  fifth 
Maryland  regiment,  wounded  ;  lieutenant-colonel 
Vaughan,  Delaware ;  lieutenant-colonel  Porter- 
field,  Virginia  flate,  wounded  ;  lieutenant-colo- 
nel Du-Buyflbn,  aid-de-camp  to  general  de  Kalb, 
ditto  ;  majors  Winder,  firft  Maryland  regiment ; 

Penton, 


(     455     ) 

Penton,  Delaware  regiment ;  Pinckney,  aid-de- 
camp to  general  Gates,  wounded  ;  captains  Brice, 
third  Maryland  regiment ;  Hoops,  fifth  ditto ; 
Lynch,  fifth,  Hamilton,  fifth,  Hardman,  fecond, 
wounded  ;  Smith,  third  ditto  ;  Dorfet,  artillery, 
ditto  ;  lieutenant  Brune,  legion,  ditto  ;  Rhoads, 
Delaware  regiment ;  Lamout,  ditto  ;  captain- 
lieutenant  Waters,  artillery ;  lieutenant  Shoe- 
maker, fourth,  Maryland  regiment,  wounded ; 
Hanfon,  fourth,  ditto  ditto  ;  Norris,  fixth  ditto 
ditto  ;  Wallace,  artillery  ;  Foot,  legion  ;  Mofely, 
artillery  ;  Doll,  Delaware  regiment ;  Skillington, 
ditto  ;  lieutenant  and  adjutant  Penvie,  ditto ; 
enfigns,  Burgis,  fourth  Maryland  regiment ; 
Roach,  Delaware  regiment ;  volunteers,  Nelfon, 
fixth  Maryland  regiment,  wounded  ;  Rutledge, 
fourth  ditto. 

Missing.  Captains  Morris,  feventh  Mary- 
land regiment,  wounded  ;  Gaffay,  fecond  ditto  ; 
lieutenant  GafTaway,  fecond  ditto ;  captain  Me- 
redith, artillery,  captain-lieutenant  Blair,  ditto. 

Sir, 
The  above  is  the  molt  accurate  return  at  pre- 
fent — thofe  who  have  received  flight  contufions, 
which  do  not  hinder  their  doing  duty,  are  not 
included. 

Your  mod  obedient  humble  fervant, 

O,  H.  Williams. 
Hillfborough,  Auguft  29,  1780. 
Major-general  Gates. 

NOTE 


(     456     ) 

NOTE      XXI.      Page     154. 

Copy  of  general  Gates* s  orders. 
After  orders. 

Camp,  at  Rugely's,  15th  Aug.  1780. 

THE  Tick,  the  extra  artillery  (lores,  the  hea- 
vy baggage,  and  fuch  quartermafters  fiores 
as  are  not  immediately  wanted,  to  march  this 
evening  under  a  guard  to  Waxhaws  ;  to  this 
order  the  general  requefts  the  brigadier-generals 
to  fee  that  thofe  under  their  command  pay  the 
mod  exact  and  fcrupulous  obedience. 

Lieutenant-colonel  Edmonds,  with  the  re- 
maining guns  of  the  park,  will  take  poft,  and 
march  with  the  Virginia  brigade  under  general 
Stevens ;  he  will  direct,  as  any  deficiency  hap- 
pens in  the  artillery  affixed  to  the  other  brigades, 
to  fupply  it  immediately  ;  his  military  ftafts,  and 
proportion  of  his  officers,  with  forty  of  his  men, 
are  to  attend  him  and  wait  his  orders. 

The  troops  will  be  ready  to  march  precifely 
at  ten  o'clock,  in  the  following  order,  viz.  co- 
lonel Armand's  advance,  cavalry  commanded  by 
colonel  Armand  :  colonel  Porterfield's  light  in- 
fantry on  the  right  flank  of  colonel  Armand's, 
in  Indian  file,  two  hundred  yards  from  the  road ; 
major  Armftrong's  light  infantry  in  the  fame  or- 
der as  colonel  Porterfield's  on  the  left  flank  of 

the 


(    457    ) 

the  legion  ;  advance  guard  of  foot,  compofed  of 
the  advanced  picquets,  firfl  brigade  of  Maryland, 
fecond  brigade  of  Maryland,  divifion  of  North- 
Carolina,  Virginia  divifion ;  rear-guard  volun- 
teers, cavalry  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  bag- 
gage, equally  divided  ;  in  this  order  the  troops 
will  proceed  this  night ;  in  cafe  of  an  attack  by 
the  enemy's  cavalry  in  front,  the  light  infantry 
on  each  flank  will  indantly  march  up,  and  give, 
and  continue  the  mod  galling  fire  upon  the  ene- 
my's horfe  ;  this  will  enable  colonel  Armand's 
not  only  to  fupport  the  enemy's  charge,  but  fi- 
nally rout  them  ;  the  colonel  will  therefore  con- 
fider  the  orders  to  ftand  the  attack  of  the  enemy's 
cavalry,  be  their  numbers  what  they  may,  as 
pofitive  :  general  Stevens  will  immediately  order 
one  captain,  two  lieutenants,  one  enfign,  three 
ferjeants,  one  drum,  and  fixty  rank  and  file,  to 
join  colonel  Porterfield's  infantry  ;  thefe  men  are 
to  be  taken  from  the  moll  experienced  woodf- 
men,  and  men  every  way  fitted  for  the  fervice. 

The  general  will  like  wife  complete  Armftrong's 
light  infantry  to  their  original  number,  thofe  mufl 
be  immediately  marched  to  the  advanced  poft  of 
the  army.  The  troops  will  preferve  the  pro- 
founded  filence  on  the  march,  and  any  foldier 
who  offers  to  fire,  without  the  command  of  his 
officer,  mud  be  indantly  put  to  death. 

When  the  ground  will  admit  of  it,  and  the 

near  approach  of  the  enemy  renders  it  necefTary, 

Vol.  IT.  3  L  the 


(     458     ) 

the  army  will,  when  ordered,  march  in  columns ; 
the  artillery  at  the  head  of  their  refpe&ive  bri- 
gades, and  the  baggage  in  the  rear.  The  guard 
of  the  heavy  baggage  will  be  compofed  of  the  re- 
maining officers  and  foldiers  of  the  artillery.  One 
captain,  two  fubalterns,  four  ferjeants,  four  drums, 
and  fixty  rank  and  file,  and  no  perfon  whatever 
is  to  prefume  to  fend  any  other  foldier  upon  that 
fervice. 

All  batmen,  waiters,  &c.  who  are  foldiers  ta- 
ken from  the  line,  are  forthwith  to  join  their  re- 
fpective  regiments,  and  aft  with  their  matters, 
while  they  are  upon  duty.  The  tents  of  the 
whole  army  to  be  (truck  at  tattoo. 


NOTE       XXII.       Page     161. 

THE  names  of  the  other  gentlemen  were 
meffrs.  Edward  Blake,  John  Budd,  Robert 
Cockran,  John  Edwards,  Thomas  Fergufon, 
George  Flagg,  William-Hafel  Gibbs,  William 
Hall,  Thomas  Hall,  Thomas  Hayward,  jun.  Ifaac 
Holmes,  Richard  Hutfon,  William  Johnfon,  rev. 
John  Lewis,  William  Livingfton,  John  Loveday, 
Richard  Lufhington,  William  Mafl'ey,  Edward 
M'Cready,  Alexander  Moultrie,  John  Mouatt, 
John  Neufville,  Edward  North,  Jofeph  Parker, 
John-Erneft  Poyas,  Jacob  Read,  Hugh  Rutledge, 
Edward  Rutledge,  John  Sanfum,  Thomas  Sa- 
vage, Thomas  Singleton,  Jofiah  Smith,   James- 

Hamden 


(    459     ) 

Hamden  Thomfon,  Peter  Timothy,  John  Todd 
and  Anthony  Toomer. 


NOTE       XXIII.       Page     169. 

A  Second  cargo  of  the  citizens  who  ftill  re- 
mained prifoners  on  parole  were  {hipped 
off  on  the  feventeenth  of  November  following. 
Their  names  were  as  follows  :  meffrs.  Joieph  Bee, 
Richard  Beresford,  John  Berwick,  Benjamin 
Cudworth,  Henry  Crouch,  John-Splatt  Cripps, 
Edward  Darrell,  Daniel  Deffauffure,  George  A. 
Hall,  Thomas  Grimball,  Noble-Wimberley  Jones, 
William'Lee,  William  Logan,  Arthur  Middleton, 
Chriftopher  Peters,  Benjamin  Roftell,  Samuel 
Prioleau,  Philip  Smith,  Benjamin  Waller,  James 
Wakefield,  Edward  Weyman,  Morton  Wilkin- 
fon.  In  addition  to  thefe  citizens  of  South-Caro- 
lina, mod  of  whom  were  entitled  to  the  benefits 
of  the  capitulation  of  Charlefton,  general  Ru- 
therford and  colonel  Ifaacs,  of  the  ftate  of  North- 
Carolina,  who  had  been  taken  near  Camden  in 
Auguft  1780,  were  at  the  fame  time  fhipped  off 
for  St.  Auguftine — thefe  were  treated  with  more 
politenefs. 


NOTE 


(     46o     ) 
NOTE       XXIV.       Page     169. 

SOUTH- CAROL  l'N  A. 

By  the  right  honourable  Charles  earl  Cornwallis, 
lieutenant-general  of  his  majejiy's  forces,  <&c. 

A      PROCLAMATION. 

WHEREAS,  notwithftanding  the  modera- 
tion of  the  Britifh  government,  and  his 
majefty's  unparalleled  clemency  to  thofe  of  his 
deluded  fubje&s,  who,  from  a  fenfe  of  their  er- 
rors, have  returned  to  their  duty  and  allegiance, 
there  are  feveral  perfons  of  property  in  this  pro- 
vince, who  obftinately  perfift  in  their  guilty  and 
treafonable  practices,  and  are  either  in  the  fervice 
or  acYing  under  the  authority  of  the  rebel  Con- 
grefs ;  or  by  abandoning  their  plantations,  to 
join  the  enemies  of  Great-Britain ;  or  by  an  open 
avowal  of  rebellious  principles,  and  other  notori- 
ous a6ls,  do  manifeft  a  wicked  and  defperate  per- 
feverance,  in  oppofing  to  the  utmoft  of  their 
power,  the  re-eftablifhment  of  his  majefty's  jufl 
and  lawful  authority^:  and  whereas  it  is  a  duty 
incumbent  upon  me  to  take  all  due  precaution  to 
fecure  the  tranquillity  of  his  majefty's  govern- 
ment, and  the  peace  and  liberties  of  his  faithful 
and  loyal  fubjedls  in  this  province,  and  to  prevent 
the  wioked  defigns  of  fuch  ill-difpofed  perfons, 
as  are  above  defcribed,  from  taking  effecT: :  and 
whereas  it  might  be  of  dangerous  confequence 

to 


(     46i     ) 

to  fuffer  fuch  perfons  to  poflefs  and  make  ufe  of 
their  eftates  in  this  province,  thereby  furnifhing 
them  with  the  means  of  carrying  on  their  mali- 
cious and  traitorous  defigns  more  effectually  into 
execution  ;  and  as  it  likewife  appears  to  me  both 
juft  and  expedient,  that  the  property  which  they 
have  voluntarily  ftaked  in  fupport  of  rebellion, 
mould  now  be  applied,  on  our  part,  to  defray  a 
portion  of  the  expences  occafioned  by  the  obfti- 
nate  delinquency  of  their  faction.     I  have  there- 
fore  thought   fit   to   iflue   this  proclamation,  to 
notify  to  all  perfons  concerned,  that  I  have  or- 
dered the  eftates,  both  real  and  perfonal,  in  this 
province,  belonging  to  the  wicked  and  danger- 
ous traitors  above  defcribed,  to  be  fequeftered  ; 
and  I  have  conftituted  and  appointed  John  Cru- 
den,  efquire,  to  be  commiffioner  to  execute  the 
purpofes  of  this  proclamation,    with  full  power 
and  authority,  on  receipt  of  an  order  or  warrant 
under  my  hand,  or  the  hand  of  the  officer  com- 
manding the  Britifh  forces  in  this  province,  or  of 
the  commandant  of  Charlefton,  and  not  other- 
wife,  to  take  into  his  charge,  cuftody  and  pof- 
feffion,    the  eftates,    both  real  and  perfonal,   of 
thofe  who  have  abandoned  their  plantations,  to 
join   the  enemies  of  Great-Britain  ;  and  of  the 
eftates,  both  real  and  perfonal,  not  included  in 
the  capitulation  of  Charlefton,    of  thofe  in   the 
fervice,  or  acting  under  the  authority  of  the  rebel 
Congrefs  j  and  of  the  eftates,  both  real  and  per- 
fonal, of  thofe  perfons,  who,  by  an  open  avow- 
al of  rebellious   principles,    or  by  other  notori- 
ous 


(     462     ) 

ous  acts,  do  manifcfr.  a  wicked  and  defperate. 
perfeverance  in  oppofing,  to  the  utmoPt  of  their 
power,  the  re-eftablifhment  of  his  majelly's  juft 
and  lawful  authority  :  and  the  faid  commimoner 
lhall,  within  the  term  of  twenty-one  days  after 
execution  of  every  fuch  order  or  warrant  above 
mentioned,  by  feizure  of  the  eftates  or  property 
therein  defcribed,  caufc  notice  thereof  to  be  pub- 
lifhecl  in  three  fuccefiive  news-papers,  that  no 
perfon  concerned  may  plead  ignorance  of  the 
fame  ;  and  the  like  term  is  allowed  for  the  remov- 
al of  pofleflbrs  from  the  premifes  fo  feized. 
And  to  the  end,  that  this  trufi;  of  fo  great  impor- 
tance be  duly  and  faithfully  adminiftered  for  the 
publick  benefit,  I  do  hereby  ft ric~V.lv  require  and 
enjoin,  that  the  faid  commiffioners  do,  in  every 
cafe  of  the  feizure  of  property,  whether  real  or. 
perfonal,  forthwith  take  upon  the  fpot,  if  in  the 
country,  in  prefence  of  two  perfons  acting  either 
as  field  officers,  or  captains  of  militia  under  his 
majelly's  government,  and,  if  in  town,  in  pre- 
fence of  two  creditable  freeholders,  an  exact  in- 
ventory of  the  property  fo  feized,  which  they 
are  hereby  required  to  fign,  and  it  is  to  be  kept 
and  produced  by  the  commimoner,  as  a  voucher 
on  the  exhibition  of  his  accounts.  And  whereas 
it  is  dictated  by  humanity  and  companion,  that 
due  and  reafonable  confederation  be  had  for  the 
families  of  the  traitorous  offenders,  whofe  pro- 
perty is  necefTarily  become  the  object  of  this 
proclamation,  I  have  authorized  and  directed  the 
faid  commimoner  to  pay,   for  the  fupport   and 

maintenance 


(     463     ) 

maintenance  of  families,  confiding  of  a  wife  and 
children,  one  fourth  part  of  the  net  annual  pro- 
duct of  the  feized  eftates  refpectively,  and  one 
fixth  part  where  there  is  a  wife  and  no  children, 
as  the  cafe  may  be  ;  provided  they  are  refidcnt, 
and  continue  to  be  refident,  within  this  province; 
and  the  receipts  and  acquittances  of  the  parties 
fhall  be,  and  are  hereby  directed  to  be,  confider- 
ed  fufficient  vouchers  to  the  faid  commiffioner 
at  the  fettlement  of  his  accounts.  And  it  being 
highly  expedient,  that  accounts  of  all  perfonal 
property,  and  of  the  iifues  and  produce  of  all 
eftates,  confiding  of  land,  negroes,  cattle,  and 
of  every  fpecies  of  property,  feized  by  virtue  of 
this  proclamation,  be  kept  in  the  moft  clear  and 
diftinct  manner  poffible :  I  do  hereby  direct, 
that  the  faid  commiffioner  do  keep  particular  and 
feparate  accounts  of  all  property,  real  and  per- 
fonal, under  the  names  of:  the  perfons  who  were 
fuppofed  and  acknowledged  to  be  the  proprietors 
at  the  time  of  feizure  :  and  I  do  hereby  further 
direct  and  require  the  faid  commiffioner  to  make 
up  a  general  account  of  the  expence  of  manage- 
ment, and  of  the  amount  of  the  fale  and  difpofal 
of  all  property  whatfoever,  that  mall  come  into 
his  hands,  which  is  to  be  laid  before  the  com- 
mandant and  board  of  police  of  Charlefton,  every 
-fix  months,  or  oftener,  if  it  mall  appear  necefla- 
jy  and  practicable ;  and  he  mall  be  thereunto 
required,  during  fuch  time  as  the  faid  eftates  ihall 
remain  under  iequeftration  :  and  the  command- 
ant and  board  of  police  are  hereby  diiected  and 

required 


(     464     ) 

required  to  infpeft  the  faid  accounts  with  all  con- 
venient difpatch  ;  and  if  they  appear  to  them  to 
be  juft  and  right,  to  grant  a  certificate  thereof 
to  the  faid  commimoner  ;  and  the  faid  commiffi- 
oner  is  hereby  further  required,  upon  fuch  cer- 
tificate being  granted,  to  pay  the  balance  arifing 
from  the  above  defcribed  eftates,  into  the  hands 
of  the  paymafter-general  of  his  majefty's  forces, 
or  his  deputy,  to  be  applied  to  the  purpofe  before- 
mentioned,  or  in  any  other  manner  that  may  be 
direded  by  his  majefty's  commiflioners  for  re- 
floring  peace  to  America,  or  the  commander  in 
chief.  And  I  do  hereby  declare,  that  any  perfon 
or  perfons  obftructing  or  impeding  the  faid  com- 
mimoner in  the  execution  of  his  duty,  by  con- 
cealment or  removal  of  any  property  he  may  be 
authorized  to  feize,  or  otherwife,  {hall,  on  con- 
viction, be  punifhed  as  aiding  and  abetting  rebel- 
lion ;  and  if  any  perfon  or  perfons  mall  make 
difcovery  where  any  effects  are  concealed,  or  at- 
tempted to  be  carried  away,  or  fhall  give  any 
neceffary  information  to  the  faid  John  Cruden, 
efquire,  fo  that  effects  belonging  to  a  perfon 
whofe  eflate  is  fequeftered,  may  be  fecured,  the 
perfon  or  perfons  giving  fuch  information  fhall  be 
moft  liberally  rewarded  :  and  all  officers,  civil  and 
military,  and  all  other  perfons  whatfoever,  are 
ftrictly  enjoined  and  required  to  aid  and  affifl  the 
faid  John  Cruden  and  his  deputies,  in  the  execu- 
tion of  the  trufl  repofed  in  him.  And  whereas 
certain  limited  orders  and  powers  have  been  giv- 
en by  me  to  colonels  and  commanding  officers 

of 


(     465     ) 

of  militia,  in  fome  few  of  the  diflricts  of  this 
province,  to  feize  the  horfes,  cattle,  negroes, 
and  provifions  of  perfons  concerned  in  the  late 
revolt,  more  particularly  defcribed  in  the  faid 
orders,  and  to  apply  the  fame,  under  certain  re- 
gulations and  reftricTions,  to  the  indemnification 
of  the  King's  loyal  and  faithful  fubjetts  in  the  re- 
fpeclive  diflricts,  who  had  fuffered  by  the  depre- 
dations of  the  rebels  :  and  whereas  the  colonels 
and  commanding  officers  of  militia  were,  by  the 
faid  orders,  directed  to  report  to  me,  at  the  head- 
quarters of  the  army,  the  property  they  mould 
feize,  by  virtue  of  the  fame,  fpecifying  clearly 
its  nature  and  value,  and  the  application  thereof, 
towards  the  relief  and  indemnity  of  his  majefty's 
faithful  fubjects,  who  have  fuffered  as  aforefaid  ; 
I  do  now  hereby  require  and  command  them,  in- 
flead  of  reporting  to  me  their  proceedings,  as 
above  directed,  to  tranfmit  to  the  commandant 
of  Charlefton,  within  the  term  of  fourteen  days 
after  the  diftribution  of  the  property  feized,  par- 
ticular accounts  of  all  fuch  property  feized,  and 
of  its  application  and  diftribution,  in  writing, 
which  are  to  be  figned  by  the  colonel  or  com- 
manding officer  of  the  militia,  and  by  the  twelve 
men  of  the  neighbourhood  who  condemned  the 
property,  and  ordered  diftribution  of  the  fame  ; 
and  that  they  do  tranfmit  exact  duplicates  of  the 
faid  accounts,  figned  in  the  manner  above  di- 
rected, at  the  fame  time,  to  John  Cruden, 
tfquire,  the  commiffioner  named  in  this  procla- 
mation, to  be  lodged  in  his  office  at  Charlefton, 
Vol.  IT.  3  M  to 


(     466     ) 

to  the  end  that  it  may  appear  and  be  ascertained 
how  the  property  feized,  under  the  above-recited 
orders,  hath  been  applied  and  diflributed. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  feal,  at 

head- quarters,  in  the  diftrict  of 

Waxhaws,  in  the  faid  province, 

the  fixteenth  day  of  September, 

anno   Domini   1780,  and  in  the 

twentieth  year  of  his  majefty's 

reign. 

Cornwall  is. 
By  his  lordfhip's  command, 

J.  Money,  aid-de-camp. 


NOTE       XXV.       Page     172. 

To  the  right  honourable  Charles  earl  Cornwallis^ 
lieutenant-general  of 'his  majejifs  forces  ^  &c.  &c. 
&c. 

The  humble  addrefs  of  divers  loyal  inhabitants  of 
Charlejlon. 

WE,  his  majefty's  dutiful  and  loyal  fubje&s, 
inhabitants  of  Charlefton,  finding  our- 
felves  difappointed  in  the  expectation  we  enter- 
tained of  your  lordfhip's  returning  fhortly  to  this 
capital,  whereby  we  are  precluded  of  perfonal 
accefs  ta-your  lordfhip,  take  this  opportunity, 
through  the  intervention  of  the  commandant,  of 
tendering  to  your  lordfhip  our  joyful  congratu- 
lations 


(     4^7     ) 

lations  on  the  total  defeat  and  difperfion  of  the 
rebel  army,  by  his  majefly's  forces  under  your 
command. 

When  we  reflect  on  the  defolation  and  ruin 
with  which  this  province  was  threatened  by  the 
unrelenting  cruelty  of  a  formidable  and  menac- 
ing enemy,  we  think  ourlelves  fortunate  that  we 
had  no  idea  of  our  danger,  until  we  were  effec- 
tually relieved  from  it  by  the  glorious  victory 
obtained  by  your  lordfhip,  wherein  the  interpo- 
lation of  a  protecting  Providence  is  evident ; 
which  infpires  us  with  gratitude  to  the  Supreme 
Ruler  of  the  univerfe  ;  and  at  the  fame  time  ex- 
cites in  our  minds  a  due  fenfe  of  the  manifold 
obligations  we  have  to  your  lordfhip,  for  your 
diftinguifhed  conduct  and  courage,  fo  eminently 
confpicuous  in  the  accomplifhment  of  that  great 
event,  which  has  refcued  this  province  from  im- 
pending destruction,  and  is  no  lefs  advantageous 
to  our  moft  gracious  fovereign  and  the  Britifh 
empire,  than  honourable  to  your  lordfhip  ;  and 
which  fame  will  tranfmit  to  the  lateft  pofterity, 
with  that  tribute  of  praife  and  admiration  your 
lordfhip  has  fo  juftly  merited  on  this  important 
occafion. 

Although  a  prevailing  faction  fubverted  our 
excellent  constitution,  and  eftablifhed  a  democra- 
tic kind  of  government  in  its  ftead,  yet,  as  that 
arbitrary  fyflem  of  rule  was  annihilated  by  the 
furrender  of  this  capital,  and  fubmiffion  of  the 

country, 


(     4«8     ) 

country,  every  member  of  the  community  had 
an  indubitable  right  to  confult  his  own  happinefs  ; 
and  as  the  people  in  general,  induced  by  their 
predilection  and  veneration  for  the  old  conftitu- 
tion,  have  made  an  explicit  declaration  of  their 
allegiance,  and  availed  themfclves  of  the  protec- 
tion of  that  government  under  \vhich  they  for- 
merly enjoyed  the  higheft  degree  of  civil  and 
political  liberty,  as  well  as  fecurity  in  their  pro- 
perties, we  cannot  but  confider  the  late  attempt 
of  Congrefs  to  fubjugate  the  freemen  of  this  pro- 
vince to  their  tyrannical  domination,  an  additi- 
onal proof  of  their  reftlefs  ambition,  and  of  the 
wicked  machinations  of  the  contemptible  re- 
mains of  that  expiring  faction,  who  have  fo  re- 
cently exercifed  a  defpotick  and  lawlefs  fway 
over  us  ;  and  we  truft  that  every  other  hoftile 
experiment,  by  the  goodnefs  of  God,  and  your 
lordfhip's  vigilance  and  animated  endeavours, 
will  be  rendered  equally  futile. 

That  Heaven,  propitious  to  your  lordfhip's 
active  zeal  in  the  fervice  of  your  King  and  coun- 
try, may  crown  your  future  exertions  with  fuc- 
cefs,  and  incline  our  deluded  fifter  colonies  to 
partake  of  thofe  bleffings  of  which  we  have  fo 
fair  a  profpecl,  are  the  fincere  and  ardent  wiflies, 
not  only  of  us,  but  we  are  perfuaded  of  every 
other  loyal  inhabitant  of  Charlefton. 
September  19,   1780. 

[Signed  by  one  hundred  and  fixty-four  per- 

fons.1 

NOTE 


(     469     ) 
NOTE       XXVI.       Page     iBg. 
Saturday,  January  13,   1781. 

THE  committee,  to  whom  was  referred  the 
letter  of  December  feventh  from  major- 
general  Greene,  delivered  in  a  report  ;  where- 
upon, 

Congress  taking  into  confideration  the  emi- 
nent fervices  rendered  to  the  United  States  by 
brigadier-general  Sumpter,  of  South-Carolina,  at 
the  head  of  a  number  of  volunteer  militia,  from 
that  and  the  neighbouring  dates,  particularly  in 
the  victory  obtained  over  the  enemy  at  the  Hang- 
ing-Rock, on  the  fixth  of  Auguft  ;  in  the  de- 
feat of  major  Weyms  and  the  corps  of  Britifh 
infantry  and  dragoons  under  his  command,  at 
Broad  river,  on  the  ninth  day  of  November,  in 
which  the  faid  major  Weyms  was  made  prifoner ; 
and  in  the  repulfe  of  lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton, 
and  the  Britifh  cavalry  and  infantry  under  his 
command,  at  Black-Stocks,  on  Tyger  river,  on 
the  twentieth  day  of  November  lait ;  in  each  of 
which  actions  the  gallantry  and  military  conduct 
of  general  Sumpter,  and  the  courage  and  perfe- 
verance  of  his  troops,  were  highly  confpicuous  : 

Resolved,  therefore,  that  the  thanks  of  Con- 
grefs  be  prefented  to  brigadier-general  Sumpter, 
and  the  militia  aforefaid,  for  fuch  reiterated 
proofs  of  their  patriotifm,  bravery  and  military 

conduct. 


(    47°     ) 

conduct,  which  entitle  them  to  the  higheft  efteem 
and  confidence  of  their  country  ;  and  that  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  fouthern  department 
do  forthwith  caufe  the  fame  to  be  iflued  in  gene- 
ral orders,  and  tranfmitted  to  general  Sumpter. 


NOTE       XXVII.       Page     199. 
In  Congrefs,    March   1781. 

Friday,  March  9,   178 1. 

N  the  report  of  a  committee,  confiding  of 
mr.  Burke,  mr.  Varnum  and  mr.  Bee,  to 
whom  were  referred  fundry  letters  from  major- 
general  Greene  and  brigadier-general  Morgan, 
the  following  refolutions  were  pafled  : 

The  United  States  in  Congrefs  aflembled,  con- 
fidering  it  as  a  tribute  due  to  diftinguifhed  merit 
to  give  a  publick  approbation  of  the  conduct  of 
brigadier-general  Morgan,  and  of  the  officers  and 
men  under  his  command,  on  the  feventeenth  day 
of  January  laft ;  when,  with  eighty  cavalry  and 
two  hundred  and  thirty -feven  infantry  of  the 
troops  of  the  United  States,  and  five  hundred 
and  fifty-three  militia  from  the  ftates  of  Virginia, 
North-Carolina,  South-Carolina  and  Georgia,  he 
obtained  a  complete  and  important  victory  over 
a  felecl  and  well-appointed  detachment  of  more 
than  eleven  hundred  Britilh  troops,  commanded 

by 


(     47»      ) 

by  lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton  ;  do  therefore  re- 
folve  : 

That  the  thanks  of  the  United  States  in  Con- 
grefs  aflembled,  be  given  ro  brigadier-general 
Morgan  and  the  officers  and  men  under  his  com- 
mand, for  their  fortitude  and  good  conduct  dif- 
played  in  the  action  at  the  Cowpens,  in  the  date 
of  South-Carolina,  on  the  feventeenth  day  of 
January  laft : 

That  a  medal  of  gold  be  prefented  to  briga- 
dier-general Morgan,  and  a  medal  of  filver  to 
lieutenant-colonel  Wafhington,  of  the  cavalry,  and 
one  of  filver  to  lieutenant-colonel  Howard,  of  the 
infantry,  of  the  United  States,  feverally,  with 
emblems  and  mottos  defcriptive  of  the  conduct 
of  thofe  officers  refpe&ively  on  that  memorable 
day  : 

That  a  fword  be  prefented  to  colonel  Pickens, 
of  the  militia,  in  teftimony  of  his  fpirited  con- 
duct in   the  action  before  mentioned  : 

That  major  Edward  Giles,  aid-de-camp  of 
brigadier-general  Morgan,  have  the  brevet  com- 
miffion  of  a  major ;  and  that  baron  de  Glafbeck, 
who  ferved  with  brigadier-general  Morgan  as  a 
volunteer,  have  the  brevet  commiffion  of  captain 
in  the  army  of  the  United  States,  in  confidera- 
tion  of  their  merit  and  fervices. 

Ordered,  that  the  commanding  officer  in  the 

louthem 


(    47*     ) 

fouthern  department  communicate  thefe  refoluti- 
ons  in  general  orders. 


NOTE       XXVIII.       Page     199. 

A  lift  of  the  commijfioned  officers  who  fought  in  the 
aclion  of  January  feventeenth,  1781,  under  ge- 
neral Morgan,  and  defeated  lieutenant-colonel 
"Tarleton, 

Of  the  light  infantry  : 

JOHN  Howard,  lieutenant-colonel,  command- 
ant, 
Benjamin  Brooks,  captain,  and  major  of  brigade, 
Captain  Robert  Kirkwood,  Delaware, 

Captain  Anderfon, 

Dobfon, 
Lieutenant  Ervine,  ^   Maryland. 

Watkins, 

Houfton, 
Lieutenant  Barnes,  ") 

Miller,  >   Virginia. 

Enfign  King,  3 

EnfignDyer  >    Maryland. 

Smith,  3 

Lieutenant  Andrews,  Delaware. 

Of  the  third  regiment  of  dragoons : 

Lieut,  colonel  William  Walhington, ") 
Major  Richard  Call,  i 

Captain  Bennett,  f  Virginia. 

Lieutenant  Bell,  J 


(    473     ) 

Cornet  Simons,  South-Carolina. 

Of  the  Maryland  ftate  regiment : 
Edward  Giles,  major  and  aid-de-camp* 

Of  the  Virginia  militia : 

Major  Triplet, 
Captain  Buchanan, 
Captain  Tate, 
Captain  Gilmore, 
Enfign  Combs, 
Enfign  M-Corkill, 
Enfign  Wilfon. 

The  Baron  de  Glaibeck  ferved  as  a  volunteer 
in  general  Morgan's  family,  and  mr.  Andrews 
with  lieutenant-colonel  Washington's  regiment. 

Colonel  Pickens,  and  all  the  officers  in  his 
corps,  behaved  well ;  but,  from  their  having  fo 
lately  joined  the  detachment,  it  has  been  impoffi- 
ble  to  collecl:  all  their  names  and  rank,  fo  that 
the  general  is  conflrained  not  to  particularize 
any,  left  it  fhould  be  doing  injuftice  to  others. 
By  order  of  general  Morgan, 

Edward  Giles,  A.  D.  C» 
January  17,  1781. 

Vol.  II.  3  N 

NOTE 


C     474     ) 

NOTE       XXIX.       Page     213. 

By  the  right  honourable   Charles   earl  Cornwallis, 
lieutenant-general  of  his  majejlf 's  forces ',  &c. 

A  PROCLAMATION. 
\J  HERE  AS  it  has  pleafed  the  Divine  Pro- 
vidence  to  profper  the  operations  of  his 
majefty's  arms  in  driving  the  rebel  army  out  of 
this  province :  and  whereas  it  is  his  majefty's 
molt  gracious  wifh  to  refcue  his  faithful  and  loy- 
al fubjecls  from  the  cruel  tyranny  under  which 
they  have  groaned  for  feveral  years  :  I  have 
thought  proper  to  ifTue  this  proclamation  to  invite 
all  fuch  faithful  and  loyal  fubjects  to  repair,  with- 
out lofs  of  time,  with  their  arms  and  ten  days 
provifions,  to  the  royal  ftandard  now  erecled  at 
Hillfborough,  where  they  will  meet  with  the 
moft  friendly  reception  ;  and  I  do  hereby  affure 
them,  that  I  am  ready  to  concur  with  them  in 
effectual  meafures  for  fuppreffing  the  remains  of 
rebellion  in  this  province,  and  for  the  re-efta- 
blifhment  of  good  order  and  constitutional  go- 
vernment. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  head-quarters,  at 
Hillfborough,  this  20th  day  of  February,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1781,  and  in  the 
1 1  ft  year  of  his  majefty's  reign. 

Cornwallis. 
By  his  lordfhip's  command, 
H.  Brodkick,  aid-de-camp. 

GOD    fave  the  King. 


(     475     ) 

NOTE       XXX.       Page     216. 

■ 
Extracl  from  earl  Cornzvallis's  '  an  fiver  to  the  nar- 
'  rative  of  fir  Henry  Clinton.* 

Page  3,4.  /^\UR  hopes  of  fuccefs  in  offen- 
v_>/  five  operations  were  not  found- 
ed only  on  the  efforts  of  the  corps,  under  my 
immediate  command,  which  did  not  much  ex- 
ceed three  thoufand  men,  but  principally  upon 
the  mod  pofitive  affurances  given  by  apparent 
credible  deputies  and  emiffaries,  that,  upon  the 
appearance  of  a  Britifh  army  in  North-Carolina, 
a  great  body  of  inhabitants  were  ready  to  join 
and  co-operate  with  it,  in  endeavouring  to  re- 
flore  his  majefty's  government. 

Page  5.  The  unexpected  failure  of  our  friends 
rendered  the  victory  at  Guilford  of  little  value. 
I  know  it  has  been  afferted,  or  infinuated,  that 
they  were  not  fufficiently  tried  upon  this  occa- 
fion :  but  can  any  difpallionate  perfon  believe, 
that  I  did  not  give  every  encouragement  to  peo- 
ple of  all  defcriptions  to  join  and  affift  us,  when 
our  own  reputation,  the  fafety  of  the  army,  and 
the  interefts  of  my  country,  were  fo  deeply  con- 
cerned in  that  junction  and  affiftance  ?  All  in- 
ducements in  my  power  were  made  ufe  of  with- 
out material  effect ;  and  every  man  in  my  army 
muft  have  been  convinced,  that  the  accounts  of 
our  emiffaries  had  greatly  exaggerated  the  num- 
ber 


(     476     ) 

ber  of  thofe  who  had  profeffed  friendfhip  for  us ; 
as  they  mud  have  obferved,  that  a  very  conside- 
rable part  of  them  could  not  be  prevailed  on  to 
remain  with  us,  or  to  exert  themfelves  in  any 
form  whatever. 

This  difappointment,  and  the  wants  and  dif- 
treffes  of  the  army,  compelled  me  to  move  to 
Oofs  Creek  ;  but  meeting  there  no  material  part 
of  the  promifed  affiflance  and  fupport,  I  was 
obliged  to  continue  my  march  to  Wilmington. 

i 

Page  15.  That  our  failure  in  North-Carolina 
was  not  occafioned  by  our  want  of  force,  to  pro- 
tect the  rifmg  of  our  friends,  but  by  their  timi- 
dity and  unwillingnefs  to  take  an  active  and  ufe- 
ful  part, 

A  letter  from  the  board  of  loyalijis  to  earl 
Cornwallis. 

My  lord,  March  5,   1783. 

We,  the  board  of  agents  for  the  American 
loyalifts,  beg  leave  to  addrefs  a  few  lines  to  your 
lordfhip,  with  all  poflible  refpect,  on  a  fubject 
which  we  feel  ourfelves,  and  thofe  we  reprefent, 
fo  deeply  interefted  in,  that  we  cannot  remain 
filent  without   neglecting  the  trufl  repofed  in  us. 

Whilst  in  reading  your  lordfhip's  late  publi- 
cation,  we  entertain  the  highefl:   admiration   of 
your  character,  and  are  confeious  that  your  hu- 
manity 


(     477     ) 

manity  equals  that  intrepidity  and  perfeverance, 
that  have  marked  the  whole  of  your  conduct  in 
America,  and  accompanied  your  lordfhip's  march 
through  wild  extents  of  North-Carolina  into  Vir- 
ginia ;  we  cannot  but  obferve,  with  extreme  re- 
gret, fome  paffages  that  have  dropped  from  your 
lordfhip's  pen,  relative  to  the  conduct  of  the  loy- 
alifts  in  North-Carolina,  which,  without  fome 
explanation,  may  make  impreflions  never  intend- 
ed by  your  lordfhip,  to  the  difadvantage  of  a 
body  of  men,  who  have  facrificed  their  all,  by 
fteadily  perlevering  in  their  allegiance  to  their 
fovereign,  and  by  maintaining,  at  every  rifk, 
and  with  the  utmofl:  conftancy  and  unremitted 
exertions,  his  authority  and  juft  rights  in  Ame- 
rica. 

The  favourable  opinion  your  lordfhip  has  fo 
frequently  exprefled  of  this  body  of  men  will,  we 
hope,  be  our  excufe  for  troubling  your  lordfhip 
on  this  occafion. 

The  very  high  efteem  io  juftly  entertained  of 
your  lordfhip  in  this  kingdom,  gives  great  weight 
to  every  thing  coming  from  you  ;  and  we  are  ap- 
prehenfive,  left  the  enclofed  extracts  from  the 
introduction  to  your  lordfhip's  letters,  by  being 
either  mifunderftood,  or  malicioufly  mifreprefent- 
ed,  may  be  detrimental  to  our  intended  applica- 
tion to  parliament. 

People  in  this  countrv  are  in  general  ignorant 

of 


((    47«       ): 

of  the  {fate  of  North-Carolina,  its  extent,  and 
the  fcattered  fcarcity  of  its  inhabitants,  and,  of 
courfe,  from  that .  ignorance,  are  eafily  led  to 
form  hafty  opinions  of  the  practicability  of  things, 
in  their  nature  impoffible. 

We  humbly  conceive,  we  have  only  to  fugged 
thefe  our  apprehenfions  to  your  lordfhip's  huma- 
nity and  candour,  on  which  vv  -  reiy  with  perfect 
confidence,  that  they  will  dictate,  to  your  lord- 
fhip  luch  mealures  as  are  befl  adapted  to  pre- 
vent any  pomble  mifchief,  which,  we  are  well 
affured,  was  never  dtiigned  on  your  lord  (hip's 
part.  In  this  reliance,  we  have  the  honour  of 
fubferibing  ourfelves,  with  the  higheft  refpect, 

Signed  on  behalf  of  the  board, 

J.   Wright,  preiident. 

A  letter  from  earl  Comwallis  to  the  board  of 

loyalijls. 

Mansfield-Street,  March  8,   1783. 

Gentlemen, 

I  have  received  the  honour  of  your  letter  on 
the  fifth  inftant,  and  am  extremely  concerned  to 
learn,  that  fome  expreffions  in  my  anfwer  to  fir 
Henry  Clinton's  narrative,  have  given  pain  to  a 
body  of  men  fo  refpe&able,  and  fo  peculiarly 
circumflanced,  as  the  unfortunate  American  loy- 
aiifts. 


My 


I     479     ) 

My  Cervices  in  North- America  gave  me  num- 
berlefs  opportunities  to  obferve  the  undoubted 
loyalty  of  a  great  body  of  people  ;  and,  I  hope, 
that  the  whole  tenor  of  my  con  duel  has  proved, 
not  only  that  I  was  even  fenfible  of  their  merits, 
but  that,  if  at  any  time  my  friendfhip  and  pro- 
tection has  not  come  up  to  their  expectations,  the 
want  of  power  has  been  the  fole  caufe  of  .their 
difappointment. 

When  I  found  myfelf  called  upon,  by  fir 
Henry  Clinton's  narrative,  to  publilh  a  vindica- 
tion of  my  own  conduct  during  the  campaign  of 
1781,  it  was  as  far  from  my  intention,  as  it 
would  have  been  cruelly  unjuft,  to  convey  a 
doubt  of  the  loyal  difpofition  of  a  great  number 
of  the  inhabitants  of  North-Carolina  :  convinced 
of  their  loyalty,  it  was  with  reluctance,  even 
when  difappointed,  that  I  complained  of  their  in- 
activity ;  as  it  proceeded  from  caufes  which  will 
fave  them  from  cenfure  with  all  generous  minds. 

North-Carolina  being  in  proportion  to  its 
immenfe  extent  but  thinly  inhabited,  and  our 
friends  being  not  only  much  difperfed,  but  mix- 
ed in  every  diftricl:  with  people  of  oppofite  prin- 
ciples, who  had  poffefled  themfelves  of  the  power 
of  government,  their  efforts  to  manifeft  their- 
loyalty  had  been  made  under  great  difadvantages, 
and  had  been  attended  with  many  fatal  confe- 
quences,  previous  to  our  march  into  that  pro- 
vince.    Many  had  loll  their  lives,  and   numbers 

had 


(     48o     ) 

had  long  languifhed  in  confinement,  or  had  been 
driven  out  of  the  country,  in  confequence  of  the 
rifing  in  the  year  1776. 

The  premature  rifing  at  Ramfour's,  colonel 
Bryan's  junction  with  us  in  South-Carolina,  both 
directly  contrary  to  my  recommendation,  and 
colonel  Fergufon's  defeat  on  King's  Mountain, 
in  the  year  1780,  had  occafioned  the  ruin  of 
many  families,  and  had  furnifhed  pretexts  to  ex- 
ercife  cruelties  upon  individuals,  to  a  degree  nei- 
ther believed  nor  conceived  in  this  country  ;  thofe 
rigours,  joined  to  a  long  feries  of  former  oppreffi- 
ons,  had,  in  my  opinion,  totally  broke  the  fpi- 
rits  of  the  greateft  number  of  our  friends  before 
our  arrival  among  them. 

Hope  of  relief  naturally  induced  their  emiffa- 
ries  (perhaps  not  fenfible  of  it)  to  conceal  this 
from  me,  and  I  could  only  difcover  it  from  ex- 
perience, when  I  called  upon  them  for  affiftance. 
I  will  freely  confefs,  that  I  was  then  convinced 
that  we  had  been  too  fanguine  on  both  fides  ; 
our  expectations  had  been  too  high  of  co-opera- 
tion and  afliftance,  and  our  friends  had  expected 
too  much  from  the  appearance  of  a  Britifli  army 
in  the  province. 

To  account  for  fome  parts  of  my  own  conduct, 
it  was  necefTary  to  (late  this  difappointment ;  but 
when  the  fituation  of  thefe  unfortunate  people  is 
fairly  confidered,  I  am  perfuaded  that  I  cannot 

have 


C    481    ) 

have  excited  any  emotion  but  companion  for 
them,  in  the  breads  of  all  liberal  men.  The 
characters  and  principles  of  a  great  body  of  loy- 
alifts,  at  prefent  in  this  country,  or  with  our  ar- 
my in  North-America,  can  be  (till  lefs  affected 
by  mifconftructions  of  any  expreflions  of  mine. 
Many,  by  gallantly  taking  arms  in  the  common 
caufe,  fome,  by  acting  in  civil  capacities,  and 
others,  by  abandoning  their  families  and  proper- 
ties in  America,  have  proved  their  loyalty  and 
attachment  to  this  government  beyond  all  pofii- 
bility  of  being  controverted  ;  and  have,  there- 
fore, the  bed  founded  claims  for  compenfation, 
upon  the  generofity  and  juftice  of  Britain.  I 
beg  leave  to  aflure  the  board  of  agents,  that  I 
am  truly  fenfible  of  the  high  value  of  the  fa- 
vourable opinion  that  they  have  been  pleafed  to 
exprefs  of  my  conduct:  during  this  calamitous 
war ;  and  I  (hall  ever  lament  that  my  endeavours 
were  fo  ineffectual  to  promote  the  intereft  of  in- 
dividuals, and  the  re-union  of  the  Britifh  em- 
pire. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  refpeft, 
gentlemen, 

your  mod  obedient,  and 

moft  humble  fervant, 

Cornwall  is. 
Sir  James  Wright,  bart.  prefident,  and 
the  other  members  of  the   board  of 
agents  for  the  American  loyalifts. 

Vol.  IT.  3O  NOTE 


(     482     ) 

NOTE       XXXI.       Page     222. 

By  Charles  earl  Cormvallis,    lieutenant-general  of 
his  maje/iy's  forces,  &c. 

A      PROCLAMATION. 

WHEREAS  by  the  bleffing  of  Almighty 
God,  his  majefty's  arms  have  been 
crowned  with  fignal  fuccefs,  by  the  complete  vic- 
tory obtained  over  the  rebel  forces  on  the  fifth 
inftant,  I  have  thought  proper  to  iflue  this  pro- 
clamation, to  call  upon  all  loyal  fubjects  to  (land 
forth,  and  take  an  aclive  part  in  restoring  good 
order  and  government :  and  whereas  it  has  been 
reprefented  to  me,  that  many  perfons  in  this  pro- 
vince, who  have  taken  a  fliare  in  this  unnatural 
rebellion,  but  having  experienced  the  oppreffion 
and  injuftice  of  the  rebel  government,  and  hav- 
ing feen  the  errors  into  which  they  have  been  de- 
luded by  falfehoods  and  mifreprefentations,  are 
fincerely  defirous  of  returning  to  their  duty  and 
allegiance,  I  do  hereby  notify  and  promife  to  all 
fuch  perfons  (murderers  excepted)  that  if  they 
will  furrender  themfelves,  with  their  arms  and 
ammunition,  at  head-quarters,  or  to  the  officer 
commanding  in  the  diftricl:  contiguous  to  their 
refpective  places  of  refidence,  on  or  before  the 
twentieth  day  of  April  next,  they  will  be  per- 
mitted to  return  to  their  homes,  upon  giving  a 
military  parole  ;  and  fhall  be  protected  in  their 
perfons  and  properties  from  all  forts  of  violence 

from 


(    483     ) 

From  the  Britifh  troops ;  and  will  be  reftored,  as 
foon  as  poffible,  to  all  the  privileges  of  legal  and 
conftitutional  government. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  head- 
quarters, this  eighteenth  day  of 
March,  A.  D.  178 1,  and  in  the 
twen-ty-firft  year  of  his  majefty's 
reign. 

(Signed)  Cornwallis. 

NOTE       XXXII.       Page     224. 

Estracl  of  brigadier-general  Arnold's  letter   to  fir 
Henry  Clinton. 

Peterfburg,  May  12,   1781. 
Sir, 

I  Am  extremely  forry  to  inform  your  excellen- 
cy, that  major-general  Philips  is  reduced  fo 
low  by  a  fever,  which  feized  him  on  the  fecond 
inftant,  that  he  is  incapable  of  bufinefs,  and  the 
phyficians  are  not  without  fears  for  his  fafety. 
In  this  fituation  I  think  it  my  duty  to  tranfmit  to 
your  excellency  by  exprefs  a  detail  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  army  under  the  orders  of  major- 
general  Philips,  fince  they  left  Portfmouth,  which 
his  indifpofition  prevented  him  from  doing  as  he 
"intended. 

On  the  eighteenth  of  April  the  light  infantry, 

part 


(     4§4     ) 

part  of  the  feventy-fixth  and  eightieth  regiments, 
the  queen's  rangers,  yagers,  and  American  legi- 
on, embarked  at  Portfmouth,  and  fell  down  to 
Hampton  road  ;  on  the  nineteenth,  proceeded  up 
James  river  to  Burwell's  ierry  ;  on  the  twentieth 
lieutenant-colonel  Abcrcrombie,  with  the  light 
infantry,  proceeded  up  the  Chickahomany  in 
boats  ;  lieutenant-colonel  Simcoe,  with  a  detach- 
ment, to  York  ;  lieutenant-colonel  Dundas,  with 
another  detachment,  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Chickahomany  ;  and  rmijor-general  Philips  and 
myfelf  landed  with  part  of  the  army  at  Williamf- 
burg,  where  about  five  hundred  militia  were 
polled,  who  retired  upon  our  approach.  The 
militia  at  York  crofTed  the  river  before  the  arri- 
val of  lieutenant-colonel  Simcoe,  who  made  a 
few  prifoners,  fpiked  and  deftroyed  fome  cannon, 
and  next  day  returned  to  Williamiburg. 

On  the  twenty-fecend  the  troops  marched  to 
Chickahomany.  We  were  met  on  the  road,  live 
miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  river,  by  lieutenant- 
colonel  Dundas,  with  his  detachment :  this  even- 
ing the  troops,  cavalry,  artillery,  kc.  were  re- 
embarked.  The  next  morning  we  were  joined 
by  lieutenant-colonel  Abercrombie,  with  the 
light  infantry,  who  had  been  ten  or  twelve  miles 
up  the  Chickahomanv,  and  deftroyed  feveral  arm- 
ed ihips,  the  ftate  mip-yards,  ware-houfes,  kc. 
&c. 

At  ten  o'clock  the  fleet  weighed  and  proceed- 
ed 


(     485     ) 

ed  up  the  James  river,  within  four  miles  of  Wed- 
over. 

The  twenty-fourth  weighed  anchor  at  eleven 
o'clock,  and  run  up  to  City  Point,  where  the 
troops,  &c.  were  all  landed  at  fix  o'clock  in  the 
evening. 

The  twenty-fifth  marched  at  ten  o'clock  for 
Peterfburg,  where  we  arrived  about  five  o'clock 
P.  M.  We  were  oppofed,  about  one  mile  from 
town,  by  a  body  of  militia,  under  the  orders  of 
brigadier-general  Muhlenburgh,  fuppofed  to  be 
about  one  thoufand  men,  who  were  foon  obliged 
to  retire  over  the  bridge,  with  the  lofs  of  near 
one  hundred  men  killed  and  wounded,  as  we 
have  fince  been  informed  ;  our  lofs  only  one  man 
killed  and  ten  wounded.  The  enemy  took  up 
the  bridge,  which  prevented  our  purfuing  them. 

Twfnty-sixth.  Deftroyed  at  Peterfburg 
four  thoufand  hogfheads  of  tobacco,  one  fhip, 
and  a  number  of  fmall  veffels  on  the  flocks  and 
in  the  river. 

Twenty-seventh.  Major-general  Philips, 
with  the  light-infantry,  part  of  the  cavalry  of  the 
queen's  rangers,  and  part  of  the  yagers,  march- 
ed to  Chefterfkld  courthoufe,  where  they  burned 
a  range  of  barracks  for  two  thoufand  men,  and 
three  hundred  barrels  of  flour,  Sec. 

The 


(     486     ) 

The  fame  day  I  marched  to  Ofborn's,  with 
the  feventy-fixth  and  eightieth  regiments,  queen's 
rangers,  part  of  the  yagers,  and  American  legion, 
where  we  arrived  about  noon.  Finding  the  ene- 
my had  very  confiderable  force  of  mips  four 
miles  above  Ofborn's,  drawn  up  in  a  line  to  op- 
pofe  us,  I  fent  a  flag  to  the  commodore,  propof- 
ing  to  treat  with  him  for  the  furrender  of  his 
fleet,  which  he  refufed,  with  this  anfwer,  c  That 
4  he  was  determined  to  defend  it  to  the  lad  ex- 
'  trernity.'  I  immediately  ordered  down  two  fix 
and  two  three-pounders,  brafs  field-pieces,  to  a 
bank  of  the  river,  nearly  level  with  the  water, 
and  within  one  hundred  yards  of  the  Tempeft, 
a  twenty-gun  ltate-fhip,  which  began  immediately 
to  fire  upon  us,  as  did  the  Ptenowrt  of  twenty- 
fix  guns,  the  Jefterfon,  a  (late  brigantine  of  four- 
teen guns,  and  feveral  other  armed  fhips  and  bri- 
gantines  ;  about  two  or  three  hundred  militia,  on 
the  oppofite  fhore,  at  the  fame  time  kept  up  a 
heavy  fire  of  mufketry  upon  us.  Notwithftand- 
ing  which,  the  fire  of  the  artillery,  under  the 
direction  of  captain  Fage  and  lieutenant  Rogers, 
took  fuch  place,  that  the  fhips  were  foon  obliged 
to  ftrike  their  colours,  and  the  militia  drove  from 
the  oppofite  fhore.  Want  of  boats,  and  the  wind 
blowing  hard,  prevented  our  capturing  many  of 
the  feamen,  who  took  to  their  boats,  and  efcaped 
on  fhore  ;  but  not  without  firfl  fcuttling  and  fet- 
ting  fire  to  fome  of  their  fhips,  which  could  not 
be  faved. 

Two 


(    43;    ) 

Two  fhips,  three  brigantines,  five  floops,  and 
two  fchooners,  loaded  with  tobacco,  cordage, 
flour,  &c.  fell  into  our  hands. 

Four  fhips,  five  brigantines,  and  a  number  of 
fmall  veflels,  were  funk  and  burned.  On  board 
the  whole  fleet,  none  of  which  efcaped,  were 
taken  and  deftroyed  about  two  thoufand  hogf- 
heads  of  tobacco,  &c.  &c.  and  very  fortunately 
we  had  not  a  man  killed  or  wounded  this  day  ; 
but  have  reafon  to  believe  the  enemy  fufiVred 
considerably.  About  five  o'clock  P.  M.  we  were 
joined  by  major-general  Philips,  with  the  light 
infantry. 

Twenty-eighth.  The  troops  remained  at 
Ofborn's,  waiting  for  boats  from  the  fleet ;  part 
of  them  were  employed  in  fecuring  the  prizes, 
and  carrying  them  to  Ofborn's,  as  a  place  of 
fafety. 

Twenty-ninth.  The  boats  having  arrived, 
the  troops  were  put  in  motion.  Major-general 
Philips  marched  with  the  main  body ;  at  the 
fame  time  I  proceeded  up  the  river,  with  a  de- 
tachment in  boats,  and  met  him  between  Gary's 
mills  and  Warwick. 

Thirtieth.  The  troops  inarched  to  Man- 
chester, and  deftroyed  twelve  hundred  hogfheads 
of  tobacco.  The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  having 
arrived  with  his  army   at   Richmond,   oppofite  to 

Manehefter, 


(     488     ) 

Manchefter,  the  day  before,  and  being  joined  by 
the  militia  drove  from  Peterfburg  and  Williamf- 
burg,  they  were  fpectators  of  the  conflagration, 
without  attempting  to  moleif  us.  The  fame  even- 
ing we  returned  to  Warwick,  where  we  deftroy- 
ed  a  magazine  of  five  hundred  barrels  of  flour, 
and  colonel  Gary's  fine  mills  were  deftroyed  in 
burning  the  magazine  of  flour.  We  alfo  burned 
feveral  warehoufes,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty 
hogfheads  of  tobacco,  a  large  (hip  and  a  brigan- 
tine  afloat,  and  three  veflels  on  the  flocks,  a 
large  range  of  publick  rope- walks  and  ftore- 
houfes,  and  fome  tan  and  bark-houfes  full  of 
hides  and  bark. 

May  firft.  Marched  to  Ofborn's,  and  difpatch- 
ed  our  prizes  and  boats  down  the  river ;  and 
in  the  evening  marched  to  Bermuda  Hundreds, 
oppofite  City  Point. 

May  fecond.  Embarked  the  troops,  &c.  &c. 

May  third.  Fell  down  the  river  to  Weftover. 

May  fourth.  Proceeded  down  to  Tappahan- 
nock. 

Fifth  and  fixth.  Part  of  the  fleet  fell  down  to 
Hog-Ifland. 

Seventh.  Major-general  Philips  having  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  lord  Cornwallis,  orders  were 
given  for  the  fleet  to  return  up  the  river  again. 

We 


(     489     ) 

We  arrived  at  Brandon  about  five  o'clock,  and 
moll  or  the  troops,  cavalry,  &c.  were  landed  this 
evening,  though  it  blew  a  gale  of  wind. 

May  eighth.  Remained  at  Brandon.  Major- 
general  Philips  being  very  ill,  and  unable  to  tra- 
vel on  horfeback,  a  poft-chaife  was  procured  for 
him. 

May  ninth.  The  light  infantry,  and  part  of  the 
queen's  rangers,  in  boats,  were  ordered,  with 
the  Formidable  and  Spitfire,  to  proceed  to  City 
Point,  and  land  there.  The  reft  of  the  army 
were  put  in  motion  for  Peterfburgh,  where  they 
arrived  late  in  the  night,  having  marched  near 
thirty  miles  this  day. 

On  cur  leaving  Bermuda  Hundred,  and  going 
down  the  river,  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  with 
his  army,  moved  towards  Williamfburg,  and 
by  forced  marches  had  croffed  the  Chickahoma- 
ny  at  Long  Bridge,  when  our  fleet  returned  to 
Brandon,  which  retrogade  motion  of  ours  occafi- 
oned  him  to  return  as  rapidly  by  forced  marches 
to  Ofborn's,  where  he  arrived  the  eighth,  and 
was  preparing  to  crofs  the  river  to  Peterfburg 
when  we  arrived  there,  which  was  fo  unexpected, 
that  we  furprized  and  took  two  majors,  one  of 
them  aid-de-camp  to  Baron  Steuben,  the  other 
to  general  Smalhvood  ;  one  captain  and  three 
lieutenants  of  dragoons  ;  two  lieutenants  of  foot, 
a  commiiTary,  and  a  furgeon  :  feme  of  thefe  gen- 

Vol.  II.  t,  P  tlemen 


(     49°     ) 

tlemen  arrived  only  two  hours  before  us,  with 
an  intention  of  collecting  the  boats  for  the  mar- 
quis to  crofs  his  army. 

On  the  tenth  the  marquis  made  his  appear- 
ance on  the  oppofite  fide  of  the  river  with  a 
flrong  efcort,  and  having  flayed  fome  time  to 
reconnoitre  our  army,  returned  to  his  camp  at 
Ofborn's ;  and  we  are  this  day  informed  he  is 
marched  to  Richmond,  where  it  is  faid  Wayne, 
with  the  Pennfylvania  line,  has  arrived  ;  this  is 
however  uncertain,  but  he  is  certainly  expected 
there. 

An  exprefs  pafled  through  this  place  the  day 
before  our  arrival  here,  who  left  Halifax  on  the 
feventh,  and  informed,  that  the  advance  of  lord 
Cornwallis's  arrived  there  that  morning :  this  re- 
port we  have  from  feveral  quarters,  and  I  am  in- 
clined to  believe  it  is  true.  Several  expreffes 
have  been  fent  to  his  lordfhip,  informing  him  of 
our  being-here  ready  to  co-operate  with  his  lord- 
fhip. We  are  in  anxious  expectation  of  having 
particular  intelligence  from  him  every  minute. 

As  foon  as  it  is  reduced  to  a  certainty  that  lord 
Cornwallis  has  crofled  the  Roanoke,  and  is  on 
his  march  for  this  place,  the  army  will  advance 
one  or  two  days  march  from  hence  to  meet  his 
lordfhip,  and  carry  a  fupply  of  provifions  for  his 
army. 


(    491     ) 

A  confiderable  magazine  of  flour  and  bread 
has  fallen  into  our  hands  near  this  place,  and 
the  country  abounds  with  cattle. 

Major-general  Philips  is  fo  weak  and  low, 
that  it  will  be  fome  confiderable  time  before  he 
can  go  through  the  fatigue  of  bufinefs.  In  this 
critical  fituation,  I  am  happy  to  have  the  a fii fi- 
ance of  fo  many  good  and  experienced  officers 
with  me,  commanding  corps.  If  joined  by  lord 
Cornwallis,  or  the  reinforcement  faid  to  be  com- 
ing from  New- York,  we  fhall  be  in  force  to  ope- 
rate as  we  pleafe  in  Virginia  or  Maryland. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

(Signed)  B.  Arnold. 


Adjutant -general's  office,  New-Tor  k,  July  15, 
1781. 

Sir, 

I  am  directed  by  the  commander  in  chief  to 
fend  you  the  following  account  of  the  operations 
of  the  army  in  Virginia,  under  the  command  of 
lieutenant  general  the  earl  Cornwallis,  which  you 
will  pleafe  to  publifh  in  your  Gazette. 

I  am,  fir,  your  moft  obedient  fervant, 

A,  Delancy,  Ad.  Gen. 
To  mr.  James  Rivington. 

His  lordfhip,  after  palling  James  river,  at  Weft- 
over 


(     492     ) 

over,  moved  to  Hanover  courthoufe,  and  croffed 
the  South  Anna; :  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette  keep- 
ing about  twenty  miles  diftant  from  him.  From 
this  place  his  lordfhip  detached  lieutenant-colo- 
nels farleton  and  Simcoe,  the  former  of  which 
took  fome  members  of  the  affembly  at  Charlotte 
Ville,  and  deftroyed  there,  and  on  his  return, 
one  thoufand  (land  of  good  arms,  fome  clothing, 
and  other  (lores,  and  between  four  and  five  hun- 
dred barrels  of  powder  without  oppofition.  Ba- 
ron Steuben,  who  commanded  about  eight  hun- 
dred twelve  months  men  and  militia,  retired 
with  great  precipitation,  from  the  Point  of  Fork, 
before  lieutenant-colonel  Simcoe,  who,  after  ufing 
every  operation  to  attack  the  rear-guard,  deflroy- 
ed  there,  and  at  the  places  adjacent,  about  three 
thoufand  three  hundred  ftand  of  arms,  (then  un- 
der repair)  fome  fait,  harnefs,  &c.  and  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  barrels  of  powder.  His 
lordfhip  then  moved  by  Richmond,  and  arrived 
at  Willi ainfburg  on  the  twenty- fifth  of  June, 
having,  in  addition  to  the  articles  already  men- 
tioned, deftroyed,  on  this  expedition,  in  diffe- 
rent places,  above  two  thoufand  hogfheads  of 
tobacco,  a  great  number  of  iron  guns,  ten  brafs 
French  twenty-four-pounders,  and  brought  off 
four  thirteen-inch  brafs  mortars,  five  brafs  eight- 
inch  howitzers,  four  long  brafs  nine-pounders,  all 
French,  and  a  confiderable  quantity  of  fhot  and 
fhells.  On  the  twenty-fixth,  as  lieutenant-colonel 
Simcoe  was  returning  with  his  corps  and  the  ya- 
gers,   from   the   deftruction   of   fome  boats  and 

horfes 


(     493     ) 

horfes  on  the  Chickahomany,  he  was  attacked 
by  a  much  fuperior  force  of  the  enemy,  who 
were  repulfed  with  a  confiderable  lofs,  and  three 
officers,  and  twenty-eight  privates  taken  prifon- 
ers. 

His  lordfhip  having  an  intention  to  crofs 
James  river,  marched  on  the  fourth  inftant,  to  a 
camp  near  James-Town,  and  made  his  arrange- 
ments accordingly. 

On  the  fixth,  information  was  brought  him 
about  noon  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  and 
about  four  in  the  afternoon  attacked  his  out-pofts, 
but  concluded  that  the  enemy  would  not  bring 
a  confiderable  force  within  his  reach,  unlefs  they 
fuppofed  that  nothing  was  left  but  a  rear-guard. 
His  lordfhip  took  every  means  to  convince  them 
of  his  weaknefs,  which  had  the  defired  effect ; 
for  about  fun-fet,  a  body  of  troops  with  artillery, 
began  to  form  in  front  of  his  camp.  He  then 
put  the  troops  under  arms,  and  ordered  the  army 
to  advance  in  two  lines. 

The  attack  was  begun  by  the  firft  line  with 
great  fpirit,  there  being  nothing  but  militia  op- 
pofed  to  the  light  infantry  ;  the  action  was  foon 
over  on  the  right,  but  lieutenant-colonel  Dundas's 
brigade,  confiding  of  the  forty-third,  feventy- 
fixth  and  eightieth  regiments,  which  formed  the 
left  wing,  meeting  the  Pennfylvania  line,  and 
detachment  of  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette's  con- 
tinentals. 


(     494     ) 

tinentals,  with  two  four  pounders,  a  fmart  action 
cnfued  for  fome  minutes,  when  the  enemy  gave 
way,  and  abandoned  their  cannon.  The  cavalry 
were  ready  to  purfue,  but  the  darknefs  of  the 
evening  prevented  his  lordfhip  making  ufe  of 
them. 

His  lordfhip  commends  the  fpirit  and  good 
behaviour  of  the  officers  and  foldiers  of  the 
whole  army,  but  the  feventy-fixth  and  eightieth 
regiments,  on  whom  the  brunt  of  the  action  fell, 
had  an  opportunity  to  diftinguifh  themfelves  par- 
ticularly ;  and  his  lordfhip  fays,  that  lieutenant- 
colonel  Dundas's  conduct  and  gallantry  deferve 
the  higheft  praife.  The  force  of  the  enemy  in 
the  field  was  about  two  thoufand  continentals  and 
militia,  and  their  lofs,  he  believes,  between  two 
and  three  hundred,  and  that  half  an  hour  more 
day-light  would  probably  have  given  him  the 
greatefl  part  of  the  corps. 

NOTE       XXXIII.      Page     231. 

Lift  of  American  officers  killed  or  wounded  at  the 
battle  near  Camden^  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  Aprily 

1781. 


L 


lEUTENANT-colonel  Ford,  Maryland,    dan- 
geroufly  wounded  in  the  elbow. 


LiEUTENANT-colonel    Campbell,    Virginia,   a 
flight  contufion  on  the  thigh. 

Captain 


(     495     ) 
Captain  William  Beatty,  Maryland,  killed. 

Captain  J.  Smith,  third  Maryland,  taken 
prifoner. 

Captain  Dunholm,  Virginia,  flight  contufion. 

CAPTAiN-lieutenant  Bruff,  Maryland,  wound- 
ed in  both  ancles,  and  prifoner  on  parole. 

Lieutenant  M.  Gallaway,  Maryland,  wound- 
ed flightly.  Lieutenant  Ball,  Virginia,  ditto, 
dangeroufly  in  the  leg. 

Non-commiffioned   officers  and    foldiers,    killed, 
wounded  and  miffing. 

One  ferjeant,  feventeen  rank  and  file  killed. 

Seven  ferjeants,  one  hundred  and  one  rank 
and  file  wounded. 

Three  ferjeants,  one  hundred  and  thirty-three 
rank  and  file  miffing. 

NOTE       XXXIV.       Page     239. 

The  following  is  general  Pickens  and  lieutenant-co- 
lonel Lee*s  report  of  the  capitulation  of  fort 
Cornwallis. 

No.  I. 

Sir,  Augufla,  May  31,   1781. 

THE  ufage  of  war  renders  it  neceflary  that 
we   prefent  you    with    an    opportunity    of 

avoiding 


(     496     ) 

avoiding  definition,   which  impends  your  gar- 
rifon. 

We  have  deferred  our  fummons  to  this  late 
date,  to  preclude  the  neceffity  of  much  corre- 
fpondence  on  the  occafion.  You  fee  the  ftrength 
of  the  inverting  forces,  the  progrefs  of  our  works, 
and  you  may  inform  yourfelf  of  the  fituation  of 
the  two  armies,  by  enquiries  from  captain  Arm- 
ftrong,  of  the  legions,  who  has  the  honour  to 
bear  this. 

We  have  the  honour  to  be,  fir, 
your  mod  obedient  fervants, 

Andrew  Pickens,  B.  G.  Mil. 
Henry  Lee,  jun.  Lieut.  Col. 
commanding  continental  troops. 
Lieut.  Col.  Brown. 


No.  II. 


Gentlemen, 


What  progrefs  you  have  made  in  your  works 
I  am  no  ftranger  to.     It  is  my  duty  and  inclina- 
tion to  defend  this  poft  to  the  laft  extremity. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
gentlemen, 

your  mod  obedient, 
humble  fervant, 

Thomas  Brown,  Lieut.  Col. 
commanding  King's  troops  at  Augufta. 
To  B.  G.  Pickens,  and 
Lieut.  Col.  Lee.  Articles 


C     497     ) 

Articles  of  capitulation  propofed  by  lieutenant-colonel 
Brown,  and  anfwered  by  general  Pickens  and 
lieutenant-colonel  Lee. 

Article  I.  That  all  acts  of  hoflilities  and 
works  fhall  ceafe  between  the  befiegers  and  be- 
fieged,  until  the  articles  of  capitulation  fhall  be 
agreed  on,  figned  and  executed,  or  collectively 
rejected. 

Answer.  Hoflilities  fhall  ceafe  for  one  hour, 
other  operations  to  continue. 

Article  II.  That  the  fort  fhall  be  furrender- 
ed  to  the  commanding  officer  of  the  American 
troops,  fuch  as  it  now  ftands.  That  the  King's 
troops,  three  days  after  figning  the  articles  of 
capitulation,  fhall  be  conducted  to  Savannah 
with  their  baggage,  where  they  will  remain  pri- 
foners  of  war  until  they  are  exchanged  ;  that 
proper  conveyances  fhall  be  provided  by  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  American  troops  for 
that  purpofe,  together  with  a  fufficient  quantity 
of  good  and  wholefome  provifions,  till  their 
arrival  at  Savannah. 

Answer.  Inadmiffible.  The  prifoners  to  fur- 
render  field  prifoners  of  war.  The  officers  to  be 
indulged  with  their  paroles  ;  the  foldiers  to  be 
conducted  to  fuch  place  as  the  commander  in 
chief  fhall  direct, 

Article  III.  The  militia  now  in  garrifon  fhall 
Vol.  II.  3  (^  b« 


(     498     ) 

be  permitted  to  return  to  their  refpecYive  homes, 
and  be  fecured  in  their  perfons  and  properties, 

Answer.  Anfwered  by  the  fecond  article, 
the  militia  making  part  of  the  garrifon. 

Article  IV.  The  fick  and  wounded  mall  be 
under  the  care  of  their  own  furgeons,  and  be 
fupplied  with  fuch  medicines  and  neceflaries  as 
are  allowed  to  the  Britifh  hofpitals. — Agreed. 

Article  V.  The  officers  of  the  garrifon,  and 
citizens  who  have  borne  arms  during  the  fiege, 
mall  keep  their  fide  arms,  piftols  and  baggage, 
which  fhall  not  be  fearched,  and  retain  their 
fervants. 

Answer.  The  officers  and  citizens  who  have 
borne  arms  during  the  fiege,  fhall  be  permitted 
their  fide  arms,  private  baggage,  and  fervants  ; 
their  fide  arms  not  to  be  worn  ;  and  the  baggage  to 
be  fearched  by  a  perfon  appointed  for  that  purpofe. 

Article  VI.  The  garrifon,  at  an  hour  appoint- 
ed, fhall  march  out  with  mouldered  arms  and 
drums  beating,  to  a  place  to  be  agreed  on, 
where  they  will  pile  their  arms. 

Answer.  Agreed,  The  judicious  and  gallant 
defence  made  by  the  garrifon,  entitles  them  to 
every  mark  of  military  refpect.  The  fort  to  be 
delivered  up  to  captain  Rudolph  at  twelve  o'clock, 
who  will  take  pofleffion  with  a  detachment  of  the 
legion  infantry.  Article 


(     499     ) 

Article  VII.  That  the  citizens  fhall  be  pro- 
tected in  their  perfons  and  property. 

Answer.  InadmifTible. 

Article  VIII.  That  twelve  months  fhall  be 
allowed  to  all  fuch  as  do  not  choofe  to  refide  in 
this  country,  to  difpofe  of  their  effects,  real  and 
perfonal,  in  this  province,  without  any  molefta- 
tion  whatever,  or  to  remove  to  any  part  thereof, 
as  they  may  choofe,  as  well  themfclves  as  families. 

Answer.  InadmifTible. 

Article  IX.  That  the  Indian  families  now  in 
garrifon  fhall  accompany  the  King's  troops  to 
Savannah,  where  they  will  remain  prifoners  of 
war,  until  exchanged  for  an  equal  number  of 
prifoners  in  the  Creek  or  Cherokee  nations. 

Answer.  x^.nfwered  in  the  fecond  article. 

Article  X.  That  an  exprefs  be  permitted  to 
go  to  Savannah,  with  the  commanding  officer's 
defpatches,  which  are  not  to  be  opened. 

Answer.  Agreed. 

Article  XI.  Additional.  The  particular  at- 
tention of  colonel  Brown  is  expected  towards  the 
juft  delivery  of  all  publick  ftorcs,  monies,  &c. 
and  that  no  loans  be  permitted  to  defeat  the  fpi- 
rit  of  this  article. 

Signed 


(     5°°     ) 

Signed  at  head-quarters,  Augufta,    June   $, 

1781,  by 

Andrew  Pickens,  B.  G.  Mil. 
Henry  Lee,  jun.  Lieut.  Col.  Com. 
Thomas  Brown,  Lieut.  Col. 
commanding  King's  troops  at  Augufta. 


N     O     T     E       XXXV.       Page     245. 

Return  of  the  killed,  wounded  and  miffing,  of  the 
continental  forces,  during  the  fage  of  Ninety  Six, 
in  South-Carolina. 

ON-Commiffioned    officers    and   rank    and 
file  :    Virginia  brigade,  killed,  forty-one  j 
wounded,  thirty-three  ;  miffing,  fixteen. 

Maryland  brigade,  killed,  twelve  ;  wounded, 
twenty-four  j  miffing,  three. 

Light  infantry,  killed,  one  ;  wounded,  nine  ; 
miffing,  one. 

Legion  infantry,  killed,  two  ;  wounded,  two. 

Virginia  militia,  killed,  one  ;  wounded,  two. 

Total.  Killed,  fifty-feven  ;  wounded,  feventy  ; 
miffing,  twenty. 

Captain  Armftrong,  of  the  Maryland  line, 
killed ;  captain  Benfon,  and  lieutenant  Duvall, 
wounded. 

Captain 


(    5oi     ) 

Captain  Bentley,  of  the  Virginia  line,  pri- 
foner ;  lieutenants  Evans,  Miller,  and  Selden, 
wounded. 

Colonel  Kofcuilzko,  chief  engineer,  was 
flightly  wounded. 

O.  H.  Williams,  D.  A.  G. 
Publifhed  by  order  of  Congrefs, 

Charles  Thomson,  fecretary. 


NOTE       XXXVI.       Page 


■54« 


Names  of  the  continental  commijjioned  officers  killed 
and  wounded  in  the  adion  of  Eittaw  the  eighth 
of  September  1781. 

Maryland  brigade. 

CAPTAIN  Dobfon,    ") 
Edgerly,    L   killed 
Lieutenant  Dewall,  f  ' 

Gould,  j 

Lieut,  col.  Howard, 

Captain  Gibfon, 

Captain  lieut.  Hugon, 

Lieutenant  Ewing,  J>  wounded. 

Woolford, 

Lynn, 
Enfign  Moore, 

Virginia  brigade. 
Lieutenant-col.  Campbell,  ") 
Captain  Oldham,  J>   killed. 

Lieutenant  Wilfon,  j 

Captain 


C     502     ) 


Captain  Edmonds, 

Morgan, 
Lieutenant  Miller, 
Jonitt, 


wounded. 


j 


North-Carolina  brigade. 


i 


I 

J 

i 

■ 

I 
J 


killed. 


wounded. 


Captain  Goodman, 

Goodwin, 

Potterfield, 
Lieutenant  Dillon, 

Captain  Hadley, 
Lieutenant  Dixon, 

Andrews, 

Dudley, 
Enfign  Lamb, 
Moore, 

South-Carolina  line. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Henderfon,  wounded. 

Cavalry. 

Lieutenant-col.  Wafhington,  wounded, 

and  prifoner  of  war. 

Captain  Watts,  "| 

Lieutenant  Gordon, 

Simons,  j> 

King, 

Steward,  J 

Mr.  Carlifle,  volunteer,  killed. 

Artillery. 
Captain-lieutenant  Finn,  wounded. 
Lieutenant  Carfon,  do.  mortally. 
Drew,  wounded. 
M'Gurrie,  do.  and  prifoner  of 
war. 

Legion 


(     5°3     ) 

Legion  infantry. 
Lieutenant  Manning,  wounded. 
Mr.  Carrington,  volunteer,  wounded. 

O.  H.  Williams,  D.  A.  G. 

South-Carolina  state-officers. 
Major  Rutherford,  "j 

Lieutenant  Polk,  *>  killed. 

Adjutant  Lufh,  J 

Lieut,  col.  Henderfon,  com.  brigade, 
wounded. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Middleton,  wounded. 
Captain  Moore,  do. 
Giles,  do. 
N.  Martin,  do. 
Cowan,  do. 
Lieutenant  Erfkine,  do. 
Culpeper,  do. 
Hammond,  do. 
Spragins,  do. 

South-Carolina   militia. 
Brigadier-general  Pickens,  wounded. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Horry,  do. 
Captain  Gee,  do. 

Pegee,  do. 
Lieutenant  Boon,  do. 

Holmes,  killed. 
Simons,  do. 


NOTE 


(     5°4     ) 

NOTE       XXXVII.       Page     255. 

By  the  United  States  in  Congrefs  affembled,  Oclober 
29,   1781. 

RESOLVED,  that  the  thanks  of  the  United 
States  in  Congrefs  afTembled,  be  prefented 
to  major-general  Greene,  for  his  wife,  decifive 
and  magnanimous  conduct  in  the  action  of  the 
eighth  of  September  laft,  near  the  Eutaw  Springs,- 
in  South-Carolina  ;  in  which,  with  a  force  infe- 
rior in  number  to  that  of  the  enemy,  he  obtained 
a  molt  fignal  victory. 

That  the  thanks  of  the  United  States  in  Con- 
grefs affembled  be  prefented  to  the  officers  and 
men  of  the  Maryland  and  Virginia  brigades,  and 
Delaware  battalion  of  continental  troops,  for  the 
unparalleled  bravery  and  heroifm  by  them  dif- 
played,  in  advancing  to  the  enemy  through  an 
inceffant  fire,  and  charging  them  with  an  impe- 
tuofity  and  ardour  that  could  not  be  refilled. 

That  the  thanks  of  the  United  States  in  Con- 
grefs affembled  be  prefented  to  the  officers  and 
men  of  the  legionary  corps  and  artillery,  for  their 
intrepid  and  gallant  exertions  during  the  action. 

That  the  thanks  of  the  United  States  in  Con- 
grefs affembled  be  prefented  to  the  brigade  of 
North-Carolina,  for  their  refolution  and  perfeve- 
rance  in  attacking  the  enemy,  and  fuflaining  a 
fuperior  fire.  That 


(     5°5    ) 

That  the  thanks  of  the  United  States  in  Con- 
grefs  aflembled  be  prefented  to  the  officers  and 
men  of  the  (late  corps  of  South-Carolina,  for  the 
zeal,  activity  and  firmnefs  by  them  exhibited 
throughout  the  engagement. 

That  the  thanks  of  the  United  States  in  Con- 
grefs  aflembled  be  prefented  to  the  officers  and 
men  of  the  militia,  who  formed  the  front  line  in 
the  order  of  battle,  and  fuftained  their  pod  with 
honour,  propriety,  and  a  refolution  worthy  of 
men  determined  to  be  free. 

Resolved,  that  a  Britifh  ftandard  be  prefent- 
ed to  major-general  Greene,  as  an  honourable 
teftimony  of  his  merit,  and  a  golden  medal  em- 
blematical of  the  battle  and  victory  aforefaid. 

That  major-general  Greene  be  defired  to  pre- 
lent  the  thanks  of  Congrefs  to  captains  Pierce 
and  Pendleton,  major  Hyrne  and  captain  Shu- 
brick,  his  aids-de-camp,  in  teftimony  of  their  par- 
ticular activity  and  good  conduct  during  the 
whole  of  the  action. 

That  a  fword  be  prefented  to  captain  Pierce, 
who  bore  the  general's  defpatches,  giving  an  ac- 
count of  the  victory,  and  that  the  board  of  war 
take  order  herein. 

Resolved,  that  the  thanks  of  the  United 
States  in  Congrefs  aflembled  be  prefented  to  bri- 
gadier-general   Marion,    of    the    South-Carolina 

Vol.  II.  3  R  militia, 


(    5°6    ) 

militia,  for  his  wife,  gallant  and  decided  conduct, 
in  defending  the  liberties  of  his  country,  and 
particularly  for  his  prudent  and  intrepid  attack 
on  a  body  of  the  Britifh  troops,  on  the  thirtieth 
day  of  Auguft  laft,  and  for  the  diftinguifhed  part 
he  took  in  the  battle  of  the  eighth  of  September. 
Extract  from  the  minutes, 

Charles  Thomson,  fecretary. 

NOTE       XXXVIII.      Page     271. 

SOUTH-CAROLINA. 

By  his  excellency  John  Rutledge,  efquire,  governor 
and  commander  in  chief  of  thefaidjiate, 

A      PROCLAMATION. 

WHEREAS  many  perfons  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  late  difturbed  and  unfettled 
condition  of  the  ftate,  and  hoping  in  the  confu- 
fion  and  diforder  occafioned  by  the  calamities  of 
war  to  efcape  punifhment,  have  committed  the 
moft  wanton  and  rapacious  acts  of  plundering ; 
fome  under  colour  of  indemnifying  themfelves 
for  loiTes  which  they  have  fuftained  ;  others,  un- 
der pretence  that  the  perfons  to  whom  fuch  pro- 
perty belonged  are  tories  or  enemies  of  the  ftate ; 
and  others,  from  a  wicked  and  inordinate  defire 
of  acquiring  wealth  by  any  means,  however  un- 
juftifiable,  and  from  any  perfons,  whether  friends 
or  foes :  and  whereas  the  publick  fafety  requires 

that 


(     S°7    ) 

that  the  mod  effectual  meafures  mould  be  taken 
for  fupprefling  fuch  an  unwarrantable  and  per- 
nicious practice,  inafmuch  as  good  and  faithful 
fubjects  fhould  be  fecured  and  protected  in  the 
full  and  free  enjoyment  of  their  property,  and  no 
man,  although  criminal,  mould  be  defpoiled  of 
his  eftate  but  by  due  courfe  of  law :  I  have 
therefore  thought  fit  to  ilfue  this  proclamation, 
ffrictly  forbidding  ail  perfons  from  plundering, 
taking,  or  holding  the  property  of  others  under 
any  pretence,  or  for  any  caufe  whatever  ;  warn- 
ing perfons  poffeffed  of  fuch  property,  of  the 
danger  which  they  will  incur  by  continuing  to 
withhold  it,  and  charging  them  immediately  to 
reflore  fuch  property  to  the  owners  of  it,  unlefs 
fuch  owners  are  with  the  enemy  ;  and  in  that 
cafe,  to  deliver  it  to  the  brigadier-general  of  the 
diftrict  in  which  it  is,  as  they  will  anfwer  the  con- 
trary at  their  peril ;  for  fpeedy  and  effectual  punifh- 
ment  (hall  be  inflicted  on  the  offenders  :  and  I 
do  direct  all  juftices  of  the  peace  diligently  and 
faithfully  to  execute  their  office,  and  to  ufe  all 
lawful  means  that  may  be  necelfary  for  appre- 
hending, fecuring,  and  bringing  to  juftice  fuch 
perfons  as  are  or  may  be  accufed  of  the  above- 
mentioned,  or  any  other  criminal  offence.  I  do 
moreover  command  all  military  officers  of  this 
ftate  to  give  fuch  aid  and  affiftance  to  the  civil 
magiftrates,  as  they  may  require  for  that  purpofe  : 
and  I  do  exhort  all  thofe  who  know,  or  have  rea- 
fon  to  believe,  where  any  plundered  property  is 
concealed  or  fecreted,  or  by  whom  it  is  poffeffed, 

to 


(     5°8     ) 

to  make  difcovery  and  give  information  touching 
the  fame  to  the  nearcft  magistrate,  in  order  that 
proper  Steps  may  be  taken  for  the  recovery 
thereof. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the 
Great  Seal,  at  the  High  Hills  of 
Santee,  this  fifth  day  of  Auguft, 
1781,  and  in  the  nxth  year  of 
the  independence  of  America. 

John  Rutledge. 
By  his  excellency's  command, 

John-Sandford  Dart,  pro  fecretary. 


NOTE       XXXIX.       Page     282. 

Ladies''  petition  for  colonel  JJaac  Haync. 

To  the  right  honourable  lord  Rawdon,  commander  in 
chief  of  his  majejlf 's  forces  in  South-Carolina, 
and  to  colonel  Balfour,  commandant  at  Charlcf- 
ton. 

My  lord  and  fir, 

WE  mould  have  reafon  to  reproach  our- 
felves  of  having  omitted  a  proper  occafi- 
on  of  manifefting  the  tendernefs  peculiarly  cha- 
racteriftick  of  our  fex,  if  we  did  not  profefs 
ourfelves  deeply  interefted  and  affected  by  the 
imminent  and  mocking  doom  of  the  moil  unfor- 
tunate mr.  Hayne,  and  if  we  did  not  entreat  you 

in 


(     5C9     ) 

in  the  mofl  earned  manner  gracioufly  to  avert, 
prolong  or  mitigate  it.  We  do  not  even  think, 
much  lefs  do  we  intend  to  imply,  in  the  remotelt 
degree,  that  your  fentence  is  unjufr.  ;  but  we  are 
induced  to  hope,  that  every  end  it  propofes  may 
be  equally  anfwered,  as  if  carried  into  executi- 
on ;  for  to  us  it  does  not  appear  probable  that 
any  whom  it  is  intended  to  influence  and  deter 
from  fimilar  delinquency,  will  be  encouraged 
with  the  hope  of  impunity,  by  reafon  of  any  fa- 
vour (hewn  him,  as  they  mufl  furely  reflect  that 
it  was  owing  to  certain  caufes  and  circumftances 
that  will  not  apply  to  them.  We  prefume  to 
make  this  interceilion  for  him,  and  to  hope  that 
it  will  not  prove  fruitlefs,  from  the  knowledge  of 
your  difpofitions  in  particular,  as  well  as  from  the 
reflection  in  general,  that  humanity  is  rarely  fcpa- 
rable  from  courage,  and  that  the  gallant  foldier 
feels  as  much  reluctance  to  caufe,  by  deliberate 
decrees,  the  infliction  of  death  on  men  in  cold 
blood,  as  he  does  ardour  in  the  day  of  battle  and 
heat  of  action  to  make  the  enemies  of  his  coun- 
try perifh  by  the  fword.  He  may  rejoice  to  be- 
hold his  laurels  fprinkled  with  the  blood  of  arm- 
ed and  refitting  adverfaries,  but  will  regret  tc 
fee  them  wet  with  the  tears  of  unhappy  orphans. 
mourning  the  lois  of  a  tender,  amiable  and  wor- 
thy parent,  executed  like  a  vile  and  infamous 
felon. 

To  the  praifes,  that  men  who   have  been  wit- 
neffes  and  fharers  of  your  dangers  and  fervices  in 

the 


(     5i°     ) 

the  field,  may  found  of  your  military  virtues  and 
prowefs,  we  truft  you  will  give  the  ladies  occa- 
fion  to  add  the  praifes  of  your  milder  and  fofter 
virtues  by  furnifhing  them  with  a  ftriking  proof 
of  your  clemency  and  politenefs  in  the  prefent 
inftance.  May  the  unhappy  object  of  our  petiti- 
on owe  to  that  clemency  and  politenefs,  to  our 
prayers  and  to  his  own  merits  in  other  refpe&s, 
what  you  may  think  him  not  entitled  to  if  poli- 
cy and  juftice  were  not  outweighed  in  his  behalf. 
To  any  other  men  in  power  than  fuch  as  we  con- 
ceive you  both  to  be,  we  mould  employ  on  the 
occafion  more  ingenuity  and  art  to  drefs  up  and 
enforce  the  many  pathetick  and  favourable  cir- 
cumftances  attending  his  cafe,  in  order  to  move 
your  paffions  and  engage  your  favour,  but  we 
think  this  will  be  needlefs,  and  is  obviated  by 
your  own  fpontaneous  feelings,  humane  confide- 
rations  and  liberal  reafonings.  Nor  mall  we 
dwell  on  his  mod  excellent  character,  the  out- 
rages and  excefles,  and  perhaps  murders  pre- 
vented by  him,  to  which  innocent  and  unarmed 
individuals  were  expofed  in  an  extenfive  manner  ; 
nor  mall  we  here  lay  any  ftrefs  on  the  moft  griev- 
ous fhock  his  numerous  and  refpectable  connexi- 
ons muit  fuftain  by  his  death,  aggravated  by  the 
mode  of  it ;  nor  (hall  we  do  more  than  remind 
you  of  the  complicated  diftrefs  and  fufferings 
that  mud  befall  his  young  and  promifmg  chil- 
dren, to  whom  perhaps  death  would  be  more 
comfortable  than  the  ftate  of  orphanage  they  will 
be  left  in.     All  thefe  things  we  underftand  have 

been 


(     5"     ) 

been  already  reprefented,  and  we  are  fure  will 
have  their  due  weight  with  men  of  your  humane 
and  benevolent  minds.  Many  of  us  have  alrea- 
dy fubfcribed  to  a  former  petition  for  him,  and 
hope  you  will  regard  our  doing  it  again  not  as 
importunity,  but  earneftnefs  ;  and  we  pray  mofl 
fervently  that  you  will  for-ever  greatly  oblige  us 
by  not  letting  us  do  it  in  vain. 
"We  are,  my  lord  and  fir, 

with  all  refpecl  your  very  anxious 
petitioners  and  humble  fervants. 


NOTE       XL.       Page     283. 

No.  I. 

To  mr.  Hayne. 

Sir,  26th  July,  1781. 

I  Am  charged  by  the  commandant  to  inform  you, 
that  a  council  of  general  officers  will  affemble 
to-morrow  at  ten  o'clock,  in  the  hall  of  the  pro- 
yince,  to  try  you. 

I  am,  &c. 

C.  Fraser, 
major  of  the  town. 

No.  II. 
To  mr.  Hayne* 
Thurfday  evening,  27th  July,  1781. 
Sir, 
I  am  ordered  by  the  commandant  to  acquaint 

you, 


(     512     ) 

you,  that  inftead  of  a  council  of  general  officers, 
as  is  mentioned  in  my  letter  of  this  morning,  a 
court  of  enquiry,  compofed  of  four  general  offi- 
cers and  five  captains,  will  be  alTembled  to-mor- 
row at  ten  o'clock,  in  the  province  hall,  for  the 
purpofe  of  determining  under  what  point  of  view 
you  ought  to  be  confidered. 

You  will  immediately  be  allowed  pen,  ink  and 
paper  ;  and   any  perfon  that  you   choofe  to  ap- 
point,  will  be  permitted   to  accompany  you  as 
your  council,  at  the  fame  hour  and  place. 
I  am,  &c. 

C.  Fraser, 
major  of  the  town. 


No.  III. 

To  ?nr.  Hayne,  in  the  provojVs  prifon. 

MEMORANDUM. 

Sunday,  29th  July,   178 1. 

The  adjutant  of  the  town  will  be  fo  good  as 
to  go  to  colonel  Hayne  in  the  provoft's  prifon, 
and  inform  him,  that,  in  confequence  of  the 
court  of  enquiry  held  yefterday,  and  the  preced- 
ing evening,  on  his  account,  lord  Rawdon,  and 
the  commandant,  lieutenant-colonel  Nefbit  Bal- 
four, have  refolved  upon  his  execution  on  Tuef- 
day  the  thirty-fir  ft  inftant,  at  fix  o'clock,  for 
having  been  found  under  arms,  and  employed  in 

railing 


(    5i3    ) 

raifing  a  regiment  to  oppofe  the  Britifh  govern- 
ment, though  he  had  become  a  fubject,  and  had 
accepted  the  protection  of  that  government,  after 
the  reduction  of  Charlefton. 

(Signed)  C.  Fraser, 

major  of  the  town. 


A  letter  from  colonel  Hayne  to  lord  Rawdon,  and 
colonel  Balfour. 

In  the  provof?  s  prijbn,  igtb  July,   1 7 8 1 . 

My  lord,  and  fir, 

On  Thurfday  morning  I  had  the  honour  of  re- 
ceiving a  letter  from  major  Frafer,  by  which  he 
informed  me,  ?  that  a  council  of  general  officers 
'  would  be  aflembled  the  next  day  for  my  trial,' 
and,  on  the  evening  of  the  fame  day,  I  received 
another  letter  from  the  fame  officer,  acquainting 
me,  *  that  inffead  of  that,  a  court  of  enquiry 
c  would  fit,  for  the  purpoie  of  deciding  under 
4  what  point  of  view  I  ought  to  be  confidered.'— 
It  was  alfo  told,  '  that  any  perfon  whom  I  ihould 
c  appoint  would  be  permitted  to  accompany  me 
c  as  my  counfel.'  Having  never  entertained  any 
other  idea  of  a  court  of  enquiry,  nor  heard  of 
any  other  being  formed  of  it,  than  of  its  ferving 
merely  to  precede  a  council  of  war,  or  fome 
other  tribunal  for  examining  the  circumftances 
more  fully,  excepting  in  the  cafe  of  a  fpy  ;  and 

Vol.  II.  3  S  mr. 


(    5'4    ) 

mr.  Jarvis,  lieutenant  marfhal  to  the  provoft,  not 
having  fucceeded  in  finding  the  perfon  whom  I 
named  for  my  counfel,  I  did  not  take  the  pains 
to  fummon  any  witneffes,  though  it  would  have 
been  in  my  power  to  have  produced  many  ;  and 
I  prefented  myfelf  before  the  council  without  any 
affiftance  whatever.  When  I  was  before  that  af- 
fembly,  I  was  farther  convinced  that  I  had  not 
been  deceived  in  my  conjectures  ;  and  I  found 
that  the  members  of  it  were  not  fworn,  nor  the 
witneffes  examined  upon  oath  ;  and  all  the  mem- 
bers, as  well  as  every  other  perfon  prefent,  might 
eafily  have  perceived,  by  the  queftions  which  I 
aiked,  and  by  the  whole  tenor  of  my  conduct, 
that  I  had  not  the  lead  notion  that  I  was  tried  or 
examined  upon  an  affair  on  which  my  life  and 
death  depended.  Neither  do  I  believe  that  the 
members  themfelves  had  an  idea  of  that  fort. 

In  the  cafe  of  fpies,  a  court  of  enquiry  is  all 
that  can  be  neceffary,  becaufe  the  fimple  fact, 
whether  the  perfon  is,  or  is  not  a  fpy,  is  all  that 
can  be  the  objed  of  their  refearches,  and  his 
having  entered  the  lines  of  the  enemy's  camp,  or 
the  garrifon,  fubje&s  him  to  military  execution. 
As  that  accuiation  neither  is,  nor  ever  has  been 
brought  againfl  me,  I  humbly  conceive  that  the 
information  which  I  received,  namely,  that  the 
court  would  make  enquiry  concerning  what  point 
of  view  I  ought  to  be  confidered  under,  could 
not  be  taken  as  a  fumcient  notice  of  their  having 
an  intention  to  try  me  then,  but  could  only  be 

thought 


(    5>5    ) 

thought  to  fignify  that  they  were  to  take  it  into 
confideration  whether  I  ought  to  be  looked  upon 
as  a  Britifh  fubjecl:,  or  as  an  American  ;  that  in 
the  firft  cafe  I  (hould  undergo  a  legal  and  impar- 
tial trial ;  in  the  fecond,  I  mould  be  fet  at  liberty 
on  my  parole. 

Judge  then,  my  lord,  and  fir,  of  the  aftoniih- 
ment  I  muft  have  been  in,  when  I  found  that 
they  had  drawn  me  by  furprize  into  a  procedure 
tending  to  judgment,  without  knowing  it  to  be 
fuch,  and  deprived  me  of  the  ability  of  making  a 
legal  defence,  which  it  would  have  been  very 
eafy  for  me  to  have  done,  founded  both  in  law 
and  in  facl  ;  when  I  law  myfelf  deflitute  of  the 
afliftance  of  counfel  or  of  witneffes ;  and  when 
they  abruptly  informed  me,  that  after  the  proce- 
dure of  that  court  I  had  been  condemned  to  die, 
and  that  in  a  very  few  days.  Immediately  upon 
receiving  this  notice,  I  fent  for  the  lawyer  whom 
I  had  originally  chofen  for  my  counfel.  I  here 
enclofe  his  opinion  concerning  the  legality  of  the 
procefs  held  againft  me  ;  and  I  beg  that  I  may 
be  permitted  to  refer  myfelf  to  him.  I  can  af- 
fure  you  with  the  utmoft  truth,  that  I  both  had, 
and  have  many  reafons  to  urge  in  my  defence,  if 
you  will  grant  me  the  favour  of  a  regular  trial ; 
if  not,  (which  I  cannot  however  fuppofe  from 
your  juftice  and  equity)  I  earneftly  entreat  that 
my  execution  may  be  deferred,  that  I  may  at 
leaft  take  a  laft  farewell  of  my  children,  and 
prepare  myfelf  for  the  dreadful  change. 

I 


(     5*6     ) 

I  hope  that  you  will  return  me  a  fpeedy  an- 
iwer  j  and  am,  with  refpeft,  &c. 

Isaac  Hayne. 

No.  V. 

Anfwer  of  lord  Rawdon  and  colonel  Balfour  to  my 
letter  of  the  twenty-ninth  of  July,  and  delivered 
on  the  thirtieth,  at  one  o'clock,  into  the  hands  of 
the  town-major  (Frafer.) 

6  I  have  to  inform  you,  that  your  execution  is 
6  not  ordered  in  confequence  of  any  fentence  from 
'  a  court  of  enquiry,  but  by  virtue  of  the  autho- 
'  rity  with  which  the  commander  in  chief  in  South- 

*  Carolina  and  the  commanding  officer  in  Charlef- 
'  ton  are  inverted.  And  their  refolves  on  this 
'  fubject  are  fixed  and  unchangeable.'  I  then  beg- 
ged major  Frafer  that  he  would  ferioufly  entreat 
the  abovefaid  officers  to  grant  a  refpite,  that  I 
might  have  time  to  fend  for  my  children,  and 
take  of  them  the  lad  farewell.  At  three  o'clock, 
the  town-adjutant  (Cooper)  brought  me  for  an- 
fwer, that  my  requefl  was  rejected.  On  Tuefday, 
July  thirty-one,  at  one  in  the  morning,  the  de- 
puty provoft,  (Marfhal)  brought  me  information 
— *  that  it  was  time  for  me  to  prepare  for  death, 
■  as  he  had  juft  received  orders  to  that  effect,  and 

*  that  I  was  to  leave  my  apartment  at  five  o'clock.' 

In  lefs  than  half  an  hour  major  Frafer  came  in 
and  delivered  the  following  melfage : 

'  Colonel 


(    5>7    ) 

'  Colonel  Hayne,  I  am  to  acquaint  you, 
c  that  in  confcquence  of  a  petition  figned  by  go- 
8  vernor  Bull  and  many  more,  as  alfo  of  your 
e  prayer  of  yefterday,  and  the  humane  treatment 
*  fhewn  by  you  to  the  Britifh  prifoners  who  fell 
'  into  your  hands,  you  are  refpited  for  forty-eight 
'  hours/  I  thanked  the  commanding  officer  for 
this  refpite  :  this  gave  me  an  opportunity  of  fee- 
ing my  children. 

The  major  had  been  gone  but  a  few  mi- 
nutes, when  he  returned  to  tell  me  that  he  had 
forgot  part  of  his  meffage  :  this  was,  '  that  if 
c  general  Greene  mould  offer  to  expoftulate  in  my 
'  favour,  with  the  commanding  officer,  from  that 
'  inflant  the  refpite  would  ceafe,  and  I  mould  be 
s  ordered  for  immediate  execution.' 


No.  VI. 

August  i,  1781,  three  o'clock,  A.  M.  Mr. 
Cooper,  the  town-adjutant,  came  in  and  read  to 
me  the  following  written  meffage  :  c  Lord  Rawdon 
*  and  colonel  Balfour  have  confented  to  grant  to 
'  mr.  Hayne  a  refpite  for  forty-eight  hours.'  My 
anfwer  was,  '  that  I  thanked  them.' 


No.  VII. 

Consultation  on  the  cafe  of  colonel  Hayne, 
enclofed  in  his  letter  to  lord  Rawdon  and  colonel 
Balfour.  Colonel 


(    5*&    ) 

Colonel  Hayne  being  detained  in  the  pro- 
voft's  prifon,  and  taken,  as  it  is  given  out,  in 
arms  againft  his  majefty,  received  from  major 
Frafer,  on  Thurfday  night,  a  notice  in  thefe 
words  :  '  A  court  of  enquiry,  compofed  of  four 
'  (lafF-  officers  and  five  captains,  will  affemble  to- 
6  morrow,  at  ten  in  the  morning,  in  the  province 
'  hall,  in  order  to  determine  under  what  point  of 
f  view  you  ought  to  be  confidered.'  The  court 
met  at  the  time  appointed,  and  the  prifoner  made 
his  appearance.  Neither  the  members  nor  wit- 
neffes  were  upon  oath.  The  prifoner  confidering 
it  only  as  a  court  of  enquiry,  which  was  held 
previous  to  a  formal  trial,  did  not  avail  himfelf 
of  the  liberty  granted  him  to  employ  counfel,  nor 
did  he  produce  any  witnefs  to  afcertain  a  great 
number  of  fa  els  tending  to  his  defence,  for  which, 
indeed,  he  was  allowed  but  a  very  fhort  time. 
He  was  apprized  this  morning,  that  the  faid  lord 
and  colonel,  on  the  rifing  of  the  faid  court  of 
enquiry,  came  to  the  resolution  of  having  the 
faid  Hayne  executed  on  Thurfday,  July  thirty- 
firfl.  Query  from  the  prifoner  :  '  Are  fuch  pro- 
'  ceedings  authorized  by  any  law,  and  is  the 
'  fubfequent  fentence  lawful  ?' 

ANSWER. 

I.  In  the  notice  given  you,  that  the  intention 
was  to  examine  you  before  a  court  of  enquiry, 
there  is  not,  even  according  to  the  rules  of  mar- 
tial law,  a  fufficient  certainty,  nor  any  exprefs 

accufation 


(     5'9     ) 

accufation   which   might   be   the   object   of  the 
court's  enquiry,  or  of  your  defence. 

II.  No  enemy  can  be  fentenced  to  death  in 
confequence  of  any  military  article,  or  any  other 
martial  procefs  that  I  know  of,  without  a  previ- 
ous trial,  except  fpies,  who,  by  the  articles  of 
war,  are  exprefsly  debarred  from  that  right. 

III.  No  fubject  whatever  can  or  ought  to  be 
deprived  of  his  life,  liberty  or  fortune,  unlefs  it 
be  by  the  unanimous  award  of  his  peers,  and 
according  to  the  laws  of  the  country.  And,  to 
my  knowledge,  there  is  not  a  law  which  can  au- 
thorize a  judgment  and  fentence  like  that  which 
they  have  taken  upon  themfelves  to  pronounce 
in  this  affair.  It  is  an  invariable  rule,  eftablifh- 
ed  by  law,  that  every  man  is  to  be  deemed  inno- 
cent till  his  guilt  is  proved  ;  that  being  found  or 
taken  in  arms  does  not  argue  criminality  fo  far 
as  to  hinder  the  culprit  from  making  his  defence, 
either  by  proving  a  commilnon,  or  upon  any 
other  ground  ;  and  that  many  of  thofe  who  had 
taken  up  arms  have  been  acquitted  upon  fuch 
proofs. 

IV.  In  confideration  of  the  principles  above 
adduced,  I  am  pofitively  of  opinion,  e  that  tak- 
€  ing  you  in  the    light   of  an   enemy,  (not   of  a 

*  fpy)  the  procefs  carried  on   againft  you  is  not 

*  lawful ;  but  if  you   are  to  be   confidered  as  a 

'  fubjecl. 


(     52°    ) 

4  fubjecl:,  fuch  proceedings  militate  againft,  and 
*  are  diametrically  contrary  to  all  laws.' 

(Signed)  John  Colcock. 

Charleiton,  July  2,9,   178 1. 

NOTE       XLI.       Page     285. 

Extracl  of  a  letter  from  N.  Balfour  to  major-gene- 
ral Greene,  dated  Charlejlon,  September  3,  1781. 

I  COME  now  to  that  part  which  has  refpect.  to 
the  execution  of  colonel  Hayne,  on  which 
head  I  am  to  inform  you  it  took  place  by  the 
joint-order  of  lord  Rawdon  and  myfelf,  in  confe- 
quence  of  the  mod  exprefs  directions  from  lord 
Cornwallis  to  us,  in  regard  to  all  thofe  who 
mould  be  found  in  arms,  after  being  at  their  own 
requefts  received  as  fubjecls,  fince  the  capitula- 
tion of  Charleiton  and  the  clear  conqueft  of  the 
province  in  the  fummer  of  1780  ;  more  efpecially 
fuch  as  mould  have  accepted  of  commiffions,  or 
might  diftinguifh  themfclves  in  inducing  a  revolt 
of  the  country.  To  his  lordmip  therefore,  as 
being  anfwerable  for  this  meafure,  the  appeal 
will  more  properly  be  made,  and  on  fuch  appeal 
I  mud  not  doubt,  every  fit  fatisfaction  will  be 
tendered  •,  but  as  the  threat  in  your  letter  is  of  a 
nature  which  may  extend  its  confequences  to  the 
mod  difagreeable  and  ferious  lengths,  I  cannot 
difmifs  this  fubjecl:  without  fome  general  remarks, 
(till  referring  for  the  particular  juftification  to  the 

opinion 


(  $«'  ) 

opinion  and  decifion  of  lord  Cornwallis,  immedi- 
ately under  whom  I  have  the  honour  to  act. 

And  firft  I  mufl  conceive,  without  adverting 
to  the  particular  caufe  of  difpute  between  Great- 
Britain  and  this  country,  that,  on  the  fubjection 
of  any  territory,  the  inhabitants  of  it  owe  allegi- 
ance to  the  conquering  power  (in  the  prefent  cafe 
a  voluntary  acknowledgment  was  given,  and  con- 
fequent  protection  received  ;)  and  that,  on  any 
account  to  recede  from  it,  is  juftly  punifhable 
with  death,  by  whatever  law,  either  civil  or 
military,   is   then  prevalent. 

To  juftify  retaliation  I  am  convinced  you  will 
agree  a  parity  of  circumftances  in  all  refpects  is 
required  ;  without  fuch  every  fhadow  of  juftice 
is  removed,  and  vengeance  only  points  to  indif- 
criminate  horrors. 


NOTE       XLII.       Page     285. 

Camp,  fouthern  army,  High  Hills  of  Santee, 
20th  Auguft,   178 1. 

THE  fubfcribers,  commiffioned  officers  ferv- 
ing  in  the  fouthern  army,  beg  leave  to  re- 
prefent  to  the  honourable  major-general  Greene, 
that  they  are  informed  not  only  by  current  re- 
ports, but  by  official  and  acknowledged  authori- 
ty, that,  contrary  to  exprefs  ftipulations  in  the 
capitulation  of  Charlefton,  figned  the  twelfth  day 
Vol.  II.  3  T  of 


(     522     ) 

of  May,  1780,  a  number  of  very  refpectable 
inhabitants  of  that  town  and  others  were  confined 
on  board  prifon-fhips,  and  fent  to  St.  Auguftine, 
and  other  places  diftant  from  their  homes,  fami- 
lies and  friends.  That  notwithftanding  the  ge- 
neral cartel  fettled  for  exchange  of  prifoners  in 
the  fouthern  department,  and  agreed  to  the  third 
of  May  laft,  feveral  officers  of  militia  and  other 
gentlemen,  fubjects  of  the  United  States,  have 
been  and  ftill  are  detained  in  captivity  ;  that  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  Britifh  troops  in 
Charlefton,  regardlefs  of  the  principles,  and 
even  the  exprefs  tenor  of  the  faid  cartel,  hath 
not  only  prefumed  to  difcriminate  between  the 
militia  and  other  fubje&s  of  the  United  States 
prifoners  of  war,  partially  determining  who  were 
and  who  were  not  objects  of  exchange,  but  hath 
even  dared  to  execute,  in  the  mod  ignominious 
manner,  colonel  Hayne,  of  the  militia  of  the 
flate  of  South-Carolina,  a  gentleman  amiable  in 
character,  refpectable  in  his  connexions,  and  of 
eminent  abilities  :  and  this  violent  act,  as  cruel 
as  it  was  unneceffary  and  unjufl:,  we  are  inform- 
ed is  attempted  to  be  juflified  by  the  imputed 
crime  of  treafon,  founded  upon  the  unfortunate 
fufferer's  having,  in  circumftances  peculiarly  dif- 
trefling,  accepted  of  what  is  called  a  protection 
from  the  Britifh  government. 

If  every  inhabitant  of  this  country  who,  being 
bound  by  the  tender  ties  of  family-connexions, 
and   fettered   by   domeftick    embarrafTments,    is 

forced 


(     5*3     ) 

forced  to  fubmit  to  the  misfortune  of  falling  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy,  muft  therefore  become 
a  fubject  of  fuch  inhuman  authority,  and  if  fuch 
fubjects  are  liable  to  be  tried  by  martial  law  for 
offences  againfl  the  faid  civil  government  of  the 
Britifh  nation,  their  fituation  is  truly  deplorable  ; 
but  we  conceive  forms  of  protection  which  are 
granted  one  day,  and  retracted,  violated,  dis- 
claimed or  deferted  the  next,  can  enjoin  no  fuch 
condition  or  obligation  upon  perfons  who  accept 
them.  We  confider  the  citizens  of  America  as 
independent  of  the  government  of  Great-Britain 
as  thofe  of  Great-Britain  are  of  the  United  States, 
or  of  any  other  fovereign  power,  and  think  it 
juft  the  feverities  and  indulgences  to  prifoners  of 
war  ought  to  be  reciprocal.  We  therefore,  with 
fubmiifion,  beg  leave  to  recommend  that  a  ftrict 
enquiry  be  made  into  the  feveral  matters  menti- 
oned, and  if  afcertained,  that  you  will  be  pleafed 
to  retaliate  in  the  mod  effectual  manner  by  a 
fimilar  treatment  of  Britifh  fubjects  which  are  or 
may  be  in  your  power. 

Permit  us  to  add,  that  while  we  ferioufly  la- 
ment the  neceffity  of  fuch  a  fevere  expedient,  and 
commiferate  the  fufferings  to  which  individuals 
will  neceffarily  be  expofed,  we  are  not  unmindful 
that  fuch  a  meafure  may,  in  its  confequences,  in- 
volve our  own  lives  in  additional  dangers  ;  but 
we  had  rather  forego  temporary  distinctions,  and 
commit  ourfelves  to  the  moft  defperate  fituations, 

than 


(     524     ) 

than  profecute  this  juft  and  neceflary  war  upon 
terms  fo  unequal  and  fo  difhonourable. 
We  are,  fir,  with  the  greateft  regard, 
and  molt  refpeclful  fentiments  of  cfteem, 
your  mod  obedient 

and  mod  humble  fervants. 

[Signed  by  all  the  officers  of  the  army.] 

The  honourable  major- 
general  Greene. 


NOTE       XLIII.       Page     285. 

P  R  O  C  L  A  M  A  T  I  O  N. 

Bf  Nathaniel  Greene,  ef quire,  major -general*, 
commanding  the  American  army  in  the  /out hern 
department, 

HER  E  A  S  colonel  Ifaac  Hayne,  com- 
manding a  regiment  of  militia  in  the  fer- 
vice  of  the  United  States,  was  taken  prifoner  by 
a  party  of  Britim  troops,  and  after  a  rigorous 
detention  in  the  Provolt's  prifon  at  Chariefion, 
was  condemned  and  executed  on  the  4th  of  this 
month,  in  the  mod  cruel  and  unjuftifiable  man- 
ner, in  open  violation  of  the  cartel  agreed  upon 
between  the  two  armies,  for  the  releafe  and  ex- 
change of  all  prifoners  of  war  ;  and  it  being  no 
lefs  the  duty  than  the  inclination  of  the  army  to 
refent  every  violence  offered  to  the  good  citizens 

of 


(    s^s    ) 

of  America,  to  difcountenance  all  thofe  diitincli- 
ons  which  they  have  endeavoured  to  eitabltm,  in 
making  a  difference  in  various  orders  of  men, 
found  under  arms  for  the  fupport  of  the  indepen- 
dence of  the  United  States  ;  and  further  confi- 
dering  that  thefe  violences  are  committed  with  a 
view  of  terrifying  the  good  people,  and  by  that 
means  preventing  them  from  acYing  in  conformity 
with  their  political  interefts  and  private  inclinati- 
ons ;  and  that  this  method  of  trying  and  punifh- 
ing,  in  confequence  of  thofe  diftinclions,  is  no  lefs 
oppofite  to  the  fpirit  of  the  Britifh,  than  it  is  in- 
clufive  of  an  unwarrantable  infringement  of  all  the 
laws  of  humanity,  and  the  rights  of  the  free  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States;  from  thefe  confidera- 
tions  I  have  thought  proper  to  ififue  the  prefent 
proclamation,  exprefsly  to  declare,  '  that  it  is 
'  my  intention  to  make  reprifals  for  all  fucli  in- 
■  human  infults,  as  often  as  they  mall  take  place.' 
And  whereas  the  enemy  feems  willing  to  expoie 
the  fmall  number  of  the  deceived  and  feduced  in- 
habitants, who  are  attached  to  their  interefts,  if 
they  can  but  find  an  opportunity  of  facrificing  the 
great  number  that  have  flood  forth  in  defence  of 
our  caufe  ;  I  farther  declare,  '  that  it  is  my  in- 
*  tention  to  take  the  officers  of  the  regular  forces, 
6  and  not  the  feduced  inhabitants  who  have  joined 
1  their  army,  for  the  objects  of  my  reprifals.' — - 
But  while  I  am  determined  to  refent  everv 
infult  that  may  be  offered  to  the  United  States 
for  having  maintained  our  independence,  I  cannot 
but  lament  the  ncceffity  I  am  under  of  having  re- 

courfe 


(     5*6     ) 

courfe  to  mcafures  fo  extremely  wounding  to  the 
fentiments  of  humanity,  and  fo  contrary  to  the  li- 
beral principles  upon  which  I  wifh  to  conduct 
the  war. 

Given  at  the  head-quarters  at  Camden,  26th 
of  Auguft,  178 1,  in  the  fixth  year  of  Ameri- 
can independence. 

(Signed)  Nathaniel  Greene. 

NOTE       XLIV.       Page     288. 

The  treatment  of  the  prifoners  of  war  taken  by  the 
Britijh  in  South '-Carolina,  in  the  year  1780,  is 
more  particularly  Jiated  in  the  two  following  let- 
ters ;  the  jirfi  of  which  was  written  by  doclor 
Olyphant,  direclor  of  the  American  hofpitals  in 
the  J out  hern  department,  on  the  yth  of  May  1781, 
to  general  Moultrie,  in,  the  following  words  i 

1  "\7~OU  will  obferve  by  this  month's  return 

*  X  the  number  of  lick  among  our  people  con- 
8  tinues  great,  efpecially  as  this  is  a  healthy  fea- 

*  fon  of  the  year  ;  but  when  the  reafons  of  it  are 

*  confidered,  it  is  not  much  to  be  wondered  at. 
fi  Men  fent  immediately  from  a  Tick  hofpital  on 
€  board  of  prifon-fhips,  and  confined  to  a  fait  di- 
s  et,  cannot  poffibly  recover  their  health  and  ^vi- 
c  gour.      This  likewife  accounts   for   the    many 

*  deaths. 

fi  I  am  farther  to  acquaint  you  of  our  convale- 

'  fcents 


(    5*7    ) 

f  fcents  being  difcharged  before  they  are  thought 
6  fit  by  our  phyficians  to  be  difmified  under  fuch 
'  circumftances.  This  is  dire&ed  by  doctor  Hayes, 
'  the  dire£tor-general  of  the  Britifh  hofpitals,  who 
«  is  commanded,  as  he  informs  me,  to  do  fo  by 
4  the  commandant.' 

The  fame  fubjecl  is  more  particularly  Jiated  in  a  let- 
ter addreffed  to  the  author  of  this  hijiory  by  the 
honourable  Peter  Fayffoux,  M.  D.  member  of  the 
council  of  thefiate  of  South-Carolina,  who  ferved 
his  country  during  the  late  war  in  the  character 
of  chief  phyfician  to  the  American  hofpitals  in  the 
f out  hern  department,  which  was  in  the  following 
words  : 


i  c 


harlefton,  March  26,   1785. 


S  1  R, 


'  In  compliance  with  your  requeft,  I  now  fend 

*  you  fome  of  the  moft  remarkable  facts  relative  to 

*  the  treatment  the  American  prifoners,  the  Tick  in 
c  particular,  received,  during  their  captivity  in 
■  Charlefton,  from  the  Britifh.  The  dire&or-ge- 
'  neral  having  been  confined  by  the  Britifh,  the  im- 

*  mediate  charge  of  the  American  hofpital  devolved 
'  on  me,  I  can  therefore  anfwer  for  the  truth  of 
'  this  account,  as  every  circumftance  was  within  my 
'  own  knowledge.  From  the  furrender  of  Charlef- 
Mon  to  the  period  of  general  Gates's  defeat,  I  do 
'  not  think  we  had  any   material  caufe  of  com- 

*  plaint, 

6  The 


(    5*8    ) 

4  The  regulations  for  the  government  of  the 
4  hofpital,  the  fupplies  of  medicine  and  diet,  were 
'  in  general  prefcribed  by  ourfelves  and  acceded 
1  to  by  the  Britifh. 

'  After  the  defeat  of  general  Gates  our  fuf- 
4  ferings  commenced.  The  Britifh  appeared  to 
1  have  adopted  a  different  mode  of  conduct  to- 
4  wards  their  prifoners,  and  proceeded  from  one 
4  ilep  to  another  until  they  fully  difplayed  them- 
4  feives,  void  of  faith,  honour  or  humanity,  and 
4  capable  of  the  mod  favage  acts  of  barbarity. 

*  The  unhappy  men  who  belonged  to  the  mi- 

*  litia,  and  were  taken  prifoners  on  Gates's  defeat, 
'  experienced  the  firft  effects  of  the  cruelty  of 
4  their  new  fyftem. 

4  These  men  were  confined  on  board  of  pri- 
;  fon-ihips,  in  numbers  by  no  means  proportioned 
4  to  the  iize  of  the  veffels,  immediately  after  a 
4  march  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles,  in  the 
4  mod  lickly  feafon  of  this  unhealthy  climate. 

'  These  veffels  were  in  general  infected  with 
4  the  final] -pox  ;  very  few  of  the  prifoners  had 
6  gone  through   that   diforder.     A  reprefentation 

*  was  made  to  the  Britifh  commandant  of  their 

*  fituation,  and  permiffion  was  obtained  for  one 
c  of  our  furgtons  to  inoculate  them — this  was  the 
'  utmoif.  extent  of  their  humanity — the  wretched 
4  objects  were  ftill  conlined  onboard  of  the  prifon- 

ihips, 


(     529     ) 

*  fhips,  and  fed  on   fait  provifions,  without  the 

*  lead  medical  aid,  or  any  proper  kind  of  nourifh- 
'  ment.     The  effect  that  naturally  followed,  was  a 

*  fmall-pox   with  a  fever  of  the  putrid  type  ;   and 

*  to  fuch  as  furvived  the  fmall-pox,  a  putrid  dy- 
'  fentery — and,  from  thefe  caufes,  the  deaths  of  at 
'  lead  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  unhappy  vic- 

*  tims.  Such  were  the  appearances,  and  fuch  was 
c  the  termination  of  the  generality  of  the  cafes 
'  brought  to  the  general  hofpital  after  the  erupti- 

*  on  of  the  fmall-pox — before  the  eruption,  not  a 

*  iingle  individual  was  fufFered  to  be  brought  on 

*  more.     If  any  thing  can  furpafs  the  above  rela- 

*  tion  in  barbarity,  it  is  the  following  account : — 

'  The  continental  troops,  by  the  articles  of  ca- 

*  pitulation,  were  to  be  detained  prifoners  in  fome 
4  place   contiguous   to  Charleston  ;  the  barracks 

*  were  pitched  on  as  the  proper  place ;  this  was 
4  agreed  to  by  both  parties. — The  Britifh,  in  vio- 

*  lation  of  their  folemn  compact,  put  thefe  people 
i  on   board    of  prifon-fhips. — Confined    in    large 

*  numbers  on  board  of  thefe  veiTels,    and   fed  on 

*  fait   provifions  in  this   climate  in  the  months  of 

*  October  and  November,  they  naturally  gene- 
•'  rated  a  putrid  fever  from  the  human  miafma, 
6  This  foon  became  highly  contagious.  The  fick 
4  brought  into  the  general  hofpital  from  the  pri- 
'  fon-fhips,  generally  died  in  the  courfe  of  two  or 
s  three  days,  with  all  the  marks  of  a  highly  fep- 

*  tick  flate.      Application   was   made   to   mr.    de 

*  Rofette,  the  Britifh  commiffary  of  prifoners  ;  the 
Vol.   II,  1  U  <  vaft 


(     53°     ) 

4  vaft  increafe  of   the    numbers   of  deaths    was 

*  pointed  out,  and  he  was  requeued  to  have  pro- 
4  per  fteps  taken  to  check  the  progrefs  of  a  dif- 
4  order  that  threatened  to   deftroy  the  whole  of 

*  the  prifoners. 

4  In  confequence  of  this  application  mr.  Fifher, 
4  our  commiffary  of  prifoners,  and  mr.  Frafer, 
4  who  formerly  practifed  phyfick  in  this  country, 
'  but  then  acted  as  a  Britifh  deputy  commiffary, 
4  were  ordered  to  infpe£t  the  (late  of  the  prifoners 
4  in  the  veffels.  This  report  confirmed  the  truth 
4  of  what  had  been  advanced — this  can  be  proved 
4  by  a  very  particular  circumflance. — My  hopes 
4  were  very  fanguine  that  fomething  would  be 
4  done  for  the  relief  of  thofe  unhappy  perfons,  but 
4  they  were  entirely  fruflrated  by  a  perfon  from 
4  whom  I  did  not,  and  ought  not  to  have  ex- 
4  peeled  it.  Dr.  John  M'Namara  Hays,  phyfi- 
4  cian  to  the  Britifh  army,  a  perfon  who  had  been 
4  taken  by  the  Americans  on  the  capture  of  Bur- 
4  goyne.  who  had  received  the  politeff.  treatment 
4  from  the  Americans  when  a  prifoner,  and  who 
4  had  the  generofity  to  acknowledge  the  ufage 
4  he  had  met  with — this  perfon  was  ordered  to 
4  report  on  the  flate  of  the  prifoners — to  my  aflo- 
4  niihment,  I  was  informed  his  report  was,  that 
6  the  prifon-fiiips  were  not  crouded,  perfectly 
4  wholefome,  and  no  appearance  of  infectious  dif- 
c  orders  amongft  the  prifoners. 

*  I  th:">;  determined  to  make  one  more  effort 

4  for 


(     53'     ) 

c  for  the  relief  of  thefe  unhappy  perfons — for  this 
'  purpofe  I  had  two  of  the  dead  bodies  kept  in 
6  the  area  of  the  hofpital,  and,  upon  doclor  Hays's 
4  daily  vifit  to  our  hofpital,  I  marked  to  him  the 
4  appearances  of  the  fubje&s,  whofe  bodies  were 
s  highly  tinged  with  a  yellow  fuftufion,  petechied 
*  over  the  bread  and  trunk,  with  considerable  ec- 
4  chymofis  from  extravafated  or  diflolved  blood 
'  about  the  neck,  bread  and  upper  extremities.  I 
4  inquired  ir  it  waspoffible  a  doubt  could  remain  re- 
4  fpeeting  the  nature  of  their  diforder,  and  expreff- 
4  ed  my  furprife  at  the  report  he  had  made.  The 
4  words  of  his  reply  were,  '  that  the  confinement 
4  of  the  prifoners  in  prifon-fnips  was  the  great  eye- 
4  fore,  and  there  was  no  help  for  that,  it  mud  be 
4  done.'  The  diforder  in  confequence  continued 
4  until  the  cold  weather  ;  the  number  of  deaths, 
4  joined  with  the  number  that  were  compelled  by 
4  this  treatment  to  inlid  with  the  Britim,  removed 
4  in  a  great  meafure  the  caufe.  Hitherto  a  num- 
4  ber  of  our  prifoners  who  were  tradeimen  had 
4  been  permitted  to  remain  in  the  barracks,  or  in 
4  the  city,  wjjere  they  were  employed  by  the  Bri- 
4  tifh — about  the  month  of  January  1781,  they 
4  were  all  confined  to  the  barracks,  and  there 
4  Britim  emiifaries  were  very  bufy  amongft  them, 
4  to  perfuade  them  to  inlid  in  their  new  corps. 
4  About  the  fame  time  a  fupply  of  clothing,  and 
4  fonie  money  to  procure  neceflaries,  arrived  from 
4  the  Congrefs  for  the  ufe  of  the  prifoners. 

*  Mr,  Fiiher,  our  commifiary,  was  prevented 

4  from 


C    53*     ) 

1  from  distributing  the  clothing,  and  the  priibn- 

*  ers  were  informed  it  was   a  deception,  for  no 

*  fupplies  had  arrived  for  their  ufe.  Their  motive 
8  was,  that  by  the  complicated  diftrefs  of  naked- 
'  nefs  and  imprifonment,  their  patience  would  be 

*  exhaufted,    and    inliftment    with    them    would 

*  enfue. 

8  To  prevent  this,  means  were  found  to  have 
8  feveral  bales  of  the  clothing  brought  to  the  pic- 
c  quets  which  inclofed  the  barracks,  and  in  fight 
c  of  our  foldiers  j  this  meafure  eitabliihed  the  fact. 

8  Disappointed  from  this  quarter,  the  Britim 
'*  commandant  or  his  minifters  determined  to  ob- 
4  ferve  no  meafures  but  what  would  accomplish 

*  their  own  purpofes.  All  the  foldiers  in  the  bar- 
4  racks,  including  the  convalefcents,  were  parad- 
■  ed,  and  harangued  by  Frafer,  the  Britifh  de» 
4  puty  commifTary,  and  one  Low,  a  recruiting 
'  officer  for  one  of  the  Britilh  corps.  The  con- 
8  clufion  of  the  affair  was,  that  fuch  as  chofe  to 

4  inlift  with  the  Britim  mould  leave  the  ranks,  and 

*  the  remainder  go  on  board  of  the  prifon-fhips. 
8  A  few  who  had  been  previoufly  engaged  with- 

5  drew  from  the  ranks  ;  the  large   majority  that 

*  flood  firm,  after  three  different  folicitations 
4  without  effect,  had  this  dreadful  fentence  pro- 
;  nounced  by  Frafer,  c  that  they  mould  be  put 
4  on  board  of  the  prifon-fhips,  where  they  could 
4  not  expect  any  thing  more  but  to  perifh  mifera- 

*  bly  ;  and  that  the  rations  hitherto  allowed  for 

4  the 


(     533     ) 

4  the  fupport  of  their  wives  and   children,  from 

5  that  day  fhould  be  withheld  ;  the  confequence 
'  of  which  would  be,  they  muft  flarve  in  the 
«  ftreets.' 

'  Human  nature  recoiled  from  fo  horrid  a  de- 
'  claration — for  a  few  feconds   the   unhappy   vic- 

*  tims  feemed  flupifled  at  the  dreadful  profpecl ;  a 
4  gloomy  and  univerfal  filence  prevailed. — This 
4  was  followed  by  a  loud  huzza  for  general  Wafh- 

*  ington  ;  death  and  the  prifon-fhips  was  the  una- 
4  nimous  determination. 

4  The  hofpital  at  this  time  was  reduced  to  the 
''  greatefl  diftrefs  imaginable — the  fick  without 
c  clothing,    covering,    or  any  neceffary   but   one 

6  pound  of  beef  and  bread — very  little  fugar,  no 
'  wine,  and  rarely  a  fmall  allowance  of  rum. 

«  We  had  no  refources,  and  the  Britiih  would 
4  only    furnifh    the    abfolute    neceflaries    of   life. 

*  The  officers  of  the  hofpital,  on  the  mildeft  re- 
'  prefentation,  were  threatened  and  infulted,  fre- 

*  quently  prohibited  from  vifiting  the  fick,  once 
'  I  remember  for  three  days. 

'  It  was  fcarcely  poffible  for   men   to   fupport 

*  fuch  an  accumulated  load  of  mifery  ;  but  when 
'  lead  expected,  a  relief  was  adminiftered  to  us. 

*  A  fubfcription  for  the  fupport  of  the  fick  was 
4  filled  by  people  of  every  denomination  with  amaz- 

*  ing  rapidity.      Several  of  the  ladies  of  CharJef- 

4  ton, 


(     534     ) 

8  ton,  laying  afide  the  diftincYion  of  whig  and  tory> 
6  were  inftrumental  and  affiduous  in  procuring  and 

*  preparing  every  neceffary  of  clothing  and  pro- 
e  per  nouriihment  for  our  poor,  worn-out  and  de- 
e  fponding  foldiers. 

e  Thus,  fir,  I  have  furnifhed  you  with  fome  of 
6  the  moft  material  occurrences  ot  that  unhappy 
'  time.     I  have  not  exaggerated  or  written  a  fin- 

*  gle   circumftance  from  hatred  or  prejudice.     I 

*  could  furnifh  you  with  a  long  detail  of  cruelty 
"  and  diftrefs  exercifed  on  individuals. — Major 
'  Bocquet's  cafe,  expofed  in  an  open  boat  for 
6  twelve  hours  in  a  violent  fever,  with  a  blifter- 
'  ing  plafter  on  his  back,  extended  at  length  in 
4  the  bottom  of  the  boat,  then  put  into  the  dun- 
4  geon  of  the  provoft  with  the  vileft  felons  and 
'  murderers,  left  to  languifh  under  his  complaint 
'  until  his  death  feemed  morally  certain,  only  re- 

*  leafed  from  his  confinement  from  the  dread  of 
'  a  juft  retaliation — the  moment  his  recovery  feem- 
'  ed  probable,  again  hurried  back  to  the  provoft, 

*  there  to  remain  until  the  general  exchange  re- 
'  leafed  him  from  their  power. 

'  This  inflance  of  feverity  exercifed  on  an  in- 

*  dividual,  whofe  only  crime  was  a  fteady  attach- 
x  ment  to  the  caufe  of  his  country,  and  a  deter- 
c  mined  refolution  to  keep  facred  the  folemn  oath 
e  he  had  taken   in  its  caufe,  would  appear  as  no- 

*  thing,  were  I  to  enumerate  the  fcenes  of  woe 

*  and   dtilrefs  brought   on   many  citizens  of  this 

'  once 


(     535     ') 

e  once    happy    country,   by   Rritifh    cruelty    and 

*  unneceffary   feverity.     I   am   fure   every   bread 
6  would  be  foftened,  even  tears  would  fall  from 

*  Britifli   eyes. 

'  I  am,  fir,  with  efteem,  yours,  &c. 

c  P.  Fayssoux.' 


NOTE       XLV.       Page     297. 

Charlefton,  May  17,   178 l 

Gentlemen, 

SEVERAL  prifoners  on  parole,  having  been 
this  day  taken  up,  and  lent  on  board  mip, 
the  motives  for  which  are  explained  in  the  enclof- 
ed  copy  of  a  letter  to  them  ;  I  am  directed  by 
the  commandant  to  defire  you  will  infertthe  fame 
in  your  next  paper,  for  the  information  of  the 
publick. 

I  am,  gentlemen, 

your  mod  obedient  fervam, 
H.  Barry,  fecretary,  and  D.  A.  general, 

Meffrs.  Wells  and  fon,  printers  to  the  King's 
mod  excellent  majedy. 

Charlefton,  May  17,  178 1. 
Gentlemen, 

Many  have  been  the  reprefentations  which  the 
outrages  committed  by  the  American  troops,  and 
their  violations  of  all  the  humaner  principles  of  war, 

have 


(    536     ) 

have  compelled  me  to  make  to  fuch  of  their  offi- 
cers as  commanded  parties  in  this  province  :  but 
more  particularly  have  I  been  obliged  to  remon- 
ftrate  againft  the  rigorous  treatment,  in  many 
cafes  extending  to  death,  which  the  loyal  mili- 
tia, when  made  prifoners,  mod  invariably  expe- 
rience. 

These  reprefentations,  gentlemen,  having  been 
grounded  on  the  trued  principles  of  benevolence, 
and  which  it  behoves  each  fide  equally  to  have  ad- 
vanced, I  was  as  much  furprized  as  I  was  morti- 
fied, to  find  them  in  all  cafes  practically  disre- 
garded, and  in  many,  wholly  neglected.  It  is 
therefore  become  my  duty,  however  irkfome  to 
myfelf,  to  try  how  far  a  more  decided  line  of  con- 
duct will  prevail,  and  whether  the  fafety  of  avow- 
ed adherents  to  their  caufe,  may  not  induce  the 
American  troops  to  extend  a  proper  clemency  to 
thofe  whofe  principles  arm  them  in  defence  of  Bri- 
tifh  government. 

Induced  by  thefe  motives,  I  have  conceived 
it  an  act  of  expediency  to  feize  on  your  perfons, 
and  retain  them  as  hoftages  for  the  good  ufage  of 
all  the  loyal  militia  who  are,  or  may  be  made  pri- 
foners of  war,  refolving  to  regulate,  in  the  full 
extent,  your  treatment  by  the  meafure  of  theirs, 
and  which  my  feelings  make  me  hope  may  here- 
after be  mod  lenient. 

And  as  I  have  thought  it  neceffary  that  thofe 

perfons 


(    537    ) 

perfons,  who  fome  time  fince  were  fent  from  hence 
to  St.  Auguftine,  mould,  in  this  refpeet,  be  con- 
fidered  in  the  fame  point  of  view  as  yourfelves,  I 
mall  fend  notice  there,  that  they  be  likewife  held 
as  fureties  for  a  future  propriety  of  conduct  to- 
wards our  militia  prifoners. 

Reasons  fo  cogent,  and  which  have  only  the 
mod  humane  purpofes  for  their  objects,  will,  I 
doubt  not,  be  confidered  by  every  reafonable  per- 
fon  as  a  fufficient  juftification  of  this  mod  necef- 
fary  meafure,  even  in  thofe  points  where  it  may 
militate  with  the  capitulation  of  Charlefton;  though 
indeed  the  daily  infractions  of  it,  by  the  breach  of 
paroles,  would  alone  well  warrant  this  procedure. 

Having  been  thus  candid  in  Hating  to  you  the 
caufes  for  this  conduct,  I  can  have  no  objections 
to  your  making  any  proper  ufe  of  this  letter  you 
may  judge  to  your  advantage,  and  will  therefore, 
mould  you  deem  it  expedient,  grant  what  flags  of 
truce  may  be  neceffary  to  carry  out  copies  of  it 
to  any  officer  commanding  American  troops  in 
thefe  parts,  and  in  the  mean  time  the  fulleft  di- 
rections will  be  given,  that  your  prefent  fituation 
be  rendered  as  eligible  as  the  nature  of  circum- 
ftances  will  admit. 

I  am,  gentlemen, 

your  mofl  obedient  humble  fervant, 
(Signed)  N.  Balfour. 

To  the  militia  prifoners  of  war  late  on  parole  in 
Charlefton,  now  on  board  a  prifon-fhip. 

Vol.  II.  3   W  Prifon- 


(    538    ) 

Prifon-fhip,  Torbay,    Charlefton   harbour, 
May  18,  1781. 

In  conformity  to  your  letter  of  yefterday,  wc 
embrace  your  offer  of  forwarding  a  copy  of  the 
fame,  together  with  a  roll  of  the  prifoners  on 
board  this  fhip,  and  a  letter  addreffed  to  major- 
general  Greene,  all  which  are  enclofed.  We  could 
wifh  one  of  our  number  might  be  fuffered  to  at- 
tend the  flag  of  truce. 
We  are,  fir, 

your  mod  obedient  humble  fervants, 
Stephen  Moore,  lieut.  col. 
John  Barnwell,  major. 

In  behalf  of  ourfelves  and  one  hundred  and  thir- 
ty other  prifoners. 
Lieut,  col.  Nefbit  Balfour. 

Torbay  prifon-mip,  off  Charlefton,  May  19,  1781. 

S  1  R, 

Yesterday  we  tranfmitted  to  you  a  letter,  en- 
clofing  a  copy  of  yours,  with  a  lift  of  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-nine  prifoners  of  war,  confined 
on  board  this  (hip,  which  we  hope  is  forwarded  to 
major-general  Greene,  agreeable  to  your  promife, 
and  make  no  doubt  but  that  your  feelings  as  a 
gentleman  will,  upon  this  occafion,  induce  you 
to  do  every  thing  in  your  power  to  liberate,  from 
a  moft  injurious  and  difagreeable  confinement, 
thofe  againft  whom  there  can  exiit  no  charge  of 
diflionour,  and  whofe  only  crime,  if  fuch  it  can 

poflibly 


(     539     ) 

poffibly  be  termed  by  men  of  liberal  ideas,  is  an 
inflexible  attachment  to  what  they  conceive  to  be 
the  rights  of  their  country,  and  who  have  fcorned 
to  deceive  you  by  unmeaning  profeflions.  In  juf- 
tice  to  ourfelves  we  muft  fay,  that  if  the  Ameri- 
cans have  at  any  time  fo  far  diverted  themfelves 
of  that  character  of  humanity  and  generofity, 
which  have  ever  diftinguifhed  them,  we  feel  our- 
felves moft  fenfibly  mortified,  but  are  induced, 
from  the  generous  treatment  of  colonels  Lech- 
mere,  Rugely,  Fenwicke  and  Kelfall,  and  their 
parties,  and  from  a  number  of  other  inftances 
which  might  be  eafily  adduced,  to  believe,  that 
the  outrages  which  you  complain  of,  mult  be  the 
effect  of  private  refentment  (fubfi  fling  between 
Britifh  fubjects  and  thofe  who,  after  having  availed 
themfelves  of  the  royal  proclamation,  have  re- 
fumed  their  arms,  in  oppofition  to  that  govern- 
ment) and  totally  unfanctioned  by  any  American 
officer,  and  which  we  are  well  convinced  they 
would  reprobate  and  would  punifh  in  the  moft  ex- 
emplary manner,  could  the  perpetrators  of  fuch 
horrid  acts  be  detected. 

In  a  war,  circumrtanced  as  the  prefent,  there 
will  be  fome  inftances  of  enormities  on  both  fides. 
We  would  not  wifh  to  particularize,  but  doubt 
not  there  are  acts  of  cruelty  frequently  committed 
by  the  irregulars  of  your  army,  and  are  con- 
vinced, that  on  your  part,  as  well  as  our  own, 
they  are  generally  to  be  attributed  to  an  igno- 
rance of  the  rules  of  warfare,  and  a  want  of  dif- 

cipline  j 


(     54o     ) 

cipline  ;  but  the  idea  of  detaining  in  clofe  cufto- 
dy  as  hoftages  a  number  of  men,  fairly  taken  in 
arms,  and  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  a  folemn  ca- 
pitulation, is  fo  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  war, 
and  the  ufage  of  civilized  nations,  that  we  appre- 
hend it  will  rather  be  the  means  of  increafing  its 
horrors,  than  anfwering  thofe  purpofes  of  huma- 
nity you  expect. 

As  a  mod  Ariel:  adherence  to  the  terms  of  our 
paroles,  and  a  firm  reliance  on  your  honour,  have 
been  the  only  reafons  of  our  being  in  your  pow- 
er at  prefent,  we  trufl,  that  upon  equitable  pro- 
pofals  being  made  for  our  exchange  by  general 
Greene,  no  objections  will  be  raifed,  but  every 
thing  done  to  bring  the  matter  to  the  mod  fpee- 
dy  iffue. 

As  you  have  thought  proper  to  publifh  your 
reafons  for  feizing  upon  our  perfons,  we  requeft 
our  anfwer  may  alfo  be  inferted  in  the  next  ga- 
zette. 

We  are,  fir, 

your  mofl  obedient  humble  fervants, 
(Signed)         Stephen  Moore, 
John  Barnwell, 
Samuel  Lockhart, 
John  Baddeley, 
Benjamin  Guerard, 
Charles  Pjnkney,  jun. 
in  behalf  of  the  whole. 
Lieut,  col.  Balfour,  com. 
of  Charlefton.  Prifon- 


(     54i     ) 

Prifon-fhip,  Torbay,  Charlefton  harbour, 
May  18,   1781. 

We  have  the  honour  of  enclofing  you  a  copy 
of  a  letter  from  colonel  Balfour,  commandant  of 
Charlefton,  which  was  handed  us  immediately  on 
our  being  put  on  board  this  fhip  ;  the  letter,  fpeak- 
ing  for  itfelf,  needs  no  comment  j  your  wifdom 
will  beft  dictate  the  notice  it  merits.  We  would 
juft  beg  leave  to  obferve,  that  mould  it  fall  to  the 
lot  of  all,  or  any  of  us,  to  be  made  victims,  agree- 
ably to  the  menaces  therein  contained,  we  have 
only  to  regret  that  our  blood  cannot  be  difpofed 
of  more  to  the  advancement  of  the  glorious  caufe 
to  which  we  have  adhered.  A  feparate  roll  of 
our  names  attend  this  letter. 

With  the  greateft  refpecl  we  are, 
fir,  your  mod  obedient  and 
molt  humble  fervants, 

Stephen  Moore,  lieut.  col. 

North-Carolina  militia. 

John  Barnwell,  major, 
S.  Carolina  militia,  for  ourfelves  and  1 30  prifoners. 

Major-general  Greene. 

On  board  the  prifon-Jhip  'Torbay. 

William  Axon,  Samuel  Am.  George  Arthur, 
John  Anthony,  Ralph  Atmore,  John  Baddeley, 
Peter  Bonnetheau,  Henry  Benbridge,  Jofeph  Ball, 
Jofeph  Bee,  Nathaniel  Blundell,  James  Bricken, 
Francis  Bayle,  William  Bafquin,  John  Clarke,  jun. 

Thomas 


(     54*     ) 

Thomas  Cooke,  Norwood  Conyers,  James  Cox, 
John  Dorfius,  Jofeph  Dunlap,  revd.  James  Ed- 
monds, Thomas  Elliot,  Jofeph  Elliot,  John  Evans, 
John  Eberley,  Jofeph  Glover,  Francis  Grott, 
Mitchell  Gargie,  William  Graves,  Peter  Guerard, 
Jacob  Henry,  David  Hamilton,  Thomas  Harris, 
William  Hornby,  Daniel  Jacoby,  Charles  Kent, 
Samuel  Lockhart,  Nathaniel  Lebby,  Thomas  Lif- 
tor,  Thomas  Legare,  John  LeiTefne,  Henry  Ly- 
bert,  John  Michael,  John  Minott,  fen.  John  Mon- 
crief,  Charles  M 'Donald,  John  Minott,  jun.  Sa- 
muel Miller,  Stephen  Moore,  George  Monck,  Jo- 
nathan Morgan,  Abraham  Mariette,  Solomon  Mil- 
ner,  John  Neufville,  jun.  Philip  Prioleau,  James 
Poyas,  Job  Palmer,  Jofeph  Robinfon,  Daniel 
Rhody,  Jofeph  Righton,  William  Snelling,  John 
Stevenfon,  junior,  Paul  Snyder,  Abraham  Sea- 
vers,  Ripley  Singleton,  Samuel  Scottowe,  Stephen 
Shrewsbury,  John  Saunders,  James  Touiliger, 
Paul  Taylor,  Sims  White,  James  Wilkins,  Ifaac 
White,  George  Welch,  Benjamin  Wheeler,  Wil- 
liam Wilkie,  John  Welch,  Thomas  You. 

On  board  the  fchooner  Pack-Horfe. 

John  Barnwell,  Edward  Barnwell,  Robert 
Barnwell,  William  Branford,  John  Blake,  Tho- 
mas Cochran,  Jofeph  Cray,  Robert  Dewar,  Wil- 
liam Defauffure,  Thomas  Eveleigh,  John  Edwards, 
jun,  John  W.  Edwards,  William  Elliot,  Benja- 
min Guerard,  Thomas  Grayfon,  John  Gibbons, 
Philip  Gadfden,  John  Greaves,  William  H.  Her- 

vey, 


C     543     ) 

.vey,  John  B.  Holmes,  William  Holmes,  Thomas 
Hughes,  James  Heyward,  George  Jones,  Henry 
Kennon,  John  Kean,  Stephen  Lee,  Philip  Meyer, 
George  Mofle,  William  Neufville,  John  Owen, 
Charles  Pinkney,  jun.  Samuel  Smith,  William 
Wigg,  Charles  Warham,  Thomas  Waring,  fen. 
Richard  Waring,  John  Waters,  David  Warham, 
Richard  Yeadon, 

Published  by  order  of  Congrefs, 

Charles  Thomson,  fecretary. 

N     O     T     E       XLVI.       Page     305. 

Charleston,  June  2. 

By  the  right  honourable  Francis  lord  Rawdon, 
colonel,  commanding  a  corps  of  his  ma  jejly's  forces 
in  South-Carolina,  &c.  and  Nesbit  Balfour, 
efq.  lieutenant-colonel  and  commandant  of  Charlef- 
ton,  &c. 

ALTHOUGH  attention  to  the  general  fecu- 
rity  of  the  province  has  obliged  his  maje- 
fly's  troops,  for  the  prefent,  to  relinquifh  fome  of 
the  upper  parts  of  it,  we  truft,  that  it  is  unnecef- 
fary  for  us  to  exhort  the  loyal  inhabitants  of 
thofe  diftrich  to  (land  firm  in  their  duty  and 
principles  ;  or  to  caution  them  againft  the  infidi- 
ous  artifices  of  an  enemy,  who  mud  fhortly  aban- 
don to  their  fate,  thofe  unfortunate  people  whom 
they  have  deluded  into  revolt. 

But 


C     544     ) 

But  being  well  informed,  that  many  perfons, 
fincerely  attached  to  his  majefty's  caufe,  have, 
notwithftanding,  been  forced  to  join  the  enemy, 
as  the  only  means  of  preferving  themfelves  and 
their  families  from  the  favage  cruelty  of  the  rebel 
militia,  until  efcape  mould  be  practicable  ;  we  de- 
fire  all  fuch  to  be  confident,  that  they  run  no 
rifk  of  fuffering  from  us,  through  indifcriminate 
vengeance  ;  reminding  them,  that  the  Britifh  go- 
vernment never  extends  its  hand  to  blood,  with- 
out the  moft  convincing  proofs  of  intentional 
guilt. 

And  we  advife  all  perfons  in  the  above  pre- 
dicament, as  likewife  thofe  who,  from  the  oppref- 
fions  of  the  enemy,  have  been  obliged  to  quit 
their  pofieffions,  to  take  the  earliefl:  opportunity  of 
coming  in,  with  their  arms,  to  any  poll  or  de- 
tachment of  the  royal  army.  We  give  them  af- 
furances  of  every  fupport,  and  of  every  endea- 
vour on  our  part,  to  mitigate  their  prefent  fuffer- 
ings  :  further  declaring  to  them,  that  we  mail 
feel  ourfelves  no  lefs  bound  to  reward  the  fidelity 
of  thofe  who  have  remained  unfhaken  in  their 
allegiance,  than  to  inflict  the  punifhment  due  to 
reiterated  perfidy.  Nor  fhould  we  give  them  this 
invitation,  were  we  not  certain  that,  in  conjuncti- 
on with  the  army,  daily  expecting  powerful  re- 
inforcement, their  exertions  will  very  fhortly  re- 
inftate  them  in  the  full  and  peaceable  poiTeflion 
of  that  property,  which  they  will  thus  have  only 

yielded 


(     545     ) 

yielded  for  a  time,  to  receive  again  with  confirmed 
fecurity. 

Given  under   our  hands  in  camp,  at  Monk's 
Corner,  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  May,  1781, 
and   in  the  twenty-nrfl  year  of  his  majefty's 
,     reign.  Rawdon, 

N.  Balfour. 
By  order  of  his  lordfhip  and  the  commandant, 
H.  Barry,  dep.  adj.  general. 

NOTE       XLVII.       Page     327. 

Articles  of  Capitulation  fettled  between  his 
excellency  general  Wajhington,  commander  in  chief 
of  the  combined  forces  of  America  and  France  ;  his 
excellency  the  count  de  Rochambeau,  lieutenant-ge- 
neral of  the  armies  of  the  king  of  France ',  great 
crofs  of  the  royal  and  tnilitary  order  of  St.  Louis, 
commanding  the  auxiliary  troops  of  his  mojl  chrif- 
tian  majejiy  in  America  ;  and  his  excellency  the 
count  de  Grafft,  lieutenant-general  of  the  naval 
armies  of  his  mojl  chriflian  majefly,  commander  of 
the  order  of  St.  Louis,  commanding  in  chief  the 
naval  army  of  France  in  the  Chefapeak,  on  the 
one  part  :  and  the  right  honourable  earl  Corn- 
ivallis,  lieutenant-general  of  his  Britannic  maje- 
fty's forces,  commanding  the  garrifons  of  York  and 
Gloucefler ;  and  Thomas  Symonds,  efquire,  co?n- 
manding  his  Britannic  majejly's  naval  forces  in 
York  river  in  Virginia,  on  the  other  part. 

Article  I.  rTT1HE  garrifons  of  York  and  Glou- 

J_.    cefter,  including  the  officers  and 

Vol,  II.  <*  X  feamen 


(     546     ) 

feamen  of  his  Britannic  majefty's  fhips,  as  well 
as  other  mariners,  to  furrender  themfelves  prifon- 
ers  of  war  to  the  combined  forces  of  America  and 
France  ;  the  land  troops  to  remain  prifoners  to 
the  United  States,  the  navy  to  the  naval  army  of 
his  mod  chriftian  majefty. 

Article  I.     Granted. 

Article  II.  The  artillery,  arms,  accoutre- 
ments, military  cheft,  and  publick  ftores  of  every 
denomination,  fhall  be  delivered,  unimpaired,  to 
the  heads  of  departments  appointed  to  receive 
them. 

Article  II.     Granted. 

Article  III.  At  twelve  o'clock  this  day  the 
two  redoubts  on  the  left  flank  of  York  to  be  de- 
livered, the  one  to  a  detachment  of  American  in- 
fantry ;  the  other  to  a  detachment  of  French  gre- 
nadiers. The  garrifon  of  York  will  march  out  to 
a  place  to  be  appointed,  in  front  of  the  ports,  at 
two  o'clock  precifely,  with  mouldered  arms,  co- 
lours cafed,  and  drums  beating  a  Britifh  or  Ger- 
man march  ;  they  are  then  to  ground  their  arms, 
and  return  to  their  encampment,  where  they  will 
remain  until  they  are  difpatched  to  the  places  of 
their  deftination.  Two  works  on  the  Gloucester 
fide  will  be  delivered  at  one  o'clock  to  detach- 
ments of  French  and  American  troops  appointed 
to  poflefs  them  ;  the  garrifon  will  march  out  at 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  ;  the  cavalry  with 

their 


(     547     ) 

their  fwords  drawn,  trumpets  founding  ;  and  the 
infantry  in  the  manner  prefcribed  for  the  garrifon 
of  York  :  they  are  likewife  to  return  to  their  en- 
campment, until  they  can  be  finally  marched  off. 

Article  III.     Granted. 

Article  IV.  Officers  to  retain  their  fide- 
arms  :  both  officers  and  foldiers  to  keep  their  pri- 
vate property  of  every  kind  ;  and  no  part  of  their 
baggage  or  papers  to  be  at  any  time  fubject  to 
fearch  or  infpection  ;  the  baggage  and  papers  of 
officers  and  foldiers,  taken  during  the  fiege,  to 
be  likewife  preferved  for  them.  It  is  underflood, 
that  any  property  obvioufly  belonging  to  the  in- 
habitants of  thefe  ftates,  in  the  poiTefTion  of  the 
garrifon,  ihall  be  fubject  to  be  reclaimed. 

Article  IV.     Granted. 

Article  V.  The  foldiers  to  be  kept  in  Vir- 
ginia, Maryland,  or  Pennfylvania,  and  as  much 
by  regiments  as  poffible,  and  fupplied  with  the 
fame  rations  of  provifions  as  are  allowed  to  foldi- 
ers in  the  fervice  of  America  ;  a  field-officer  from 
each  nation,  to  wit,  Britifh,  Anfpach,  and  Heffi- 
an,  and  other  officers  on  parole,  in  the  proporti- 
on of  one  to  fifty  men,  to  be  allowed  to  refide 
near  their  refpective  regiments,  to  vifit  them  fre- 
quently, and  to  be  witneffes  of  their  treatment ; 
and  that  thefe  officers  may  receive  and  deliver 
clothing  and  other  neceffaries  ;  for  which  paffports 
are  to  be  granted  when  applied  for. 

Article 


(     548     ) 
Article  V.     Granted. 

Article  VI.  The  general,  ftafF,  and  other 
officers  not  employed  as  mentioned  in  the  above 
article,  and  who  choole  it,  to  be  permitted  to  go 
on  parole  to  Europe,  to  New-York,  or  to  any 
other  American  maritime  pofts,  at  prefent  in  the 
poffeffion  of  the  Britifh  forces,  at  their  own  opti- 
on, and  proper  veffels  to  be  granted  by  the  count 
de  Graffe  to  carry  them  under  flags  of  truce  to 
New-York,  within  ten  days  from  this  date,  if  pof- 
fible  ;  and  they  to  refide  in  a  diftrict,  to  be  agreed 
upon  hereafter,  until  they  embark.  The  officers 
of  the  civil  departments  of  the  army  and  navy 
to  be  included  in  this  article  ;  paffports  to  go  by 
land  to  be  granted  to  thofe  to  whom  veffels  can- 
not be  furnifhed. 

Article  VI.     Granted. 

Article  VII.  Officers  to  be  allowed  to  keep 
foldiers  as  fervants,  according  to  the  common  prac- 
tice of  the  fervice.  Servants,  not  foldiers,  are  not 
to  be  confidered  as  prifoners  ;  and  are  to  be  al- 
lowed to  attend  their  mailers. 

Article  VII.     Granted. 

Article  VIII.  The  Bonetta  floop  of  war  to 
be  equipped  and  navigated  by  its  prefent  captain 
and  crew,  and  leit  entirely  at  the  difpoial  of  lord 
Cornwallis  from  the  hour  that  the  capitulation  is 
figned,  to  receive  an  aid-de-camp  to  carry  de- 
marches 


(     549     ) 

fpatches  to  fir  Henry  Clinton,  and  fuch  foldiers  as 
he  may  think  proper,  to  be  permitted  to  fail  with- 
out examination  when  his  defpatches  are  ready  ; 
his  lordfhip  engaging  on  his  part,  that  the  (hip 
(hall  be  delivered  to  the  order  of  the  count  de 
Graffe,  if  me  efcapes  the  dangers  of  the  feas ;  chat 
fhe  mall  not  carry  off  any  publick  (tores.  Any 
part  of  the  crew  that  may  be  deficient  on  her  re- 
turn, and  the  foldiers,  paffengers,  to  be  accounted 
for  on  her  delivery. 

Article  VIII.     Granted. 

Article  IX.  The  traders  are  to  prefer  ve 
their  property,  and  to  be  allowed  three  months 
to  difpofe  of  or  remove  it  ;  and  thofe  traders 
are  not  to  be  confidered  as  prifoners  of  war. 

Article  IX.  The  traders  will  be  allowed  to 
difpofe  of  their  effects  ;  the  allied  army  having  the 
right  of  pre-emption.  The  traders  to  be  confi- 
dered as  prifoners   of  war  on  parole. 

Article  X.  Natives  or  inhabitants  of  differ- 
ent parts  of  this  country,  at  prefent  in  York  or 
Gloucefter,  are  not  to  be  punimed  on  account  of 
having  joined  the  Britifli  army. 

Article  X.  This  article  cannot  be  affentecl 
to,  being  altogether  of  civil  refort. 

Article  XL     Proper  hofpitals  to  be  furnifh- 
cd  for  the  fick  and  wounded  ;  they  are  to  be  at- 
tended 


(     55=-     ) 

tended  by  their  own  furgeons  on  parole  ;  and 
they  are  to  be  furnifhed  with  medicines  and  ftores 
from  the  American  hofpitals. 

Article  XI.  The  hofpital  ftores  now  in  York 
and  Gloucefter  (hall  be  delivered  for  the  ufe  of 
the  Britifh  fick  and  wounded  ;  paflports  will  be 
granted  for  procuring  them  further  fupplies  from 
New-York,  as  occafion  may  require  ;  and  pro- 
per hofpitals  will  be  furnifhed  for  the  reception 
of  the  fick  and  wounded  of  the  two  divifions. 

Article  XII.  Waggons  to  be  furnifhed  to 
carry  the  baggage  of  the  officers  attending  the 
foldiers,  and  to  furgeons,  when  travelling,  on 
account  of  the  fick,  attending  the  hofpitals,  at 
publick  expence. 

Article  XII.  They  will  be  furnifhed  if  poffi- 
ble. 

Article  XIII.  The  fhipping  and  boats  in  the 
two  harbours,  with  all  their  ftores,  guns,  tack- 
ling and  apparel,  fhall  be  delivered  up  in  their 
prefent  ftate  to  an  officer  of  the  navy  appointed 
to  take  poffeffion  of  them,  previoufly  unloading 
the  private  property,  part  of  which  had  been  on 
board  for  fecurity  during  the  fiege. 

Article  XIII.  Granted. 

Article  XIV.  No  article  of  the  capitulation 
to  be  infringed  on  pretext  of  reprifal  ',  and  if 

there 


(    55'     ) 

there  be  any  doubtful  expreffions  in  it,  they  are 
to  be  interpreted  according  to  the  common  mean- 
ing and  acceptations  of  the  words. 

Article  XIV.  Granted. 

Done  in  the  trenches  before  York, 
October  19,   1781. 

(Signed)  G.  Washington, 

Le  Cte.  de  Rochambeau, 
Le  Cte.  de  Barras,  en  n'on 

nom,  et  celui  du  Cte.  de 

Grasse, 
Corn  wallis, 
Tho.  Symonds. 


NOTE       XLVIII.       Page     329. 

By  the  United  States  in  Congrefs  ajfsmbkd,  Oclober 
29,    1781. 

RESOLVED,  that  the  thanks  of  the  United 
States  in  Congrefs  affembled  be  prefented 
to  his  excellency  general  Wafliington,  for  the 
eminent  fervices  which  he  has  rendered  to  the 
United  States,  and  particularly  for  the  well-con- 
certed plan  againft  the  Britifh  garrifons  in  York 
and  Gloucefter  ;  for  the  vigour,  attention,  and 
military  (kill  with  which  the  plan  was  executed  ; 
and  for  the  wifdom  and  prudence  manifefled  in 
the  capitulation. 

That 


(     55*     ) 

That  the  thanks  of  the  United  States  in  Con- 
grefs  affembled  be  prefented  to  his  excellency 
the  Count  de  Rochambeau,  for  the  cordiality, 
zeal,  judgment  and  fortitude,  with  which  he  fe- 
conded  and  advanced  the  progrefs  of  the  allied 
army  againft  the  Britilh  garrifon  in  York. 

That  the  thanks  of  the  United  States  in  Con- 
grefs  affembled  be  prefented  to  his  excellency 
count  de  Graffe,  for  his  difplay  of  {kill  and  bra- 
very in  attacking  and  defeating  the  Britifh  fleet 
off  the  bay  of  Chefapcak  ;  and  for  his  zeal  and 
alacrity  in  rendering,  with  the  fleet  under  his 
command,  the  mod  effectual  and  diftinguifhed 
aid  and  fupport  to  the  operations  of  the  allied 
army  in  Virginia. 

That  the  thanks  of  the  United  States  in  Con- 
grefs  affembled  be  prefented  to  the  commanding 
and  other  officers  of  the  corps  of  artillery  and 
engineers  of  the  allied  army,  who  fuftained  ex- 
traordinary fatig,ue  and  danger,  in  their  animated 
and  gallant  approaches  to  the  lines  of  the  enemy. 

That  general  Walhington  be  directed  to  com- 
municate to  the  other  officers  and  the  foldiers 
under  his  command  the  thanks  of  the  United 
States  in  Congrefs  affembled,  for  their  conduct 
and  valour  on  this  occafion. 

R-esolved,  that  the  United  States  in  Congrefs 
affembled  will  caufe  to  be  erected  at  York,    in 

Virginia, 


(     553     ) 

Virginia,  a  marble  column,  adorned  with  em- 
blems of  the  alliance  between  the  United  States 
and  his  mod  chriflian  majefty ;  and  infcribed 
with  a  fuccinct  narrative  of  the  furrender  of  earl 
Cornwallis  to  his  excellency  general  Wafhington, 
commander  in  chief  of  the  combined  forces  of 
America  and  France,  to  his  excellency  the  count 
de  Rochambeau,  commanding  the  auxiliary  troops 
•of  his  moil  chriflian  majefty  in  America,  and  his 
excellency  the  count  de  GrafTe,  commanding  in 
chief  the  naval  army  of  France  in  the  Chefapeak. 

Resolved,  that  two  (lands  of  the  colours, 
taken  from  the  Brkifh  army  under  the  capitula- 
tion of  York,  be  prefented  to  his  excellency  ge- 
neral Wafhington,  in  the  name  of  the  United 
States  in  Congrefs  affembled. 

Resolved,  that  two  pieces  of  field  ordnance, 
taken  from  the  Britifh  army  under  the  capitula- 
tion of  York,  be  prefented  by  the  commander  in 
chief  of  the  American  army  to  count  de  Rocham- 
beau ;  and  that  there  be  engraved  thereon  a  fhort 
memorandum,  that  Congrefs  were  induced  to 
prefent  them  from  confiderations  of  the  illuflri- 
ous  part  which  he  bore  in  effectuating  the  fur- 
render. 

Resolved,  that  the  fecretary  of  foreign  af- 
fairs be  directed  to  requeft  the  minifter  plenipo- 
tentiary of  his  molt  chriflian  majefty,  to  inform 
his  majefty,  that  it  is  the  wifh  of  Congrefs  that 

Vol.  IT.  ^  Y  count 


(    554    ) 

count  dc  Grafle  may  be  permitted  to  accept  a 
teftimony  of  their  approbation,  fimilar  to  that 
to  be  prefented  to  count  de  Rochambeau. 

Resolved,  that  the  board  of  war  be  directed 
to  prefent  to  lieutenant-colonel  Tilghman,  in  the 
name  of  the  United  States  in  Congrefs  afiembled,  a 
horfe  properly  caparifoned,  and  an  elegant  fword, 
in  teftimony  of  their  high  opinion  of  his  merit 
and  ability. 

November  7,  1781.  Refolved,  that  the  fe- 
cretary  of  foreign  affairs  be  directed  to  prepare 
a  fketch  of  emblems  of  the  alliance  between  his 
mod  chriftian  Majefty  and  the  United  States, 
proper  to  be  infcribed  on  the  marble  column  to 
be  erected  in  the  town  of  York,  under  the  refo- 
lution  of  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  October  lad. 

Resolved,  that  an  elegant  fword  be  prefented, 
in  the  name  of  the  United  States  in  Congrefs 
aflembled,  to  colonel  Humphrey,  aid -de-camp  of 
general  Wafhington,  to  whofe  care  the  ftandards, 
taken  under  the  capitulation  of  York,  were  con- 
figned,  as  a  teftimony  of  their  opinion  of  his 
fidelity  and  ability ;  and  that  the  board  of  war 
take  order  therein. 

Extract  from  the  minutes, 

Cha.  Thomson,  fecretary. 

NOTE 


(     555     ) 
NOTE       XLIX.       Page     329. 

Head-quarters,  near  York,  Oft.  31,  178 1. 
S  1  R, 

ID  O  myfelf  the  honour  of  tranfmitting  to 
your  excellency  a  letter  from  brigadier-gene- 
ral Du-Portail,  in  which  he  explains  the  motives 
of  an  intended  application  to  Congrefs  for  per- 
miflion  to  go  to  France,  and  for  the  promotion 
of  himfelf,  and  other  officers  of  his  corps. 

I  should  conceal  fentiments  with  which  I  am 
very  ftrongly  impreffed,  and  do  jnjuflice  to  very 
confpicuous  merit,  if  I  did  not,  upon  the  prefent 
occafion,  offer  my  teftimony  of  the  diftinguiihed 
abilities  and  fervices  both  of  general  Du-Portail 
and  lieutenant-colonel  Gouvion  ;  their  claim  to 
the  particular  attention  of  Congrefs  at  this  junc- 
ture, is  founded  upon  the  practice  of  Europe  ;  a 
fiege  being  confidered  as  the  particular  province 
of  the  corps  of  engineers,  and  as  entitling  them, 
when  attended  with  a  fuccefs  important  in  itfelf 
and  its  confequences,  to  the  greateit  military  re- 
wards. Thefe  officers,  befides,  are  fupported  by  a 
feries  of  conduct  in  the  line  of  their  department, 
which  makes  them  not  depend  merely  upon  the 
prefent  circumdances.  For  thefe  reafons  I  am 
induced  to  recommend  general  Du-Portail's  me- 
morial to  Congrefs  for  the  grades  which  he  fpeci- 
fies,  and  the  leave  of  abfence  ;  the  latter  being 
by  no  means  incompatible  with  the  good  of  the 

fervice 


(     55«    ) 

icrvice  at  the  prefent  period,  as  I  am  reduced,- 
notwithstanding  all  my  efforts,  to  the  neceility  of 
retiring  into  winter- quarters. 

The  fame  principles  as  thofe  above-mentioned 
forbid  me  to  be  filent  on  the  fubjecT:  of  general 
Knox,  who  is  clofely  united  with  general  Du-Por- 
tail  in  the  merits  of  the  fiege,  being  at  the  head 
of  the  artillery,  which  is  the  other  principal  in- 
itrument  in  conducting  attacks,  the  refources  of 
his  genius  have  fupplied  on  this  and  many  other 
interefting  occafions  the  defect  of  means.  His 
diftinguifhed  talents  and  fervices,  equally  impor- 
tant and  indefatigable,  entitle  him  to  the  fame 
marks  of  approbation  from  Congrefs  as  they  may 
be  pleafed  to  grant  to  the  chief  engineer. 
With  fentiments  of  refpect 

and  efteem,  I  have  the  honour  to  be 
your  excellency's,  &c. 

(Signed)  Geo.  Washington. 


By  the  United  States  in  Congrefs  ajfembled,  Novem- 
ber  1 6,   1 78 1. 

Resolved,  that  brigadier-general  Du-Por- 
tail,  commanding  officer  of  the  corps  of  engi- 
neers, in  confederation  of  his  meritorious  fervices, 
and  particularly  of  his  diftinguifhed  conduct  in  the 
fiege  of  York,  in  the  flate  of  Virginia,  be,  and 
he  is  hereby  promoted  to  the  rank  of  major- 
general. 

Resolved. 


(     557     ) 

Resolved,  that  lieutenant-colonel  Gouvion, 
of  the  corps  of  engineers,  receive  the  brevet  or 
colonel. 

Resolved,  that  captain  Rochefontaine,  of  the 
corps  of  engineers,  receive  the  brevet  of  major. 

March  22,  1782. 
BRiGADiER-general  Knox,  commanding  officer 
of  the  artillery,  being  recommended  by  the  com- 
mander in  chief,  by  his  letter  of  the  thirty-firfl 
day  of  Oclober  laft,  to  be  appointed  a  major- 
general  in  the  army  of  the  United  States,  on  ac- 
count of  his  fpecial  merit,  and  particularly  for  his 
good  conduct  at  the  fiege  of  York-Town,  in  the 
ftate  of  Virginia  ; 

Resolved,  that  brigadier-general  Knox  be, 
and  he  is  hereby  promoted  to  the  rank  of  major- 
general  in  the  line  of  the  army,  and  that  he  take 
rank  from  the  fifteenth  day  of  November  laft. 

NOTE       L.       Page     332. 

SOUTH-CAROLINA. 

By  his  excellency  John  Rutledge,  efquire,  governor 
and  commander  in  chief  of  the  faid  ftate. 


w 


A      PROCLAMATION. 

HEREAS    the   forces    of    the    United 
States  having  compelled  the  troops   of 


his 


(     558     ) 

his  Britannic  majefty  to  furrender  or   evacuate 
the  feveral  ftrong  ports  which  they  held   in  the 
upper  and  interior  fettlements,  and  retreat  to  the 
vicinity   of    Charlefton ;   and   the   enemy,    being 
therefore  unable  to  give  that  protection  and  fup- 
port  which  they  promifed  to  their  adherents,  left 
many  inhabitants  of  this  ftate,  who  had  taken  up 
arms  with  them,  induced  fo  to  do  by  their  artful 
reprefentations,  to  become  victims  to  their  injur- 
ed country  ;   whereupon  fuch  perfons,  to  efcape 
or  avoid  the  effects   of  its  juft  refentment,  fol- 
lowed and  remain  with  the  Britifh  army,  or  lurk 
and    conceal   themfelves    in    fecret    places  :    and 
whereas  the  commandant  of   Charlefton  having 
fent  beyond  fea   the  wives   and   families,  which 
were  in  the  faid  town,  of  all  the  avowed  friends 
of  America  j  the  feveral  brigadiers  of  militia  were 
ordered,   as   a  retaliation   of  fuch  treatment,    to 
fend  the  wives  and  families,  within  their  refpec- 
tive   diftricls,  of  all  perfons   who   had  joined  or 
adhered  to,  and  remained  with  the  enemy,  into 
their  lines  :   and  whereas  it  is  reprefented  to  me, 
in  behalf  of  the  unhappy  men  who  are  with  the 
Britifh  troops,  or  fecreting  themfelves  as   afore- 
faid,  that  they  are  now  convinced,  being  reduced 
with  their  families  to  great  diftrefs  and  poverty, 
that  they  relied  on  falfe  and  fpecious  engagements, 
and  were  flattered  with  vain  expectations  and  de- 
lufive  hopes,  and  that  they  are  therefore  anxious, 
if  they  may  be  admitted,  to  return  to  their  alle- 
giance, and  ufe  their  utmoft  exertions  to  fupport 
American  independence.     On  duly  weighing  and 

confidering 


(     559     ) 

confidering  the  premifes,  I  have  thought  fit,  by 
and  with  the  advice  and  confent  of  the  privy- 
council,  to  iffue  this  proclamation,  offering,  and 
I  do  hereby  offer,  to  all  perfons  who  have  borne 
arms  with  the  enemy,  and  who  now  adhere  to  or 
are  with  them  in  this  ftate,  or  are  lurking  or  con- 
cealing themfelves  in  fecret  places  in  any  part  of 
the  ftate,  a  FULL  and  FREE  PARDON  and 
OBLIVION,  for  fuch  their  offence  of  having 
borne  arms  with,  or  adhered  to,  the  enemy,  up- 
on the  conditions  following  ;  that  is  to  fay,  that 
fuch  perfons  do,  and  (hall,  within  thirty  days  af- 
ter the  date  hereof,  furrender  themfelves  to  a 
brigadier  of  the  militia  of  this  flate,  and  en- 
gage to  perform  conflant  duty  as  privates,  in  the 
militia,  for  fix  months  next  enfuing  the  time  of 
fuch  furrender,  and  that  they  actually  perform 
fuch  duty.  And  I  do  further  offer  to  the  wives 
and  children  of  fuch  perfons,  upon  their  huf- 
bands  or  parents  complying  with  the  condition 
firft  above-mentioned,  licenfe  and  permiflion,  to 
return  to  their  habitations,  and  to  hold  and  en- 
joy their  property  in  this  ftate  without  moleftati- 
on  or  interruption.  Provided  always,  that  if 
fuch  perfons  fhall  defert  from  the  militia  fervice 
within  the  time  above-limited,  their  families  fhall 
be  immediately  fent  into  the  enemy's  lines,  and 
neither  they  or  their  hufbands  or  parents,  fuffer- 
ed  to  return  to,  or  refide  in  this  ftate.  Never- 
thelefs,  I  do  except,  from  the  pardon  hereby 
offered,  and  from  every  benefit  of  this  proclama- 
tion, all  fuch  perfons,  as  having  gone  over  to, 

or 


(    5°°    ) 

or  joined  the  enemy,  were  called  upon  by  me 
in  and  by  two  feveral  proclamations,  to  furren- 
der  themfelves  to  a  magiflrate  within  forty  days 
after  the  refpe&ive  dates  of  thofe  proclamations, 
in  purfuance  of  an  ordinance,  entitled,  c  An  or- 
'  dinance  to  prevent  perfons  withdrawing  from 

<  the  defence  of  this  flate,  to  join   the  enemies 

<  thereof:'  all  fuch  as  were  fent  off  or  obliged  to 
quit  the  flate  for  refufing  to  take  the  oath  re- 
quired of  them  by  law,  who  have  returned  to 
this  country  ;  all  thofe  who  fubfcribed  a  congra- 
tulatory addrefs,  bearing  date  on  or  about  the 
fifth  day  of  June,  one  thoufand  feven  hundred 
and  eighty,  to  general  fir  Henry  Clinton,  and 
vice-admiral  Arbuthnot,  or  another  addrefs,  bear- 
ing date  on  or  about  the  nineteenth  day  of  Sep- 
tember, one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  eighty, 
to  lieutenant-general  earl  Cornwallis  ;  all  fuch  as 
hold  or  have  held  any  commiffion,  civil  or  mi- 
litary, under  the  Britifh  government,  and  are 
now  with  the  enemy  ;  and  all  thofe  whofe  conduct 
has  been  fo  infamous,  as  that  they  cannot,  con- 
fidently with  juflice  or  policy,  be  admitted  to 
partake  of  the  privileges  of  Americans.  Not- 
with  (landing  which  lad- mentioned  exception* 
fuch  perfons,  if  they  mould  be  deemed  by  me, 
or  the  governor  and  commander  in  chief  for  the 
time  being,  inadmiffible  to  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges of  fubjecls,  will  not  be  detained  as  prifon- 
ers,  but  (hall  have  full  and  free  liberty,  and  a 
pafs  or  permit  to  return.  At  a  juncture,  when 
the   force   of  the    enemy    in    this    date,    though 

lately 


(    5«'     ) 

lately  confiderable,  is  greatly  reduced  by  the 
many  defeats  which  they  have  furTered,  and  par- 
ticularly in  the  late  important  action  at  Eutaw  ; 
when  they  are  difpoffeffed  of  every  poll  and  gar- 
rifon,  except  Charleilon  ;  when  the  formidable 
fleet  of  his  mod  chriftian  majefty,  in  Chefapeak 
bay,  and  the  combined  armies  of  the  King  of 
France  and  of  the  United  States,  under  the  com- 
mand of  his  excellency  general  Wafhington,  in 
Virginia,  afford  a  well-grounded  hope,  that,  by 
the  joint  efforts  of  their  armies,  this  campaign 
will  be  happily  terminated,  and  the  Britifh  power 
in  every  part  of  the  confederate  ftates,  foon  to- 
tally annihilated  ;  it  is  conceived,  that  the  true 
and  real  motive  of  the  offer  hereby  made,  will 
be  acknowledged.  It  mufl  be  allowed  to  proceed, 
not  from  timidity,  to  which  the  enemy  affect  to 
attribute  every  a£t  of  clemency  and  mercy  on 
our  part,  but  from  a  wifh  to  imprefs,  with  a  fenfe 
of  their  error,  and  to  reclaim  mifguided  fubjects, 
and  give  them  once  more  an  opportunity  of  be- 
coming valuable  members  of  the  community, 
inftead  of  banifhing  them,  or  for-ever  cutting 
them  off  from  it  ;  for  even  the  moll  difaffected 
cannot  fuppofe  that  the  brave  and  determined 
freemen  of  this  ftate  have  any  dread  of  their 
arms. 

"With   the  perfons   to   whom  pardon   is  thus 

offered  the   choice  {fill  remains,  either  to  return 

'to  their  allegiance,  and,  with  their   families,  be 

reftored  to  the  favour  of  their   country,  and  to 

Vol.  II.  3  Z  their 


(     56*     ) 

their  potfeffions,  or  to  abandon  their  properties 
in  this  (late  for-ever,  and  go  with  their  wives  and 
children,  whither,  for  what  purpofe,  on  whom 
to  depend,  or  how  to  fubfift,  they  know  not — 
mod  probably  to  experience,  in  fome  ftrange  and 
diftant  country,  all  the  miferies  and  horrors  of 
beggary,  ficknefs  and  defpair — This  alternative 
is  now,  for  the  laft  time,  fubmitted  to  their  judg- 
ment— It  will  never  be  renewed. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  great  feal,  at 
the  High  Hills  of  Santee,  this  twenty-feventh 
day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord, 
one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  eighty-one, 
and  in  the  fixth  year  of  the  independence  of 
America. 

J.    RUTLEDGE. 

By  his  excellency's  command, 
John  Sandford  Dart,   fee'ry. 

NOTE       LI.       Page     371. 

Articles  of  treaty  between  general  Marion,  in  be- 
half of  the  Jiate  of  South-Carolina,  and  major 
Ganey,  and  the  inhabitants  under  his  command, 
which  were  included  in  the  treaty  made  the  f even- 
teenth  day  of  June,   178 1. 

Article  I.  1%  yi"  AJOR   Ganey  and  the  men 

J.VA  under    his    command   to   lay 

down  their  arms,  as  enemies  to  the  Hate,  and  are 

not 


(     5^3     ) 

not  to  refume  them  again  until  ordered  to  do  fo, 
in  fugport  of  the  intereft  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  this  ftate  in  particular. 

II.  We  will  deliver  up  all  negroes,  horfes,  cat- 
tle, and  other  property  that  have  been  taken  from 
this  or  any  other  ftate. 

III.  We  will  demean  ourfelves  as  peaceable 
citizens  of  this  ftate,  and  fubmit  ourfelves  to  be 
governed  by  its  laws,  in  the  fame  manner  as  the 
reft  of  the  citizens  thereof. 

IV.  We  do  engage  to  apprehend  and  deliver 
up  all  perfons  within  our  diftridt,  who  (hall  refufe 
to  accede  to  thefe  terms,  and  contumacioufly 
perfift  in  rebellion  againft  this  ftate. 

V.  We  will  deliver  up,  as  foon  as  poffible, 
every  man  who  belongs  to  any  regular  line  in  the 
American  fervice,  and  every  inhabitant  of  North- 
Carolina,  of  this,  or  any  other  ftate,  who  have 
joined  us  fince  the  feventeenth  of  June  1781, 
when  the  former  treaty  was  made,  or  oblige  them 
to  go  out  of  the  diftricl,  and  whenever  they  re- 
turn, to  take  and  deliver  them  into  fafe  cuftody 
in  any  gaol  within  the  ftate. 

VI.  Every  man  is  to  fign  an  inftrument  of 
writing,  profefling  his  allegiance  to  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  the  ftate  of  South-Caro- 
lina in  particular ;  and  to  abjure  his  Britannic 
majefty,  his  heirs,  fucceflbrs  and  adherents,  and 

promife 


(     JHH     ) 

jiromife  to  oppofc  all  the  enemies  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  ftate  of  Soutli-Carolina  in  parti- 
cular. 

VII.  All  arms,  ammunition,  and  other  war- 
like (lores,  the  property  of  the  Britifh,  to  be 
delivered  up. 

VIII.  Thf,  above  feven  articles  being  agreed 
on,  they  ihall  have  a  lull  pardon  for  treafons 
committed  by  them  a  gain  ft  the  ftate,  and  enjoy 
their  property,  and  be  protected  by  the  laws 
thereof. 

IX.  Such  men  who  do  not  choofe  to  accede 
to  thefe  articles,  fhall  have  leave  to  go  within  the 
Britifh  lines,  and  to  march  by  the  twenty-fifth 
inftant,  and  be  fafely  conducted  with  fuch  of 
their  wives  and  children  as  may  be  able  to  travel, 
and  carry  or  fell  their  property,  except  cattle, 
fheep  and  hogs,  which  they  may  difpofe  of,  but 
not  carry  with  them.  Such  women  and  children 
who  cannot  be  removed,  may  remain  until  the 
fir  ft  day  of  September  next.  The  officers  to 
keep  their  piftols  and  fide-arms  ;  all  other  arms 
to  be  difpofed  of,  and  not  carried  with  them. 
Each  field  officer  and  captain  to  retain  one  horfe, 
not  exceeding  twelve  in  the  whole,  and  no  other 
perfon  to  take  with  him  any  more  bodes  that 
may  be  fit  lor  dragoon  fervice  within  the  Britifh 
line?. 


We 


(     5^5     ) 

We  have  agreed  to  the  before-mentioned  nine 
articles,  and  have  figned  the  fame  at  Birch's  mill, 
on  Peedee,  this  eighth  day  of  June,   1782. 

Francis  Marion,  brig.  gen. 
flate  of  South-Carolina. 

Mica j ah   Ganey, 

maj.  loyalifts,  Peedee. 

NOTE       LII.       Page     372. 

Sir,  Head-quarters,  Auguft  13. 

THE  meafure  which  I  lately  adopted,  of  fend- 
ing a  force  to  collect  provifions  on  the 
Lower  Santec,  for  the  ufe  of  this  garrifon,  was 
a  neceflary  confequence  of  the  conduct  your 
party  had  thought  proper  to  obferve,  in  the  pro- 
hibitions which  prevented  our  receiving  fupplies 
of  the  kind  from  the  country. 

From  the  refpect  which  I  owe  to  the  fenti- 
ments  which  appear  to  govern  the  prefent  con- 
duct of  Great-Britain  towards  America,  I  fhould 
have  given  a  willing  preference  to  any  means, 
lefs  diftrefsful  to  the  country,  by  which  this  ne- 
ceflary purpofe  might  have  been  obtained;  I  am 
equally  defirous  to  forbear  the  further  profecuti- 
on  of  thefe  meafures  ;  and  am  ready  to  enter 
with  you  into  any  compofition  to  that  effect, 
which  may,  I  think,  be  eftablifhed  on  terms  to 
the  mutual  advantage  of  both  parties,  affording 

to 


(     566     ) 

to  us  a  fupply  to  our  future  neceffuies,  and  to 
you  fecurity  from  further  depredation,  and  a  vo- 
luntary compenfation  for  what  the  force  of  arms 
has  already  given  us  in  poffefTion ;  the  fuccefs 
which  has  attended  this  enterprize  mud  con- 
vince you,  that  principles  of  benevolence  and 
humanity  are  the  true  motives  of  a  conduct,  the 
moderation  of  which  mull  appear  ftriking  to  you. 

I  hope  thefe  confederations  will  induce  you  to 
accept  a  propofal  fo  evidently  advantageous  to  the 
interefts  of  your  own  party ;  and  that  you  will 
in  confequence  order  rice  and  other  provifions  to 
be  fent  into  town,  in  quantities  proportioned  to 
our  demand,  which  will  be  considerable,  from 
the  necemty  of  fupplying  the  King's  fubjecfs 
who  may  think  proper  to  remove  from  hence  to 
the  province  of  Eaft-Florida. 

If,  notwithstanding  thefe  offers,  you  think 
proper  to  adhere  to  your  former  line  of  conduct, 
the  necemty  which  conflrains  will  juflify  the  mea- 
fures  which  I  mall  be  forced  to  take. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

Alex.  Leslie. 

To  major-general  Greene,  &c. 

NOTE 


(     5^7     ) 
NOTE       LIN.       Page     385. 

Provifional  articles,  figncd  at  Paris  the  thirtieth  of 
Novc?nber,  1782,  by  the  commijfioner  of  his  Bri- 
tannic majcjty,  and  the  CGmmiJfoners  of  the  United 
States  of  America. 

Articles  agreed  upon  by  and  between  Richard  Of- 
wald,  ejquire,  the  commiffioner  of  his  Britannic 
majejly  for  treating  of  peace  with  the  commiffion- 
er s  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  behalf 
of  his  f aid  majejky,  on  the  one  part  ;  and  John 
Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Jay  and  Hen- 
ry Laurens,  four  of  the  faid  commiffioners  of  the 
faid  Jiates  for  treating  of  peace  with  the  commiffi- 
oner of  his  faid  majejiy,  on  their  behalf,  on  the 
other  part :  to  be  inferted  in,  and  to  conftitute 
the  treaty  of  peace  propofed  to  be  concluded  be- 
tween the  crown  of  Great-Britain,  and  the  faid 
United  States  ;  but  which  treaty  is  not  to  be  con- 
cluded until  terms  of  a  peace  jhall  be  agreed  upon 
between  Great -Britain  and  France,  and  his  Bri- 
tannic majejiy  Jhall  be  ready  to  conclude  fuch 
treaty  accordingly, 

WHEREAS  reciprocal  advantages  and  mu- 
tual convenience  are  found  by  experi- 
ence to  form  the  only  permanent  foundation  of 
peace  and  friendfhip  between  dates  ;"  it  is  agreed 
to  form  the  articles  of  the  propofed  treaty  on 
fuch  principles  of  liberal  equity  and  reciprocity, 
as  that  partial  advantages  (thofe  feeds  of  difcord) 

being 


(     56S     ) 

being  excluded,  fuch  a  beneficial  and  fatisfa do- 
ry inrereourfe  between  the  two  countries  may  be 
eftablifhed,  as  to  promife  and  fecure  to  both 
perpetual  peace  and  harmony. 

Article  I.  His  Britannic  majcity  acknow- 
ledges the  faid  United  States,  viz.  New-Hamp- 
ihire,  Maflachufetts-Bay,  Rhode-liland  and  Pro- 
vidence Plantations,  Connecticut,  New-York, 
New-Jerfey,  Pennfylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland, 
Virginia,  North-Carolina,  South-Carolina  and 
Georgia,  to  be  free,  fovereign,  and  independent 
Hates  ;  that  he  treats  with  them  as  iuch  ;  and  for 
himfelf,  his  heirs  and  fucceflors,  relinquimes  all 
claims  to  the  government,  propriety  and  territo- 
rial rights  of  the  fame,  and  every  part  thereof; 
and  that  all  difputes  which  might  arife  in  future, 
on  the  fubjeel  of  the  boundaries  of  the  faid 
United  States  may  be  prevented,  it  is  hereby 
agreed  and  declared,  that  the  following  are,  and 
mall  be  their  boundaries,  viz. 

Article  II.  From  the  north-weft  angle  of 
Nova-Scotia,  viz.  that  angle  which  is  formed  by 
a  line  drawn  due  north,  from  the  fource  of  Saint 
Croix  river  to  the  Highlands,  along  the  faid  High- 
lands which  divide  thofe  rivers  that  empty  them- 
felves  into  the  river  Saint  Lawrence,  from  thofe 
which  fall  into  the  Atlantic  ocean,  to  the  north- 
weftern-moft  head  of  Connecticut  river  ;  thence 
down  along  the  middle  of  that  river  to  the  forty- 
fifth  degree  of  north   latitude  ;  from  thence  by 


(     5^9     ) 

a  line  due  weft  on  faid  latitude  until  it  ftrikes  the 
river  Iroquois  or  Cataraquy  ;  thence  along  the 
middle  of  faid  river  into  lake  Ontario  ;  through 
the  middle  of  faid  lake,  until  it  ftrikes  the  com- 
munication by  water  between  that  lake  and  lake 
Erie  ;  thence  along  the  middle  of  faid  communi- 
cation into  lake  Erie  ;  through  the  middle  of  faid 
lake,  until  it  arrives  at  the  water-communication 
between  that  lake  and  lake  Huron  ;  thence  along 
the  middle  of  faid  water-communication  into  the 
lake  Huron  ;  thence  through  the  middle  of  faid 
lake  to  the  water-communication  between  that 
lake  and  lake  Superior ;  thence  through  lake 
Superior,  northward  of  the  ifles  Royal  and  Phe- 
lipeaux,  to  the  Long  Lake  ;  thence  through  the 
middle  of  faid  Long  Lake,  and  the  water-com- 
munication between  it  and  the  Lake  of  the  Woods, 
to  the  faid  Lake  of  the  Woods  ;  thence  through 
the  faid  lake  to  the  mod  north-weftern  point 
thereof,  and  from  thence  on  a  due  weft  courfe 
to  the  river  Miffiffippi  ;  thence  by  a  line  to  be 
drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  faid  river  Miffif- 
fippi, until  it  (hall  interfecl  the  northernmoft  part 
of  the  thirty-firfl  degree  of  north  latitude. — South 
by  a  line  to  be  drawn  due  eaft  from  the  determi- 
nation of  the  line  lad-mentioned,  in  the  latitude 
of  thirty-one  degrees  north  of  the  equator,  to 
the  middle  of  the  river  Apalachicola  or  Cata- 
houche  ;  thence  along  the  middle  thereof  to  its 
junction  with  the  Flint  river  ;  thence  ftraight  to 
the  head  of  St.  Mary's  river,  and  thence  down 
along  the  middle  of  St.  Mary's  river,  to  the 
Vol.  II.  4  A  Atlantic 


(     57°    ) 

Atlantic  ocean.  Eaft  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  along 
the  middle  of  the  river  St.  Croix  from  its  mouth 
in  the  bay  of  Fundy  to  its  fource  ;  and  from  its 
fource  directly  north  to  the  aforefaid  Highlands, 
which  divide  the  rivers  that  fall  into  the  Atlantic 
ocean,  from  thofe  which  fall  into  the  river  St. 
Lawrence ;  comprehending  all  iflands  within 
twenty  leagues  of  any  part  of  the  mores  of  the 
United  States,  and  lying  between  lines  to  be 
drawn  due  eaft  from  the  points  where  the  afore- 
faid boundaries  between  Nova-Scotia  on  the  one 
part,  and  Eaft-Florida  on  the  other,  mail  refpec- 
tively  touch  the  bay  of  Fundy,  and  the  Atlantic 
ocean ;  excepting  fuch  iflands  as  now  are,  or 
heretofore  have  been,  within  the  limits  of  the 
faid  province  of  Nova-Scotia. 

Article  III.  It  is  agreed,  that  the  people  of 
the  United  States  mall  continue  to  enjoy,  unmo- 
lefted,  the  right  to  take  fifli  of  every  kind  on  the 
Grand  Bank  ;  and  on  all  other  banks  of  New- 
foundland ;  alfo  in  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 
and  at  all  other  places  in  the  fea,  where  the  in- 
habitants of  both  countries  ufed  at  any  time  here- 
tofore to  fifli.  And  alfo  that  the  inhabitants  of 
the  United  States  (hall  have  liberty  to  take  fifli 
of  every  kind  on  fuch  part  of  the  coaft  of  New- 
foundland, as  Britiih  filhermen  fliall  uie,  but  not 
to  dry  or  cure  the  fame  on  that  ifland,  and  alfo 
on  the  coafts,  bays,  and  creeks  of  all  other  of 
his  Britannic  majefty's  dominions  in  America  ; 
and  that  the  American  hfhermen  ihall  have  liber- 


(    57'     ) 

ty  to  dry  and  cure  fifh  in  any  of  the  unfettled 
bays,  harbours,  and  creeks  of  Nova-Scotia,  Mag- 
dalen i Hands,  and  Labrador,  fo  long  as  the  fame 
fhall  remain  unfettled  ;  but  fo  foon  as  the  fame, 
or  either  of  them,  fhall  be  fettled,  it  fhall  not  be 
lawful  for  the  faid  fifhermen  to  dry  or  cure  fifh 
at  fuch  fettlement,  without  a  previous  agreement 
for  that  purpofe  with  the  inhabitants,  proprietors 
or  poffefibrs  of  the  ground. 

Article  IV.  It  is  agreed,  that  creditors  on 
either  fide  mall  meet  with  no  lawful  impediment 
to  the  recovery  of  the  full  value  in  fterling  mo- 
ney of  all  bona  fide  debts  heretofore  contracted. 

Article  V.  It  is  agreed,  that  the  Congrefs 
fhall  earneftly  recommend  it  to  the  legiflatures  of 
the  refpeftive  {fates,  to  provide  for  the  reflitution 
of  all  eflates,  rights  and  properties,  which  have 
been  confifcated,  belonging  to  real  Britifh  fub- 
jefts  :  and  alfo  of  the  eflates,  rights  and  proper- 
ties of  perfons  refident  in  di drifts  in  the  pofTeiiion 
of  his  majefly's  arms,  and  who  have  not  borne 
arms  againft  the  faid  United  States  :  and  that 
perfons  of  any  other  defcription  mall  have  free 
liberty  to  go  to  any  part  or  parts  of  any  of  the 
thirteen  United  States,  and  therein  to  remain 
twelve  months  unmolefted  in  their  endeavours  to 
obtain  the  reflitution  of  fuch  of  their  eflates, 
rights  and  properties,  as  may  have  been  confif- 
cated :  and  that  Congrefs  mall  alfo  earneftly  re- 
commend to  the  feveral  ftates  a  reconfideration 

and 


(     57*     ) 

and  revifion  of  all  a£ts  or  laws  regarding  the  pre- 
mifes,  fo  as  to  render  the  faid  laws  or  a&s  per- 
fectly confident,  not  only  with  juitice  and  equity, 
but  with  that  fpirit  of  conciliation,  which,  on  the 
return  of  the  bleffings  of  peace,  fhould  univer- 
fally  prevail. 

And  that  Congrefs  fhall  alfo  earneftly  recom- 
mend to  the  feveral  flates,  that  the  eftates,  rights 
and  properties  of  fuch  laft-mentioned  perfons 
mail  be  reftored  to  them,  they  refunding  to  any 
perfons  who  may  be  now  in  poffeflion,  the  bona 
fide  price  (where  any  has  been  given)  which  fuch 
perfons  may  have  paid  on  purchafing  any  of  the 
faid  lands,  rights  or  properties,  fince  the  confifca- 
tion. 

And  it  is  agreed,  that  all  perfons  who  have 
any  interefl  in  conhTcated  lands,  either  by  debts, 
marriage  fettlements  or  otherwife,  fhall  meet  with 
no  lawful  impediment  in  the  profecution  of  their 

juft  rights. 

Article  VI.  That  there  fliall  be  no  future 
coniifcations  made,  nor  any  profecutions  com- 
menced againft  any  perfon  or  perfons,  for  or  by 
reafon  of  the  part  which  he  or  they  may  have 
taken  in  the  prefent  war,  and  that  no  perfon  fliall 
on  that  account,  fuffer  any  future  lofs  or  damage, 
either  in  his  perfon,  liberty  or  property  ;  and 
that  thofe  who  may  be  in  confinement  on  fuch 
charges  at   the  time  of   the  ratification  of  the 

treaty 


(    573     ) 

treaty  in  America,  mail  be  immediately  fet  at 
liberty,  and  the  profecutions  fo  commenced  be 
difcontinued. 

Article  VII.  There  fhall  be  a  firm  and  per- 
petual peace  between  his  Britannic  majefty  and 
the  laid  ftates,  and  between  the  fubjecls  of  the 
one  and  the  citizens  of  the  other,  wherefore  all 
hoftiiities  both  by  fea  and  land  fhall  then  imme- 
diately ceafe  :  all  prifoners  on  both  fides  mall  be 
fet  at  liberty,  and  his  Britannic  majefty  fhall  with 
all  convenient  fpeed,  and  without  caufing  any 
deftruction,  or  carrying  away  any  negroes,  or 
other  property  of  the  American  inhabitants,  with- 
draw all  his  armies,  garrifons  and  fleets  from  the 
faid  United  States,  and  from  every  port,  place, 
and  harbour  within  the  fame  ;  leaving  in  all  for- 
tifications the  American  artillery  that  may  be 
therein  :  and  mall  alfo  order  and  caufe  all  ar- 
chives, records,  deeds  and  papers  belonging  to 
any  of  the  faid  ftates,  or  their  citizens,  which  in 
the  courfe  of  the  war  may  have  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  his  officers,  to  be  forthwith  reftored  and 
delivered  to  the  proper  ftates  and  perfons  to 
whom  they  belong, 

Article  VIII.  The  navigation  of  the  river 
Mifliftippi,  from  its  fource  to  the  ocean,  mail 
for-ever  remain  free  and  open  to  the  fubjecls  of 
Great-Britain,  and  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States. 

Article 


(    574    ) 

Article  IX.  In  cafe  it  mould  fo  happen  that 
any  place  or  territory  belonging  to  Great-Britain, 
or  to  the  United  States,  fhould  be  conquered  by 
the  arms  of  either,  from  the  other,  before  the 
arrival  of  thefe  articles  in  America,  it  is  agreed 
that  the  fame  mall  be  reftored  without  difficulty, 
and  without  requiring  any  compenfation. 

Done  at  Paris,  the  thirtieth  day  of 
November,  in  the  year  one 
thoufand  feven  hundred  and 
eighty-two. 

Richard  Oswald,    (L.  S.) 
John  Adams,  (L.  S.) 

B.  Franklin,  (L.  S.) 

John  Jay,  (L.  S.) 

Henry  Laurens,       (L.  S.) 

Witnefs, 
Caleb  Whitefoord,  fecretary  to  the 
Britifh  commiflion. 

W.  T.  Franklin,  fecretary  to  the 
American  commiflion. 


FINIS. 


